Full Judgment Text
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PETITIONER:
MADHU KISHWAR & ORS.
Vs.
RESPONDENT:
STATE OF BIHAR & ORS.
DATE OF JUDGMENT: 17/04/1996
BENCH:
RAMASWAMY, K.
BENCH:
RAMASWAMY, K.
KULDIP SINGH (J)
PUNCHHI, M.M.
CITATION:
1996 AIR 1864 1996 SCC (5) 125
JT 1996 (4) 379 1996 SCALE (3)640
ACT:
HEADNOTE:
JUDGMENT:
WITH
WRIT PETITION (C) NO. 219 OF 1986
Juliana Lakra.
V.
State of Bihar.
J U D G M E N T
Punchhi, J.
In these two petitions under Article 32 of the
Constitution, challenge is made to certain provisions of the
Chota Nagpur Tenancy Act, 1908, (hereafter referred to as
‘the Act’) which go to provide in favour of the male,
succession to property in the male line, on the premise that
the provisions are discriminatory and unfair against women
and therefore, ultra vires the equality clause in the
Constitution. A two-member Bench hearing these matters at
one point of time on soliciting was conveyed the information
that the State of Bihar had set up a Committee to consider
the feasibility of appropriate amendments to the legislation
and to examine the matter in detail. It was later brought
to its notice that the Committee ultimately had come to the
opinion that the people of the area, who were really
concerned with the question of succession, were not
interested in having the law changed, and that if the law be
changed or so interpreted, letting estates go into the hands
of female heirs, there would be great agitation and unrest
in the area among the scheduled tribe people who have
custom-based living. The two-member Bench then ordered as
follows:
"Scheduled tribe people are as much
citizens as others and they are
entitled to the benefit of
guarantees of the Constitution.
It may be that the law can provide
reasonable regulation in the
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matter of succession to property
with a view to maintaining
cohesiveness in regard to Scheduled
Tribes and their properties. But
exclusion from inheritance would
not be appropriate. Since this
aspect of the matter has not been
examined by the State of Bihar and
the feasibility of permitting
inheritance and simultaneously
regulating such inheritance for the
purpose of ensuring that the
property does not go out of the
family by way of transfer or
otherwise we are of the view that
in the peculiar facts of the case
the State of Bihar should re
examine the matter. In these
circumstances, instead of disposing
of the two writ petitions by a
final order, we adjourn the
hearing thereof for three months
and direct the State of Bihar to
immediately take into consideration
our order and under take the
exercise indicated and report to
the court by way of an affidavit
and along with that a copy of the
report may be furnished by the
Committee to be set up by the State
of Bihar."
In pursuance thereof, the State of Bihar has furnished
an affidavit to the effect that a meeting of the Bihar
Tribal Consultative Council was held on 31-7-1992, presided
over by the Chief Minister and attended to by M.P.s and
M.L.A.s of the tribal areas, besides various other Ministers
and officers of the State, who on deliberations have
expressed the view that they were not in favour of effecting
any change in the provisions of the Act, as the land of the
tribals may be alienated, which will not be in the interest
of the tribal community at present. The matter was not
closed, however, because the Council recommended that the
proposal may widely be publicized in the tribal community
and their various sub-castes may be prompted to give their
opinion if they would like any change in the existing law.
It is in this backdrop that these petitions were placed
before this three-member Bench for disposal.
We have read with great admiration the opinion of our
learned brother K, Ramaswamy,J. prepared after deep and
tremendous research made on the conditions of the tribal
societies in India, leave alone the State of Bihar, and in
drawing a vivid picture of the distortions which appear in
the regulation of succession to property in tribal
societies, when tested on the touchstone of the codified
Hindu law now existing in the form of The Hindu Succession
Act, 1956 etc.
It is worth-while to account some legislation on the
subject. The Hindu Succession Act governs and prescribes
rules of succession applicable to a large majority of
Indians being Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains etc.
whereunder since 1956, if not earlier, the female heir is
put at par with a male heir. Next in the line of numbers is
the Shariat Law, applicable to Muslims, whereunder the
female heir has an unequal share in the inheritance, by and
large half of what a male gets. Then comes the Indian
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Succession Act which applies to Christians and by and large
to people not covered under the aforesaid two laws,
conferring in a certain manner heirship on females as also
males. Certain chapters thereof are not made applicable to
certain communities. Sub-section (2) of section 2 of the
Hindu Succession Act significantly provides that nothing
contained in the Act shall apply to the members of any
Scheduled tribe within the meaning of clause (25) of Article
366 of the Constitution, unless otherwise directed by the
Central Government by means of a notification in the
official gazette. Section 3(2) further provides that in the
Act, unless the context otherwise requires, words importing
the masculine gender shall not be taken to include females.
(Emphasis supplied). General rule of legislative practice
is that unless there is anything repugnant in the subject or
context, words importing the masculine gender used in
statutes are to be taken to include females. Attention be
drawn to Section 13 of the General Clauses Act. But in
matters of succession the general rule of plurality would
have to be applied with circumspection. The afore provision
thus appears to have been inserted ex abundantl cautela.
Even under Section 3 of the Indian Succession Act the State
Government is empowered to exempt any race, sect or tribe
from the operation of the Act and the tribes of Mundas,
Oraons, Santals etc. in the State of Bihar, who are included
in our concern, have been so exempted. Thus neither the
Hindu Succession Act, nor the Indian Succession Act, nor
even the Shariat Law is applicable to the custom governed
tribals. And custom, as is well recognized, varies from
people to people and region to region.
In face of these divisions and visible barricades put
up by the sensitive tribal people valuing their own customs,
traditions and usages, judicially enforcing on them the
principles of personal laws K applicable to others, on an
elitist approach or on equality principle, by judicial
activism, is a difficult and mind-boggling effort. Brother
K. Ramaswamy, J. seems to have taken the view that Indian
legislatures (and governments too) would not prompt
themselves to activate in this direction because of
political reasons and in this situation, an activist Court,
apolitical as it avowedly is, could get into action and
legislate broadly on the lines as suggested by the
petitioners in their written submissions. However, laudable,
desirable and attractive the result may seem, it has happily
been viewed by our learned brother that an activist court
is not fully equipped to cope with the details and
intricacies of the legislative subject and can at best
advise and focus attention on the State polity on the
problem and shake it from its slumber, goading it to awaken,
march and reach the goal. for in whatever measure be the
concern of the court, it compulsively needs to apply,
somewhere and at sometime, brakes to its self-motion,
described in judicial parlance as self restraint. We agree
therefore with brother K. Ramaswamy, J. as summed up by him
in the paragraph ending on page 36 of his judgment that
under the circumstances it is not desirable to declare the
customs of tribal inhabitants as offending Articles 14, 15
and 21 of the Constitution v and each case must be examined
when full facts are placed before the Court.
With regard to the statutory provisions of the Act, he
has proposed to the reading down of section 7 and 8 in order
to preserve their constitutionality. This approach is
available from page 36 onwards of his judgment. The words
"male descendants" wherever occurring, would include
"female descendants". It is also proposed that even though
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the provisions of the Hindu Succession Act, 1956 and the
Indian Succession Act, 1925 in terms would not apply to the
Scheduled Tribes, their general principles composing of
justice, equity and fairplay would apply to them. On this
basis it has been proposed to take the view that the
Scheduled Tribe women would succeed to the estate of
paternal parent, brother or husband as heirs by intestate
succession and inherit the property in equal shares with the
male heir with absolute rights as per the principles of
Hindu Succession Act as also the Indian Succession Act.
However much we may like the law to be so we regret our
inability to subscribe to the means in achieving such
objective. If this be the route of return on the Court’s
entering the thichet, it is for better that the court kept
out of it. It is not far to imagine that there would follow
a bee-line for similar claims in diverse situations, not
stopping at tribal definitions, and a deafening uproar to
bring other systems of law in line with the Hindu Succession
Act and the Indian Succession Act as models. Rules of
succession are indeed susceptible of providing differential
treatment, not necessarily equal. Nonuniformities would not
in all events violate Article 14. Judge-made amendments to
provisionary over and above the available legislature,
should normally be avoided. We are thus constrained to take
this view, even though it may appear to be conservative, for
adopting a cautious approach, and the one proposed our
learned brother is, regretfully not acceptable to us.
The Chota Nagpur Tenancy Act was enacted in 1908. It’s
preamble suggests that it was a law to amend and consolidate
certain enactments relating to the law of landlord and
tenant and the settlement of rent in Chota Nagpur. It
extends to North Chota Nagpur and South Chota Nagpur
divisions, except areas which have been constituted as
municipalities under the Bihar and Orissa Municipality Act,
1922. Chapter II, thereof providing classes of tenants
containing Sections 4 to 8 is reproduced hereafter:
CHAPTER II
Section 4:
CLASSES OF TENANTS - There shall
be, for the purposes of this Act,
the following classes of tenants,
namely :
(1) tenure-holder, including under-
tenure-holders,
(2) raiyats, namely :
(a) occupancy-raiyats, that is to
say, raiyats having a right of
occupancy in the land held by them,
(b) non-occupancy raiyats, that is
to say, raiyats not having such a
right of occupancy, and
(c) raiyats having khunt-Katti
rights.
(3) under raiyats, that is to say,
tenants holding, whether
immediately or immediately, under
raiyats, and
(4) Hundar Khunt-kattidars."
Section 5:
"MEANING OF ’TENURE-HOLDER’ -
Tenure-holder means primarily a
person who has acquired from the
proprietors or from another tenure-
holder, a right to hold land for
the purpose of collecting rents or
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bringing At under cultivation by
establishing tenants on it, and
includes
(a) the successors-in-interest of
persons who have Acquired such a
right, and
(b) the holders of tenures entered
in any register prepared and
confirmed under the Chota Nagpur
Tenures Act, 1861,
but does not include a Mundari
khuntkattidar.
Section 6:
"MEANING OF RAIYAT -(1) ’Raiyat’
means primarily a person who has
acquired a right to hold land for
the purpose of cultivating it by
himself, or by members of his
family, or by hired servants, or
with the aid of partners; and
includes the successors-in-interest
of persons who have acquired such
a right, but does not include a
Mundari khunt-kattidar.
Explanation- Where a tenant of land
has the right to bring it under
cultivation, he shall be deemed to
have acquired a right to hold it
for the purpose of cultivation,
notwithstanding that he uses it for
the purpose of gathering the
produce of it or of grazing cattle
on it.
(2) A person shall not be deemed to
be a raiyat unless he holds and
either immediately under a
proprietor or immediately under 3
tenure-holder or immediately under
a mundari khunt-kattidar.
(3) In determining whether a tenant
is a tenure-holder or a raiyat, the
court shall have regard to
(a) local custom, and
(b) the purpose for which the
right of tenancy was originally
acquired.
Section 7:
"(1) MEANING OF ’RAIYAT HAVING
KHUNT-KHATTI RIGHTS’ " Raiyat
having--khunt katti rights’ means a
raiyat in occupation of, or having
any subsisting title to, land
reclaimed from jungle by the
original founders of the village or
their descendants in the male line,
when such raiyat is a member of the
family which founded the village or
a descendant in the male line of
any member of such family:
Provided that no raiyat shall
be deemed to have khunt katti
rights in any land unless he and
all his predecessors-in-title have
held such land or obtained a title
thereto by virtue of inheritance
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from the original founders of the
village.
(2) Nothing in this Act shall
prejudicially affect the rights of
any person who has lawfully
acquired a title to a khunt
kattidari tenancy before the
commencement of this Act.
Section 8:
"MEANING OF MUNDARI KHUNT-KATTIDAR
’Mundari khunt-kattidar’ means a
Mundari who has acquired a right to
hold jungle land for the purpose of
bringing suitable portions thereof
under cultivation by himself or by
male members of his family, and
includes -
3. (a) the heirs male in the line
of any such Mundari, when they are
in possession of such land or have
any subsisting title thereto; and
(b) as regards any portions of such
land which have remained
continuously in the possession of
any such Mundari and his
descendants in the male line, such
descendants.
At this place, Section 76 alongwith its illustrations
would also need reproduction:
"76. SAVING OF CUSTOM - Nothing in
this Act shall affect any custom,
usage or customary right not
inconsistent with, or not expressly
or by necessary implication
modified or abolished by, its
provisions.
ILLUSTRATIONS
I. A custom or usage whereby a
raiyat obtains a right of occupancy
as soon as he is admitted to
occupation of the tenancy, whether
he is a settled raiyat of the
village or not, is inconsistent
with, and is not expressly or by
necessary implication modified or
abolished by, the provisions of
this Act. This custom or usage,
accordingly, wherever it exists,
will not be affected by this Act.
II. A custom or usage by which an
under raiyat can obtain rights
similar to those of an occupancy
raiyat is, similarly, not
inconsistent with, and is not
expressly or by necessary
implication modified or abolished
by, the provisions of this Act, and
will not be affected by this Act.
III. A custom or usage whereby a
raiyat is entitled to make
improvements on his tenancy and to
receive compensation therefor on
ejectment is not inconsistent with,
and is not expressly or by
necessary implication modified or
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abolished by the provisions of this
Act. That custom or usage
accordingly, where it exists, will
not be affected by this Act.
IV. A custom or usage whereby
korkar is held, -
(a) during preparation for
cultivation, rent-free, or
(b) after preparation, at a rate of
rent less than the rate payable for
ordinary raiyati land in the same
village, tenure or estate,
is not inconsistent with, and is
not expressly or by necessary
implication modified or abolished
by, the provisions of this Act.
That custom or usage accordingly,
wherever it exists, will not by
affected by this Act,"
A bare outline of these provisions goes to show that
these have been enacted to identify classes of tenants.
These provisions have no connection with the ownership of
land. Section 3(XXVI) defines ’tenant’ to mean a person who
holds land under another and is, or but for a special
contract would be. liable to pay rent for that land to that
other person. Sub-section (1) of Section 4 is plainly tied
up with Section S. Subsection (2)(d) & (b) of Section 4 is
tied up with Section 6 and sequally with Section 76. Local
customs, as the illustrations under Section 76 show, are for
the purpose of streamlining the tenancy rights and landlord-
tenant relationship. Sub-section (2)(c) of Section 4 in the
same pattern is tied up with Section 7. Lastly sub-section
(4) of Section 4 is tied up with Section 8 relating to
"Mundari Khunt-kattidhar". All these tenants as classified,
do not own the tenanted lands, but hold land under others.
Their tenancy rights are identified and regulated through
these provisions. The personal laws of the tenants nowhere
figure in the set up.
The solitary decided case available under section 8 of
the Act and where personal law of the Mundari was allowed to
intrude is Jitmohan Singh Munda v. Ramratan Singh and
Another [1958 Bihar Journal Reports 373], There the learned
Judges of the High a Court comprising the Bench seem to have
differed on the applicability of section 8 but not on its
scope. The case there established was that the Mundari Khunt
Kattidar deceased was of Hindu religion and on that basis
it was held that his widow could retain possession of the
tenancy rights of her deceased husband during her life time.
The right of the male collateral to take possession was
deferred by the intervening widow’s life estate. This case
could, in a sense, be taken as stare decisis, when none else
is in the field, in order to take the cue that personal law
of a female descendant of a Mundari Khunt Kattidar could
steal the show and be section 8 would have to/read
accordingly. But this case is decided on misreading of
section 8. The earlier part of it providing the meaning of
Mundari Khunt Kattidar has been overlooked. It has been
assumed, on the basis of the latter part that the expression
has an inclusive definition and thus would not exclude the
Mundari’s widow governed by Hindu Law. The High Court at
page 375 of its report observed as follows:-
"The contention based on section 8
also terminologically cannot be
accepted. In the first place, in
defining Khunt Kattidar interest as
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quoted above, the 14 word used is
’includes’ whereaftar occur clauses
(a) and (b) containing reference to
the male line of a Mundari. The
word includes’ cannot be taken to
be exhaustive."
Jitmohan Singh’s case can not thus be a guiding
precedent. It is at best a decision on its own facts. There
is no scope thus in reading down the provisions of section 8
and even that of section 7 so as to include female
descendants alongside the male descendants in the context of
section 7 and 8. It is only in the larger perspective of the
Constitution can the answer to the problem be found.
Life is a precious gift of nature to a being. Right to
life as a fundamental right stands enshrined in the
Constitution. The right to livelihood is born of it. In Olga
Tellis & Ors. v. Bombay Municipal Corporation and Others
[AIR 1986 SC 180] this Court defined it in this manner in
para 32 of the report:
".............The sweep of the
right to life conferred by Article
21 is wide and far-reaching. It
does not mean merely that life
cannot be extinguished or taken
away as, for example, by the
imposition and execution of the
death sentence, except according to
procedure established by law. That
is but one aspect of the right to
life. An equally important fact of
that right is the right to
livelihood because, no person can
live without the means of living,
that is, the means of livelihood.
If the right to livelihood is not
treated as a part of the
constitutional right to life, the
easiest way of depriving a person
of his right to life would be to
deprive him of his means of
livelihood to the point of
abrogation. Such deprivation would
not only denude the life of its
effective content and
meaningfulness but it would make
life impossible to live. And yet,
such deprivation would not have to
be in accordance with the procedure
established by law, if the right to
livelihood is not regarded as a
part of the right to life. That,
which alone makes it possible to
live, leave aside what makes life
liable, must be deemed to be an
integral component of the right to
life. Deprive a person of his right
to livelihood and you shall have
deprived him of his life. Indeed,
that explains the massive migration
of the rural population to big
cities. They migrate because they
have no means of livelihood in the
villages. The motive force which
propels their desertion of their
hearths and homes in the village is
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the struggle for survival, that is,
the struggle for life. So
unimpeachable is the evidence of
the nexus between life and the
means of livelihood. They have to
eat to live: Only a handful can
afford the luxury of living to
eat. That they can do, namely, eat,
only if they have the means of
livelihood. That is the context in
which it was said by Douglas J. in
Baksey, (1954) 347 M.D. 442 that
the right to work is the most
precious liberty that man
possesses. It is the most precious
liberty because, it sustains and
enables a man to live and the
right to life is a precious
freedom. "Life", as observed by
Field, J. in Munn v. Illinois,
(1877) 94 US 113, means something
more than mere animal existence and
the inhibition against the
deprivation of life extends to all
those limits and faculties by which
life is enjoyed. This observation
was quoted with approval by this
Court in Kharak Singh v. State of
UP [1964(1) SCR 332].
And then in para 33:
"Article 39(a) of the Constitution,
which is a Directive Principle of
State Policy, provides that the
State shall, in particular, direct
its policy towards securing that
the citizens, men and women
equally, have the right to an
adequate means of livelihood.
Article 41, which is another
Directive Principle, provides,
inter alia, that the State shall,
within the limits of its economic
capacity and development, make
effective provision for securing
the right to work in cases of
unemployment and of undeserved
want. Article 37 provides that the
Directive Principles, though not
enforceable by any Court, are
nevertheless fundamental in the
governance of the country. The
Principles contained in Arts.39(a)
and 41 must be regarded as equally
fundamental in the understanding
and interpretation of the meaning
and content of fundamental rights.
If there is an obligation upon the
State to secure to the citizens an
adequate means of livelihood and
the right to work, it would be
sheer pedantry to exclude the right
to livelihood from the content of
the right to life. The State may
not. by affirmative action, be v
compellable to provide adequate
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means of livelihood or work to the
citizens. But, any person, who is
deprived of his right to livelihood
except according to just and fair
procedure established by law, can
challenge the deprivation as
offending the right, to life
conferred by Article 21."
Agriculture is not a singular vocation. It is, more
often than not, a joint venture, mainly of the tiller’s
family members. Some of them have to work hard and the
ethers harder still. Everybody, young or old, male or
female, has chores allotted to perform; a share in the
burden of toil. Traditionally and historically, the
agricultural family is identified by the male head and this
is what Section 7 and 8 recognize. But on his death, his
dependent family females, such as his mother, widow,
daughter, daughter-in-law, grand-daughter, and others joint
with him have, under Section 7 and 8, to make way to a male
relatives within and outside the family of the deceased
entitled thereunder, disconnecting them from the land and
their means of livelihood. Their right to livelihood in that
instance gets affected, a right constitutionally recognized,
a right which the female enjoyed in common with the last
male holder of the tenancy. It is in protection of that
right to livelihood, that the immediate female relatives of
the last male tenant have the constitutional remedy to stay
on holding the land so long as they remain dependent on it
for earning their livelihood, for otherwise it would render
them destitute. It is on the exhaustion of, or abandonment
of land by, such female descendants can the males in the
line of descent take over the holding exclusively. In other
words, the exclusive right of male succession conceived of
in section 7 and 8 has to remain suspended animation so long
as the right of livelihood of the female descendant’s of the
last male holder remains valid and in vogue. It is in this
way only that the constitutional right to livelihood of a
female can interject in the provisions. to be read as a
burden to the statutory right of mala succession, entitling
her to the status of an intervening limited
dependent/descendents under section 7 and 8. In this manner
alone, and upto this extent can female
dependents/descendents be given some succour so that they do
not become vagrant and destitutes. To this extent, it must
be so held. We would rather, on the other hand, refrain from
striking down the provisions as such on the touchstone of
Article 14 as this would bring about a chaos in the existing
state of law. The intervening right of female
dependents/descendents under section 7 and 8 of the Act are
carved out to this extent, by suspending the exclusive right
of the male succession till the female dependent/descendent
chooses other means of livelihood manifested by abandonment
or release of the holding kept for the purpose.
For the afore-going reasons, disposal of these writ
petitions is ordered with the above relief to the female
dependents/descendents. At the same time direction is issued
to the State of Bihar to comprehensively examine the
question on the premise of our constitutional ethos and the
need voiced to amend the law. It is also directed to examine
the question of recommending to the Central Government
whether the later would consider it just and necessary to
withdraw the exemptions given under the Hindu Succession Act
and the a Indian Succession Act at this point of time in so
far as the applicability of these provisions to the
Scheduled Tribes in the State of Bihar is concerned. These
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writ petitions would on these directions stand disposed of
making absolute the interim directions in favour of the writ
petitioners for their protection. No Costs.