Full Judgment Text
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PETITIONER:
STATE OF JAMMU AND KASHMIR
Vs.
RESPONDENT:
BAKSHI GHULAM MOHAMMAD
DATE OF JUDGMENT:
06/05/1966
BENCH:
SARKAR, A.K. (CJ)
BENCH:
SARKAR, A.K. (CJ)
MUDHOLKAR, J.R.
BACHAWAT, R.S.
SHELAT, J.M.
DAYAL, RAGHUBAR
CITATION:
1967 AIR 122 1966 SCR (4) 1
CITATOR INFO :
E 1970 SC2086 (24)
R 1978 SC 68 (134,227,231,269,271)
R 1982 SC 710 (101)
D 1989 SC 714 (18)
ACT:
Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir, s. 37-Jammu and Kashmir
Commission of Inquiry Act 1962, ss. 3, 4(c) and 10-Acts of a
Minister while in office, whether can be subject of inquiry
under Inquiry Acts. 37 of Constitution whether a bar to such
inquiry Matters of public importance’ and ’definite’ in s.
3, meaning of-Affidavits filed before Commission of Inquiry-
Right to cross examine deponents, extent of.
HEADNOTE:
The first respondent became a member of the Council of
Ministers of the State of Jammu and Kashmir in 1947 and was
the Prime Minister of the State from 1953 ’to January 1963,
when he resigned. Thereafter a Notification was issued by
the State Government under s. 3 of the Jammu and Kashmir
Commission of Inquiry Act 1962 setting up a Commission to
inquire into the wealth, acquired by the first respondent
and certain specified members of his family during his
period of office; the Commission was also to inquire whether
in acquiring this wealth there was any abuse of his official
position by the first respondent or the said relatives. The
Commissioner so appointed held certain sittings between
February 1965 and August 1965 in which the first respondent
took part. In September 1965 he filed a writ petition
before the High Court of Jammu and Kashmir and the High
Court, allowing the said petition, set aside the
Notification instituting the inquiry and quashed the
proceedings of the Commission. The State appealed to the
Court.
HELD:-(i) Section 37 of the Constitution of Jammu and
Kashmir talks of the collective responsibility of Ministers
to the Legislative Assembly. That, only means that the
Council of Ministers will have to stand or. fall together,
every member being responsible for the action of any other.
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The section does not mean that a Minister is responsible for
his acts only to the Legislature and no action can be taken
against him except for criminal or tortuous acts, in the
ordinary course of law, unless the Legislature by a
resolution demanded it. No British convention to this
effect, if any, can be said to have been adopted by s. 37.
Furthermore, the responsibility to the Legislature is of the
Council of Ministers, and not of those who have, like the
first respondent ceased to be Ministers. [405C-E].
(ii)Section 3 of the Commission of Inquiry Act expressly
gives power to Government as well as to both the Houses of
Legislature to initiate action instituting an inquiry. When
enacting it the Legislature obviously did not consider that
there was any convention or anything in s. 37 which
prevented a Commission of Inquiry being set up under the Act
at the instance of the Government or- the Legislative
Council. [405F-G],
(iii)The acts of a Minister while in office do not
cease to be matters of public importance after he ceases to
hold office; their character cannot change. When it is
alleged that a Minister has acquired vast wealth for himself
and his friends by abuse of his official’ position, there
can be no question that the matter is of public
402
importance. It does not cease to be of public importance
merely because what is proposed is to inquire into
allegations and not into the steps to be taken to prevent
lapses in the future. Nor can absence of public agitation
show that the facts to be inquired into are not of, public
importance. [407E-G; 408-G]
Ram Krishan Dalmia v. Shri Justice S. R. Tendolkar, [1959]
S.C.R. 279, referred to.
(iv) It is incorrect to say that) allegations mentioned are
not definiteor that an inquiry into them is not
contemplated by the Inquiry Act. [409 E-F]
(v) It cannot be inferred from the provisions of- s. 10 of
the Act that a Commission of Inquiry can inquire into the
conduct of a person only incidentally, when the main inquiry
is in respect of something else. What can be done
indirectly should obviously have been considered capabe of
being done directly. [411B]
(vi)On the facts of the case the inquiry could not be said
to be mala fide. [412F]
(vii)The. doctrine of Cabinet responsibility does not
mean that if an inquiry was made against one of the members
of the Cabinet that would be discrimination under Art. 14.
The respondent was in -a class, by himself and the
classification was justified. [414A-B]
(viii)The rule of natural justice only requires that a
hearing should be given. When the Commission refused
permission to the first respondent to cross-examine all the
witnesses who had filed affidavits against him no rule of
natural justice was violated. [415G]
Meenglas Tea Estate V. Their Workmen, [1964]2 S.C.R. 165 and
Nagendra Nath Bora v. Commissioner of Hills Division &
Appeals, ,Assam [1958] S.C.R. 1240.
(ix)Section 10 of the Act gives a right to cross-examine
only these persons who give viva voce evidence before the
Commissioner. [416F]
(x)Section 4(c) of the Act does not confer a right on a
party appearing before the Commission to require a witness
giving evidence by affidavit to be produced for his cross
examination. The Commission would, of course, permit cross-
examination in a case where it thinks that necessary. [417E]
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JUDGMENT:
CIVIL APPELLATE JURISDICTION:- Civil Appeal No. 1102 of
1966.
Appeal from the judgment and order dated December 27, 1965
of the Jammu and Kashmir High Court in W. P. No. 67 of 1965.
C.K. Daphtary, Attorney-General, S. V. Gupte, Solicitor-
General, Jaswant Singh, Advocate-General for the State of J.
& K. H. R. Khanna; S. Javali, Ravinder Narain, for the
appellants.
B. Sen, I. N. Shroff, M. K. Banerjee, B. N. Kirpal, R. K.
Kaul, R. N. Kaul, P. L. Handu, Lalit Bhasin and T. R.
Bhasin, for respondent No. 1.
The Judgment of the Court was delivered by
Sarkar C.J. This is an appeal by the State of Jammu and
Kashmir, G. M. Sadiq, Chief Minister of that State and D.
P.Dhar its Home Minister. The appeal is contested by
respondent
403
No. 1, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad. The other respondent, N.,
Rajagopala Ayyangar, a retired Judge of this Court, has not
appeared in this Court or in the court below. These are the
parties to the proceedings before us.
After the accession of the State of Jammu and Kashmir to
India in 1947, a responsible Government was set up there
under the Prime Ministership of Shiekh Mohammad Abdulla.
Bakshi Ghulam Muhammad was the Deputy Prime Minister in that
Government and G. M. Sadiq was also in the Cabinet. In 1953
Sheikh Mohammad Abdulla was dismissed from office and a new
Government was formed with Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad as the
Prime Minister and G. M. Sadiq and D. P. Dhar were included
in the Cabinet. On January 26, 1957, a new Constitution was
framed for Jammu & Kashmir. In the first elections held
under the Constitution, a party called the National
Conference got the majority of votes. Bakshi Ghulam
Mohammad and Sadiq were members of this party. A Ministry
was then formed with Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad as the Prime
Minister. It appears that G. M. Sadiq left the party
sometime after 1957 and rejoined it along with D. P. Dhar in
December 1960 and they were taken into the Cabinet. The
next General Elections were held in 1962. Again, the
National Conference Party came into power. In the
Government that was formed, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad became
the Prime Minister and G. M. Sadiq and D. P. Dhar were taken
in the Ministry. In September 1963, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad
resigned from the Ministry under what is called the Kamraj
Plan and Shamsudd in became the Prime Minister in his place.
It will be noticed that Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad was the
Deputy Prime Minister of the State from 1947 to 1953 and its
Prime Minister from 1953 to 1963. So he held these offices,
one after the other, for a total period of about sixteen
years.
In February 1964, Shamsuddin left office and a new Govern-
ment was formed with G. M. Sadiq as the Prime Minister. It
is said that shortly thereafter, political rivalry between
him and Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad started. In August 1964, a
notice was issued fixing a session of the Legislature of the
State in the following September. According to Bakshi
Ghulam Mohammad, thereafter, some of the legislators wanted
to bring in vote of no-confidence against G. M.Sadiqs
Ministry and by September 21, 1964 the no-confidence motion
had obtained the support of the majority of. members of the
Assembly. On September 22, 1964, at 5 o’clock in the
morning, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and some of his supporters
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were arrested under the Defence of India Rules. At 8.30
a.m. on the same day the notice of the motion of no-confi-
dence with the signatures of some members was handed over to
the Secretary of the Legislative Assembly. G. M. Sadiq
challenges the genuineness of the, signatures on the notice
of the motion and also denies that it had the support of, a
majority:- of the Assembly-, At 9 a.m. the Legislative
Assembly which was to meet on that day,.
404
was prorogued by the Speaker under the directions of the
Sadar-i-Riyasat, the constitutional head of the State.
Sometime in November 1964, a petition for a writ of habeas
corpus for the release of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad was
presented to the High Court of Jammu and Kashmir. On
December 15, 1964, before the petition could be heard and
decided, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad was released from arrest by
the State Government. On January 30, 1965, a Notification
was issued by the State Government appointing a Commission
of Inquiry constituted by N. Rajagopala Ayyangar to enquire
into (1) the nature and extent of the assets and pecuniary
resources of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and the members of his
family and other relatives mentioned in the first Schedule
to the Order, in October 1947 and in October 1963; and (ii)
whether during this period, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and the
others mentioned in the Schedule had obtained any assets and
pecuniary resources or advantages by Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad
abusing the official positions held by him or by the
aforesaid people set out in the first Schedule by exploiting
that position with his knowledge, consent and connivance.
The Notification provided that in making the inquiry under
head (ii) the Commission would examine only the allegations
set out in the second Schedule to it. It is this Noti-
fication that has given rise to the present proceedings.
The Commission held certain sittings between February 1965
and August 1965 in which Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad took part.
On September 1, 1965, Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad moved the High
Court of Jammu and Kashmir under ss. 103 and 104 of the
Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir, which correspond to Arts.
226 and 227 of the Indian Constitution, for a writ striking
down the Notification and quashing the proceedings of the
Commission taken till then and for certain other reliefs to
which it is not necessary to refer. The petition was heard
by a Bench of three learned Judges of the High Court. The
High Court allowed the petition, set aside the Notification
and quashed the proceedings of the Commission. This appeal
is against the judgment of the High Court. In the High
Court, eight grounds had been advanced in support of the
petition, three of which were rejected but the rest were
accepted, some unanimously and some by the majority of the
learned Judges. They have however not all been pressed in
this Court.
The Notification had been issued under the Jammu & Kashmir
Commission of Inquiry Act, 1962. The first point taken was
that the Notification was not justified by the Act because
under the Jammu & Kashmir Constitution, a Minister was
responsible for his acts only to the Legislature and no
action could be taken against him except for criminal and
tortuous acts in the ordinary courts of law, unless the
Legislature by a resolution demanded it. The substance of
this contention is that an inquiry cannot be directed under
the Act into the actions of a Minister except at the
instance of the Legislature, it cannot be directed by an
order of the Government. This contention is based on S. 37
of the Jammu
405
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& Kashmir Constitution. That section states that the
Council of Ministers shall be collectively responsible to
the Legislative Assembly. It is contended that this implies
that in no other way is a Minister responsible for anything
that he does when in office. It is also said that is the
convention in Britain and it has been adopted in the State
of Jammu & Kashmir.
We confess to a certain amount of difficulty in appreciating
this argument. The point about the British convention need
not detain us. It has not been shown that any such
convention, even if it exists in England, as to which we say
nothing, has been adopted in the State of Jammu & Kashmir.
The Jammu & Kashmir Constitution is a written document and
we can only be guided by its provisions. It is said that s.
37 indicates that the British convention was adopted by the
State of Jammu & Kashmir. We are unable to agree with this
view. Section 37 talks of collective responsibility of
Ministers to the Legislative Assembly. That only means that
the Council of Ministers will have to stand or fall to-
other, every member being responsible for the action of any
Other. The emphasis is on collective responsibility as
distinguished from individual responsibility. The only way
that a legislature can effectively enforce this
responsibility of the Council of Ministers to it is by
voting it out of office. Furthermore, this responsibility
is of the Council of Ministers. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad did
not, at the date of the Notification, belong to that
Council. He did not on that date owe any responsibility to
the Legislature under s. 37. That section has no application
to this case Again s. 3 of the Inquiry Act states, "The
Government may and shall if a resolution in this behalf is
passed by the Jammu & Kashmir State Legislative Assembly or
the Jammu & Kashmir Legislative Council by notification
appoint a Commission of Inquiry". It ,would, therefore,
appear that the Act gave power to the Government to set up a
Commission and also to both the Houses of the Legislature to
require a Commission to be set up. It is important to note
that even the Legislative Council has a right to get a Com-
mission appointed though s. 37 of the Constitution does not
say anything about the responsibility of the Ministers to
that Council. The Act was passed by the State Legislature
consisting of both the Houses. It would show that the
Legislature did not consider that there was any convention
or anything in s. 37 which prevented a Commission of Inquiry
being set up under the Act at the instance of the
Government or the Legislative Council. The High Court had
rejected this contention and we think that it did so
rightly.
The next point urged in support of the petition was that the
Act permitted a Commission to be set up for making an
inquiry into a definite matter of public importance and the
matters which the Commission had been set tip to inquire
into were not such. This contention found favour with all
the learned Judges of the High Court. We are, however,
unable to accept it. It is true that
406
a Commission can be set up only to inquire into a definite
matter of public importance. But we think that the matters
into which the Commission was asked to inquire were such
matters. The first inquiry was as to the assets possessed
by Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and the other persons mentioned in
the Notification, in October 1947 and in October 1963 and
the second was whether during this period being the sixteen
years when he held office as Prime Minister and Deputy Prime
Minister, he and the other persons named had obtained any
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assets or pecuniary advantage by abuse of his official
position or by that position being exploited by the others
with his consent, knowledge or connivance, this inquiry
being confined only to the instances set out in the second
Schedule to the Notification. That Schedule contains 38
instances, the first of which, in substance, repeats the
second head of inquiry earlier mentioned. The other items
refer to individual instances of people being made to part
with property under pressure brought upon them by abuse of
official position and of public money being misappropriated.
At the end of this Schedule, there is a note’ stating that
the gravamen of the charge was that Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad
abused his official position and the other persons named,
exploited that position with his consent, knowledge or
connivance in committing the acts whereby they acquired vast
wealth. The inquiry was, therefore, into the assets
possessed by Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and the persons named,
respectively in October 1947 and in October 1963 and to find
out whether they had during this period acquired wealth by
the several acts mentioned in the second Schedule by abuse
or exploitation of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad’s official
position.
The first question is, whether these are matters of public
importance. Two of the learned Judges held that they were
not and the third took the contrary view. This was put on
two grounds. First, it was said that these matters were not
of public importance because they had to be so at the date
of the Notification and they, were not so on that date as
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad did not then hold any office in the
Government. It was next said that there was no evidence of
public agitation in respect of the conduct complained of and
this showed that they were not matters of public importance.
We do not think that either of these grounds leads to the
view that the matters were not of public importance. As
regards the first, it is difficult to imagine how a
Commission can be set up by a Council of Ministers to
inquire into the acts of its head, the Prime Minister, while
he is in office. It certainly would be a most unusual thing
to happen. If the rest of the Council of Ministers resolves
to have any inquiry, the Prime Minister can be expected to
ask for their resignation. In any case, he would himself go
out. If he takes the first course, then no Commission would
be set up for the Ministers wanting the inquiry Would have
gone. If he went out himself, then the Commission would be
set up to inquire into the acts of a person who was no
longer in office and
407
for that reason, if the learned Judges of the High Court
were right, into matters which were not of public
importance. The result would be that the acts of a Prime
Minister could never be inquired into under the Act. We
find it extremely difficult to accept that view.
These learned Judges of the High Court expressed the view
that the acts of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad would have been acts
of public importance if he was in office but they ceased to
be so as he was out of office when the Notification was
issued. In taking this view, they appear to have based
themselves on the observation made by this Court in Ram
Krishan Dalmia v. Shri Justice S. R. Tendolkar(1) that "the
conduct of an individual may assume such a dangerous
proportion and may so prejudicially affect or threaten to
affect the public well-being as to make such conduct a
definite matter of public importance, urgently calling for a
full inquiry". The learned Judges felt that since Bakshi
Ghulam Mohammad was out of office, he had become innocuous;
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apparently, it was felt that he could no longer threaten the
public wellbeing by his acts and so was outside the
observation in Dalmia’s case. We are clear in our mind that
this is a misreading of this Court’s observation. This
Court, as the learned Judges themselves noticed, was not
laying down an exhaustive definition of matters of public
importance. What is to be inquired into in any case are
necessarily past acts and it is because they have already
affected the public well-being or their effect might do so,
that they became matters of public importance. It is
irrelevant whether the person who committed those acts is
still in power to be able to repeat them. The inquiry need
not necessarily be into his capacity to do again what he has
already done and it may well be into what he has done. The
fact that Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad is no longer in office does
not affect he question whether his acts already done
constitute matters of public importance. If once it is
admitted, as it was done before us, that if he had been in
office his acts would have been matters of public
importance, that would be acknowledging that his acts were
of this character. His resignation from office cannot
change that character. A Minister, of course, holds a
public office. His acts are necessarily public acts if they
arise out of his office. If they are grave enough, they
would be matters of public importance. When it is alleged
that a Minister has acquired vast wealth for himself, his
relations and friends, as is done here, by abuse of his
official position, there can be no question that the matter
is of public importance.
It was said that the object of inquiry was to collect
material for the prosecution of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and,
therefore, the matters to be required into were not of
public importance. This contention is, in our view,
fallacious. It is of public importance that public men
failing in their duty should be called upon
(1) [1959] S.C.R. 279.
5SCI 28
408
to face the consequences. It is certainly a matter of
importance to the public that lapses on the part of the
Ministers should be exposed. The cleanliness of public life
in which the public should be vitally interested, must be a
matter of public importance. The people are entitled to
know whether they have entrusted their affairs to an
unworthy man. It is said that the Notification did not
mention anything about the steps to be taken to prevent
recurrence of the lapses in future. But that it could not
do. Before the facts were found steps could not be thought
of, for the steps had to suit the facts. The inquiry
proposed in this case will, in the course of finding out the
lapses alleged, find out the process as to how they occurred
and it is only after the process is known that steps can be
devised to meet them.
It was also contended that the inquiry was into allegations
of misconduct against Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and an inquiry
into allegations was not contemplated by the Inquiry Act.
We are wholly unable to agree. An inquiry usually is into a
question. That question may arise on allegations made.
Dabnia’s case(1) dealt with an inquiry ordered at least in
part into allegations made against people in charge of a big
mercantile enterprise. Allegations may very well raise
questions of great public importance. Suppose it is alleged
that people in a city are suffering from ill-health and that
is due- to the contaminated water supplied by the city admi-
nistration. It cannot be said that these allegations about
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the existence of poor health and its causes are not matters
of grave public importance. They would be so even if it was
found that the people’s health was not poor and the water
was not contaminated. It cannot also be said that
allegations can never be definite. They can be as definite
as any existing concrete matter. It must depend on what the
allegation is.
Then as to the question whether the allegations against
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad were not matters of public importance
because there was no public agitation over them. The
Notification itself and the affidavits filed in this case on
behalf of the appellants in fact state that there had been
allegations made by the public against Bakshi Ghulam
Mohammad that he had amassed a large fortune by the misuse
of his office. But it was said that there was no proof that
the allegations had actually been made. Whether there was
proof would depend on whether the statements in the
Notification and the affidavits were accepted or not. We
are, however, unable to agree that a matter cannot be of
public importance unless there was public agitation over it.
Public may not be aware of the gravity of the situation.
They may not know the facts. Some members of the public may
be aware of individual cases but the entire public may not
know all of them. There may have been influences working to
prevent public agitation. Again, whe-
(1)[1959] S.C.R. 279.
409
ther a matter is of public importance or not has to be
decided essentially from its intrinsic nature. If a matter
is intrinsically of public importance, it does not cease to
be so because the public did not agitate over it. Take this
case. Suppose the Government sets up a Commission to
inquire into the mineral wealth in our country. The public
are not likely to agitate over this matter for they would
not know about the mineral wealth at all. Can it be said
that the inquiry does not relate to a matter of public
importance because they did not agitate over it? The answer
must plainly be in the negative. This would be so whether
there were in fact minerals or not. Considering the
allegations contained in the Notification by themselves, we
think for the reasons earlier mentioned, that they
constitute matters of public importance even if there was no
public agitation over them. It was said that G. M. Sadiq,
D. P. Dhar and various other people had praised the
administration of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad. That they no
doubt did. But these were speeches made in support of party
politics. They might again have been made without knowledge
of full facts. They cannot, in any event, turn a matter of
public importance into one not of that character.
It was then pointed out that the Notification only mentioned
that the matters were of public importance but did not say
that they were definite matters of public importance. The
Act, as we have earlier pointed out, requires that the
matters to be inquired into shall be definite matters of
public importance. But this omission of the word "definite"
in the Notification does not, in our opinion, make any
difference. A Court can decide whether the matters to be
inquired into are definite matters of public importance.
’Definite’ in this connection means something which is not
vague. One of the learned Judges of the High Court held
that the matters set out in the second Schedule were vague
as some of the instances did not give any date or year. He
also said that the note at the end of the second Schedule.,
to which we have earlier referred, added to the vagueness.
We are unable to accede to this view. What the learned
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Judge had in mind was apparently the particulars of the
acts. In most cases, the acts are identifiable from the
particulars given in the second Schedule in respect of them.
Further, it is obvious that they had to be identified at the
hearing and could not be proved nor any notice taken of them
unless that was done. It does not appear to have been
contended before the Commission that there was any matter
not so identifiable. Neither do we think that the note
drawing attention to the gravamen of the charges at the end
of the second schedule indicates any indefiniteness. In
most of the allegations it had been expressly stated that
the act was done by the misuse of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad’s
official position and by his permitting others to exploit
that-it is this which made the matters, matters of public
importance-and it was for greater safety that the note was
appended so that no
5SCI-28(a)
410
doubt was left as to the gravamen of the charge in each of
the allegations made.
The next point against the validity of the Notification was
based on s. IO of the Act which is in these terms:-
"10. (1) If at any stage of the inquiry the
Commission considers it necessary to inquire
into the conduct of any person or is of
opinion that the reputation of any person is
likely to be prejudicially effected by the
inquiry, the Commission shall give to that
person a, reasonable opportunity of being
heard in the inquiry and producing evidence in
his defence;
Provided that nothing in this sub-section
shall apply when the credit of a witness is
being impeached.
(2)The Government, every person referred to in
sub-section (1) and with the permission of the
Commission, any other person whose evidence is
recorded by the Commission:-
(a) may cross-examine any person appearing
before the Commission other than a person
produced by it or him as a witness,
(b) may address the Commission.
(3)
It was contended that it showed that an inquiry may be made
under the Act into the conduct of a person only
incidentally, that is to say, it can be made only when that
becomes necessary in connection with an inquiry into
something else. It was, therefore, contended that the
present inquiry which was directly into the conduct of
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad was outside the scope of the Act. It
was also said that s. 10 gives a statutory form to the rules
of natural justice and provides for the application of such
rules only in the case when a person’s conduct comes up for
inquiry by the Commission incidentally. It was then said
that the Act could not have contemplated an inquiry directly
into the conduct of an individual since it did not provide
specifically that he should have the right to be heard, the
right to cross-examine and the right to lead evidence which
were given by s. 10 to the person whose conduct came to be
inquired into incidentally. We are unable to accept this
view of s. 10. Section 3 which permits a Commission of
Inquiry to be appointed is wide enough to cover an inquiry
into the conduct of any individual. It could not be a natu-
ral reading of the Act to cut down the scope of s. 3 by an
implication drawn from s. 10. We also think that this
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argument is illfounded for we are unable to agree that s. 10
does not apply to a person whose conduct comes up directly
for inquiry before a Commission set up under s. 3. We find
nothing in the words of s. 10 to justify that view. If a
Commission is set up to inquire directly into the conduct of
a person, the Commission must find
411
it necessary to inquire into that conduct and such a person
would therefore, be one covered by s. 10. It would be
strange indeed if the Act provided for rights of a person
whose conduct incidentally came to be enquired into but did
not do so in the case of persons whose conduct has directly
to be inquired into under the order setting up the
Commission. It would be equally strange if the Act
contemplated the conduct of a person being inquired into
incidentally and not directly. What can be done indirectly
should obviously have been considered capable of being done
directly. We find no justification for accepting the
reading of the Act which learned counsel for Bakshi Ghulam
Mohammad suggests.
The next attack on the Notification was that it had been
issued mala fide. One of the learned Judges of the High
Court expressly rejected this contention and the others also
seem to have been of the same view for they did not accept
it. We find no reason to accept it either. In that view of
the matter, we consider it unnecessary to discuss this
aspect of the case in great detail. We have set out the
broad events of the case and it is on them that the case of
mala fide is based. It is not in dispute that for some time
past there was political rivalry between Bakshi Ghulam
Mohammad and G. M. Sadiq. It was also said that there was
personal animosity because G. M. Sadiq wanted to advance the
interest of his relatives and followers by ousting persons
belonging to Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad’s group in various
fields. This allegation of personal animosity cannot be
said to have been established. It is really on the
political rivalry and the events happening since September
21, 1964 that the allegation of male fide is founded. It
was said that the steps taken since the arrest of Bakshi
Ghulam Mohammad down to the setting up of the Commission of
Inquiry were all taken with the intention of driving him out
of the political life so that G. M. Sadiq would have no
rival as a political leader. First, as to the arrest. The
case of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad was that the arrest was mala
fide. On the other side, it was said that since about July
1964 various allegations of abuse of power by Bakshi Ghulam
Mohammad some of which formed the subject matter of inquiry,
had come to the notice of the Government and thereupon
investigations were started by the Criminal Investigation
Department at the instance of the Government. In order to
stop the investigation Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and his
followers started dowdyism and other form of breaches of law
and order endangering public safety and maintenance of
public order. It was pointed out that the situation in
Kashmir had not been easy for some time past due to the
hostile intentions of Pakistan and China and breach of law
and order added to the seriousness of the position. It was
said that for these reasons Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad had to be
arrested and detained under the Defence of India Rules. it
was said on behalf of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad that prior to
the arrest, a no confidence motion had been sponsored and
had actually gathered in volume and the arrest was made to
stultify
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it. What support the no confidence motion had we do not
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know. It would appear however that the Criminal
Investigation Department had been making inquiries against
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad’s acts for some time past and the
situation in Kashmir was inflammable. In those
circumstances, it cannot be said that Bakshi Ghulam
Mohammad’s arrest was mala fide. He was no doubt released
from arrest after a petition had been moved for his release
and before the petition was heard. It was said that he was
released because the Government found that the petition was
bound to succeed. We have no material before us on which we
can say that the petition was bound to succeed. On behalf
of G. M. Sadiq and D. P. Dhar it was said that he was
released because of ill-health. This does not appear to
have been denied. It was also said on behalf of G. M. Sadiq
that the investigation having been completed there was no
cause for Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad to instigate breaches of
law and order and therefore it was not necessary to keep him
in detention any longer. On the evidence before us, we are
unable to say that the case made by G. M. Sadiq cannot be
accepted. As to the prorogation of the Assembly, it is said
by the appellants that it was necessary because it was
apprehended that if the Assembly met, there might have been
trouble inside the House created by Bakshi Ghufam Mohammad’s
followers who resented the arrest. On the materials before
us, we are unable to say that this apprehension was
pretended. It was also said by the appellants that the
prorogation had been decided upon before the arrest of
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad but the order could not be passed
because the Sadar-i-Riyasat was out of Srinagar from before
September 15, 1964 when both the arrest and prorogation had
been decided upon and did not return there till some time on
September 21, 1964. The fact that the Sadar-i-Riyasat
returned on that date is not denied. As we have said, the
arrest and the prorogation took place on the next day, that
is, September 22, 1964. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad was released
on December 15, 1964 and the Notification challenged was
issued on January 30, 1965. On these facts, we are unable
to hold that Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad has been able to
establish that the inquiry had been set up mala fide owing
to political rivalry.
It has been said on behalf of the appellants that there
could be no political rivalry because, as appears from
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad’s own affidavit, he had declared his
intention to retire from politics. On behalf of Bakshi
Ghulam Mohammad it was stated that G. M. Sadiq had made a
statement that he would be released after a Commission of
Inquiry was set up and this would show that the detention
was mala fide and that would indicate that the Notification
had also been issued mala fide. That statement is not
before us. On behalf of G. M. Sadiq it was said that such a
statement had not been made and what had been said was that
he would be released after the completion of investigation
by the Criminal Investigation Department as thereafter,
there
413
will be no occasion for Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad to disturb
the public peace and safety. It was also said that it had
been mentioned that after the completion of the
investigation, the Commission of Inquiry would be set up.
This is not denied. It however does not make the arrest
mala fide. It was further said by Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad
that the statement showed that the Commission was set up to
prevent him from disturbing public safety and law and order
and that, therefore, it was outside the scope of the Inquiry
Act. This was denied on behalf of G. M. Sadiq. In the
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absence of the statement, it is impossible for us to say
which is the correct version. Another point taken was that
the affidavits filed on behalf of the appellants showed that
the Government were satisfied about the correctness of the
allegations into which the inquiry was directed. It was
contended that since the inquiry is for finding facts, if
the Government were already satisfied about them, there was
no need for further inquiry. This contention has no force
at all. What the affidavit really said was that the
Government were prima facie satisfied. They had to be so
before they could honestly set up the Commission to make the
inquiry. It was said on behalf of G. M. Sadiq that before
setting up the Commission the Government had investigated
into the facts through the Criminal Investigation Department
and if the Government’s intention was mala fide, they could
have started criminal proceedings and ruined the political
life of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad just as well thereby and kept
him busy and out of politics for a long time. It was
pointed out that this might have resulted in serious
consequences for Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad which the Commission
of Inquiry would not. It was also pointed out that the
Commissioner appointed was a retired Judge of the Supreme
Court of India. All this, it was said, would indicate that
the action had not been prompted by malice. We cannot say
that these contentions of the appellants have no force.
The next ground of attack on the Notification was based on
Art. 14. It was said that most of the matters into which
the Commission had been directed to inquire formed the
subject matters of Cabinet decisions. It was pointed out
that since such matters are confidential and no one is
allowed to divulge in what way the members of the Cabinet
voted on them, it must be held that they were all equally
responsible for the acts sanctioned. That being so, it was
contended that by picking Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad out of the
entire Cabinet for the purpose of the Inquiry the Government
had discriminated against him in a hostile way. It was
contended that the Notification must be set aside on that
ground. We find this contention untenable. The inquiry is
in respect of wealth acquired by Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and
his friends and relatives by misuse of his official
position. It would be strange if all the members of the
Cabinet voluntarily abused their office for putting money
into the pockets of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad and his friends.
Let us, however, assume that all the
414
members of the Cabinet assisted Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad in
doing this. It is however not said that other members had
acquired wealth by these acts. He was, therefore, in a
class by himself. This classification has further a
rational connection with the setting up of the Commission,
for the object is to find out whether the wealth had been
acquired by Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad by the abuse of official
position.
It remains now to deal with the last point. This was
directed against the proceedings of the Commission. It was
said that the proceedings had been conducted in a manner
contrary to the rules of natural justice and to statutory
provisions. Two specific complaints were made. The first
was that the Commission had not allowed Bakshi Ghulam
Mohammad to inspect all the documents before he was called
upon to answer the allegations made against him. The second
was that the Commission had refused him permission to cross-
examine persons who had filed affidavits supporting the
allegations made against him. We have now to set out the
procedure followed by the Commission. It first called upon
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the Government to file affidavits in support of the
allegations in the second schedule to the Notification and
to produce the documents which supported them. It then
asked Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad to file his affidavit in
answer. Thereafter the Commission decided whether any prima
facie case had been made for Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad to meet
and in that process rejected some of the allegations.
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad was told that there was no case,
which be had to meet in respect of them. Out of the
remaining allegations, a group was selected for final
consideration and it was decided that the rest would be
taken up gradually thereafter. In connection with that
group of cases, counsel for Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad wanted to
cross-examine all the persons who had filed affidavits
supporting the Government’s allegations in the cases
included in that group. The Commissioner ordered that he
would not give permission to cross-examine all the deponents
of affidavits but would decide each case separately. It was
after this that the petition for the writ was presented.
The question of inspection is no longer a live question. It
is true that when Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad was directed to
file his affidavits he had not been given inspection of’ all
the documents and files which the Government proposed to use
to support their case. On behalf of Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad
it was said that this was a denial of the rules of natural
justice. It is not necessary to consider this question
because it is admitted that since then inspection of the
entire lot of files and documents has been given. At the
final hearing of the allegations, therefore, Bakshi Ghulam
Mohammad would no longer be at any disadvantage.
The next point is as to the right of cross-examination.
This claim was first based on the rules of natural justice.
It was said
415
that these rules require that Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad should
have been given a right to cross-examine all those persons
who had sworn affidavits supporting the allegations against
him. We are not aware of any such rule of natural justice.
No authority has been cited in support of it. Our attention
was drawn to Meenglas Tea Estates v. Their Workmen(1), but
there all that was said was that when evidence is given viva
voce against a person be must have the opportunity to hear
it and to put the witnesses questions in cross-examination.
That is not our case. Furthermore, in Meenglas Tea Estate
case(1) the Court was not dealing With a fact finding body
as we are. Rules of natural justice require that a party
against whom an allegation is being inquired into should be
given a hearing. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad was certainly given
that It was said that the right to the hearing included a
right to cross-examine. We are unable to agree that is so.
The right must depend upon the circumstances of each case
and must also depend on the statute under which the
allegations are being inquired into. This Court has held in
Nagendra Nath Bora v. Commissioner of Hills Division and
Appeals, Assam(1) that "the rules of natural justice vary
with the varying constitution of statutory bodies and the
rules prescribed by the Act under which they function; and
the question whether or not any rules of natural justice had
been contravened, should be decided not under any
preconceived notions, but in the light of the statutory
rules and provisions." We have to remember that we are
dealing with a statute which permits a Commission of Inquiry
to be set up for fact-finding purposes. The report of the
Commission has no force proportion vigorous. This aspect of
the matter is important in deciding the rules of natural
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justice reasonably applicable in the proceedings of the
Commission of Inquiry under the Act. ’Then we find that s.
10 to which we have earlier referred, gives a right to be
heard but only a restricted right of cross-exaniination.
The latter right is confined only to the witnesses called to
depose against the person demanding the right. So the Act
did not contemplate a right of hearing to include a right to
crossexamine. It will be natural to think that the statute
did not intend that in other cases a party appearing before
the Commission should have any further right of cross-
examination. We, therefore. think that no case has been
made out by Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad that the rules of natural
justice require that lie should have a right to cross-
examine all the persons who had sworn affidavits supporting
the allegations made against him.
We will now deal with the claim to the right to cross-
examine based on statutory provision. That claim is based
on s. 4(c) of the Act. The relevant part of the section is
as follows:--
"The Commission shall have the power of a
Civil Court. while trying a suit under the
Code of Civil Proce-
(1) [1964] 2 S.C.R. 165.
(2) [1958] S.C.R. 1240.
416
dure Svt. 1977, in respect of the following
matters, namely:-
(a) summoning and ao enforce the attendance
yof an person and examining him on oath;
(b)
(c) receiving evidence on affidavits"’
It is not in dispute that the Code of Civil Procedure of
Jammu and Kashmir State referred to in this section is in
the same terms as the Indian Code of Civil Procedure. Order
19 r. I. of the Indian Code reads as follows:--
"Any Court may at any time for sufficient
reason order that any particular fact or facts
may be proved by affidavit, or that the
affidavit of any witness may be read at the
hearing, on such conditions as the Court
thinks reasonable:-
Provided that where it appears to the Court
that either party bona fide desires the
production of a witness for cross-examination,
and that such witness can be produced, an
order shall not be made authorising the evi-
dence of such witness to be given by
affidavit."
The contention is that the powers of the Commission
therefore to order a fact to be proved by affidavit are
subject to the proviso that power cannot be exercised when a
party desires the production of the persons swearing the
affidavits for cross-examining them.
The contention was accepted by the High Court. We take a
different view of the matter. We first observe that the
inquiry before the Commission is a fact-finding inquiry.
Then we note that s. 10 which, in our opinion, applies to a
person whose conduct comes up for inquiry by the Commission
directly, has a right to cross-examine only those persons
who give viva voce evidence before the Commission against
him. If S. 4(c) conferred a right to cross-examine every
one who swore an affidavit as to the facts involved in the
inquiry, then S. 10(2) would become superfluous. An
interpretation producing such a result cannot be right. It
also seems to us that O. 19 r. I has to be read with O. 18
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r. 4 which states that the evidence of the witnesses in
attendance shall be taken orally in open court. It would
appear, therefore, that O. 19 r. I. is intended as a sort of
exception to the provisions contained in O. 18 r. 4. The Act
contains no provision similar to O. 18 r. 4. Therefore, when
S. 4(c) of the Act gave the Commission the power of
receiving evidence on affidavits, it gave that as an
independent power and not by way of an exception to the
general rule of taking evidence viva voce in open court. It
would be natural in such circumstances to think that what
the Act gave was only the power
417
to take evidence by affidavit and did not intend it to be
subject to the proviso contained in O. 19 r. I. If it were
not so, then the result really would be to require all
evidence before the Commission to be given orally in open
court. If that was intended, it would have been expressly
provided for in the Act. We should here refer to Khandesh
Spinning etc. Co. Ltd. v. Rashtriya Girni Kamgar Sangh(1)
where this Court dealing with a somewhat similar section
like s. 4(c) observed that facts might be proved by an
affidavit subject to O. 19 r. (1). The observations appear
to have been obiter dicta. In any case that case was
dealing with a statute different from the one before us.
The observation there made cannot be of much assistance in
interpreting the Jammu and Kashmir Inquiry Act. The number
of witnesses swearing affidavits on the side of the
Government may often be very large. In fact, in this case
the number of witnesses swearing affidavits on the side of
the Government is, it appears, in the region of four
hundred. The statute could not have intended that all of
them had to be examined in open court and subjected to
cross-examination, for then, the proceedings of the
Commission would be interminable. We feel no doubt that the
Act contemplated a quick disposal of the business before the
Commission, for, otherwise. the object behind it might have
been defeated. While on this topic, we would impress upon
the Commission the desirability of speedy disposal of the
inquiry. For these reasons, in our view, s. 4(c) of the Act
does not confer a right on a party appearing before the
Commission to require a witness giving evidence by an
affidavit to be produced for his cross-examination. The
Commission would, of course, permit cross-examination in a
case where it thinks that necessary. The view that we take
should not put any party in any difficulty. He can always
file affidavits of his own denying the allegations made in
affidavits filed on behalf of the other party. If the
evidence on both sides is tendered by affidavits, no one
should be at any special disadvantage. We have also to
remember that s. 9 of the Act gives the Commission power to
regulate its own procedure subject to any rules made under
the Act. We find that the rules provide that evidence may
be given by affidavits and the Commission may after reading
it, if it finds it necessary to do so, record the evidence
of the deponents of the affidavits and also of others; see
ff. 6, 7 and 8. Rule 10 reproduces the restricted right of
cross-examination given by s. 10. Rule 11 says that in all
matters not provided by the rules, the Commission may decide
its own procedure. One of the matters covered by the rules
is cross-examination of witnesses. So the rules contemplate
cross-examination as a matter of procedure and the
Commission is free to decide what cross-examination it will
allow provided that in doing so it cannot go behind
the rules relating to cross-examination. Section 9 of the
Act has to be read in the light of these rules. All this.
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we think, supports
(1)[1060] 2 S.C.R. 841.
418
the interpretation we have put on s. 4(c). We also feel
that the procedure before a body like the Commission has
necessarily to be flexible. We, therefore, reject the last
contention.
In our view, for these reasons, the judgment of the High
Court cannot be supported. We accordingly set it aside.
The appeal is allowed.
Appeal allowed.
419