Full Judgment Text
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PETITIONER:
H. H. MAHARAJADHIRAJA MADHAV RAO JIWAJI RAOSCINDIA BAHADUR
Vs.
RESPONDENT:
UNION OF INDIA
DATE OF JUDGMENT:
15/12/1970
BENCH:
SHAH, J.C.
BENCH:
SHAH, J.C.
HIDAYATULLAH, M. (CJ)
SIKRI, S.M.
SHELAT, J.M.
BHARGAVA, VISHISHTHA
MITTER, G.K.
VAIDYIALINGAM, C.A.
HEGDE, K.S.
GROVER, A.N.
RAY, A.N.
DUA, I.D.
CITATION:
1971 AIR 530 1971 SCR (3) 9
1971 SCC (1) 85
CITATOR INFO :
R 1972 SC 202 (7)
RF 1973 SC1461 (186,700,703,1100,1609,2152,21
RF 1975 SC2299 (275,637)
E 1976 SC1207 (46,546)
D 1977 SC1361 (192)
R 1978 SC 803 (30,34)
R 1981 SC1284 (1)
RF 1982 SC 710 (25)
RF 1986 SC1126 (47)
D 1987 SC 522 (51)
R 1987 SC1010 (71)
RF 1989 SC1534 (11)
ACT:
Constitution of India, 1950-Article 366(22)-Scope of-
Recognition of Rulers by President-Order by President
"derecognising" all Rulers--Validity of order-Power, if
political-If exercise of paramountcy rights.
Constitution of India 1950-Article 291-Article if creates an
obligation to pay Privy Purse-Repudiation of obligation if
act of State--"Charged on .... the Consolidated Fund of
India", meaning of-Article if a provision relating to"
covenant within the meaning of Article 363.
Constitution of India, 1950-Article 363-Exclusion of
jurisdiction of Courts-Scope of exclusionary clauses-
Determining the meaning of articles 366(22), 291, 362 and
363, if within bar of Article 363-"Dispute arising out of
provision of the Constitution relating to covenant", meaning Artic
le if "recreation" of paramountcy.
Constitution of India, 1950-Article 362-If a provision
"relating to" Covenent etc. within the meaning of Article
363.
Constitution of India, 1950-Articles 19(1)(f) and 31 and
Article 32-Order of President under Article 366(22)--Order
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of President under Article 366(22) "derecognising" Rulers-
Repudiation of liability to pay Privy Purse and denial of
rights and privileges-If violation of fundamental rights-
Maintainability of petition-Privy Purse-If property.
HEADNOTE:
On the promulgation of the Indian Independence Act, 1947,
the Princely States adjoining the Dominion of India merged
with the Dominion of India. The instruments of merger
provided for_the integration of the States and guaranteed to
the Rulers the Privy Purse, succession according to law and
custom to the gaddi of the State and personal rights,
privileges, dignities and titles. These instruments were
concurred in and guaranteed by the Dominion of India.
Later, the States integrated with the Union of India under
the Constitution of India, 1950, the Rulers abandoning all
authority in regard to their territories. Special
provisions were enacted in the Constitution regarding Privy
Purses and the rights and privileges of the erstwhile
Rulers. By article 291, the sum-, guaranteed by the
Dominion of India to any Ruler as Privy Purse under any
covenant or agreement was to be charged on and paid out of
the Consolidated Fund of India and the. sums so paid were to
be exempt from all taxes on income. By article 362 the
Parliament, the State Legislatures and the executive of the
Union and the States were enjoined to have due regard to the
guarantees and assurances under the covenants and agreements
between the Governments of the Dominion of India and the
heads of the former Indian States. Also, provisions were
made in various statutes conferring on the "Rulers" certain
privileges and benefits. By Art. 366(22) a "Ruler" was
defined to mean the prince, chief or other person by whom
covenant and agreements. were entered into and who "for the
time being" was recognised by the President as the Ruler and
included any person who "for the time being"
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was recognised by the President as the successor of such
Ruler. Article 363 excluded the jurisdiction of the Supreme
Court and all other courts "in respect of any dispute
arising out of any provision of a treaty, agreement,
covenant etc." or in any dispute "in respect of any right
accruing under or any liability or obligation arising out of
any of the provisions of the Constitution relating to any
such treaty, agreement, covenant" etc.
On September 2, 1970, a Bill intituled the Constitution
(Twenty Fourth Amendment) Bill 1970, and providing that
"Articles 291 and 362 of the Constitution and clause (22) of
article 366 shall be omitted" was introduced in the
Lok Sabha. The Bill was declared passed. On September 5,
1970, the motion for consideration of the Bill did not
obtain in the Rajya Sabha the requisite majority of not less
than two-thirds of the members present and voting as
required by Art. 368 of the Constitution. The motion for
introduction of the Bill was declared lost. A few hours
thereafter the President of India, purporting to exercise
power under cl. (22) of Art. 366 of the Constitution signed
an instrument withdrawing recognition of all the Rulers. A
communication to the effect was sent to all Rulers in India
who had been previously recognised under art. 366(22) of the
Constitution.
The petitioners moved this Court under Art. 32 of the
Constitution challenging the order of the President
"derecognising" them as unconstitutional, ultra vires and
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void. They contended that the President had no power to
withdraw recognition of Ruler once recognised; that assuming
the President had such power, exercise of the power was
coupled with duty to recognise his successor; that the order
of the President "derecognsing" all the Rulers en masse
amounted to arbitrary exercise of power for a collateral
purpose; that the Order violated the constitutional mandates
in articles 291 and 362; that article 291 created an
obligation in the Union of India to pay the Privy Purse and
Privy Purse was property; and that the Order being one
without authority of law infringed the guarantee of the
fundamental rights under Arts. 19(1)(f), 21 and 31 of the
Constitution. The Union of India contended, inter alia,
that the petition was not maintainable, because, the source
of the right to receive the Privy Purse and to be accorded
the privileges claimed was a political agreement and the
privy purse was in the nature of a political pension; that
in recognising or derecognising a ruler the President
exercised a political power which was a sovereign power and
that the rights and obligations were liable to by varied or
repudiated in accordance with "State policy"; that the
jurisdiction of the Courts to enforce rights and obligations
arising out of the covenant was excluded, because, the
rights and obligations arose out of act of state; that the
concept of paramountly of the British Crown was inherited by
the Union of India and therefore recognition of Rulership
was a "gift of the President"; and further that the
petitioners stood excluded by article 363, for, they were
seeking either to enforce the covenants and agreements or
were seeking to enforce the provisions of the Constitution
"relating to" such covenants.
HELD: Per Hidayatullah, C.J. Shah, Vaidialingam, Hedge,
Grover and Dua, JJ. (Mitter and Ray, JJ. dissenting).
The Order of the President "derecognising" the Rulers is
ultra vires and illegal. [69 G; 100 C]
(Per Hidayatullah, C.J. (1) The action of the President
withdrawing recognition of all Rulers is ultra vires article
366(22) and a nullity. Article 366(22) neither expressly
nor by implication places the power in the hands of the
President to say that although a Ruler is in existence or
11
a successor is available there shall be no ruler of any
particular state. The definition contemplates the existence
of the Ruler "for the time being". The phrase "for the time
being" cannot mean that any person can be appointed who has
no claim whatever or that temporary appointments may be made
or that no appointment need be made. The continuity of a
Ruler of an Indian State is obligatory so long as the Ruler
is alive or a successor can be found. The obligation to
recognise a Ruler is bound up with the other guarantees
contained in articles 291 and 362 and the definition in
article 366(22) is merely the key to find a particular
Ruler. The withdrawal of recognition from all the Rulers
renders the guarantees, as also the relevant articles of the
Constitution, inoperative. [58 A-H]
(ii) The right to recognise a ruler, from out of several
claimants, is not an act of paramountcy. The selection has
to be in accordance with law and custom. The Constitution
gave the right to the President to recognise a Ruler for the
time being; but it cannot be stretched to give a paramountly
of the same character as that enjoyed by the British Crown.
To claim such a paramountcy one has to, ignore completely
the arrangements by which the Rulers parted with their
territories and ruling rights and were assured of their
privy purses and privileges. The rights became consti-
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tutionally protected rights which so long as the Ruler’s
line was not extinct belonged to the Ruler "for the time
being. In short, when the guarantees were given by the
Constitution, paramountcy if any, went out. Article 362 is
the converse of paramountcy inasmuch as it compels the two
limbs of government to have "due regard"’ to the guarantees
and assurances given to the Rulers. Nor can article 363 be
said to "recreate" paramountcy. That article was intended
to keep certain matters outside the jurisdiction of the
courts. The Rulers are citizens of India and the President
or the Government of India cannot invoke the doctrine of
paramountcy to sustain an illegal inroad upon the rights of
citizens. [51 H-52 B]
(iii) The argument based on act of state is not of any
more validity. An ’Act of State’ is not available against a
citizen. It is a sovereign act which is neither grounded in
law nor does it pretend to be so. It is "a catastrophic
change constituting a new departure". Since there are no
sovereign or political powers under our Constitution every
action of the executive limb of government must seek
justification in some law. The very existence of article
363, which it is said incorporates some kind of paramountcy
or act of state, shows that there is no political power
outside the law; otherwise an additional bar would hardly
have been necessary. [53 B]
Salaman v. Secretary of State for India, [1966] I K.B. 613,
State of Saurashtra v. Menon Haji Ismail, [1960] 1 S.C.R.
537 and Secretary of State in Council for India v. Kamachee
Boye Sahaba, [1859] 13 Moore P.C. 22, referred to.
(iv) Covenants and agreements cannot be said to create
"imperfect obligations" since the Constitution takes the
matter into itself and gives them its own guarantees. In so
far as those guarantees became a part of our Constitution
and were included in various statutes they would be en-
forceable according to the tenor of the Constitution and
other laws subject, of course, to any bar created by article
363. [L55 G]
G. Gibson & Ors. Assignees of J. Mallandaino, Bankrupt v.
The Eas India Co., 132 E.R. 1105, Peter Pazmany University,
(Series A/B No. 61 p. 231) Jurisdiction of the Courts of
Danzing, Advisory Opinion No. 15, Series B. No. 15 and State
of Rajasthan v. Shyam Lal,[1964] 7 S.C.R. 174 referred to.
L744Sup CI/71
12
(v) It is not open to the petitioner to describe the action
of the President as wanting in good faith without pleading
any collateral fact. Further, the reasons for a decision by
the President cannot be probed into in view of articles
74(2) and 361(1). [56 E]
(vi) The argument on behalf of the Union of India that
article 291 only lays down the source and manner of payment
but creates no right to claim, receive or enforce payment is
a complete misreading of the article. Article 291 makes the
amount payable to the Ruler and, therefore, creates a right
in him to demand it. The words "shall be charged and paid
out of etc." make the payment obligatory and when expanded
the words read "shall be charged on and shall be paid out
of" etc. The direction to pay is in no uncertain terms.
The recipient is mentioned in cl. (b) where the article says
’and the sums so paid to any Ruler’ and this shows who is to
be paid. Therefore, the Article in addition to the source
and manner also lays down that it shall be paid and paid
free of taxes on income to the Ruler. The article is self-
supporting and self-ordaining. The result of charging a sum
on the Consolidated Fund is to provide that this destination
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shall not be altered even by vote of Parliament and the
charging is sufficiently effective for ensuring the right
application. [62 D-63 B]
(vii) Article 363 does not bar relief to the
petitioners. The words provisions of this Constitution’ in
the latter part of article 363 arc not left unqualified.
The draftsmen would have referred to the numbers of the
articles if disputes of every kind under those articles
stood excluded. The requirement is that it must be a
provision "relating" to a treaty, covenant etc. The words
’relating to’ mean that the provision must bear upon
treaties etc. as its dominant purpose or theme; it is not
sufficient if treaties are mentioned there for some
collateral purpose. So tested, [65 D-E]
(a) Article 362 is a provision relating to a treaty,
covenant etc. Its dominant theme is ’the rights, privileges
and dignities of the Rulers under covenants and agreements
and, therefore the provision is one relating to covenants
and agreements. [65 G-H]
(b) Article 366(22) has for its dominant purpose the
selection of Rulers through the application of the covenant
and agreements. When the President acts-within the four
corners of his authority the matter is barred by article
363. What the President has done is to take away
recognition ’from all Rulers and such a power does not flow
from article 366(22) and the bar of article 363 does not
apply to such a dispute. The dispute arises neither from
the covenants etc. nor from the provisions of the
Constitution. Therefore, it ceases to have the protection
of article 363. [66 C H]
(c) Article 291 is not a provision relating to covenants
and agreements but a special provision for the source of
payment of Privy Purse by charging them on the Consolidated
Fund and for making the payment free of taxes on income; it
does not in its dominant purpose and theme answer the
description in the latter part of article 363. The mention
in Art. 291 of covenants and agreements is for its own
purpose so that the amounts need not be specified. [67 H-68
B]
[His Lordship did not express any opinion on the question
whether withdrawal of recognition on grounds which are sound
and sufficient is capable of being questioned in a court of
law.]
13
(viii) The petitions are maintainable under article 32 of
the Constitution. The obligation to pay the Privy Purse
being absolute the right to claim when due subsists in each
ruler. As soon as an appropriation Act is passed there
established credit-debt and the outstanding Privy Purse
becomes the property of the Ruler in the hands of the
government. It is also a sum certain and absolutely
payable. Therefore Privy Purse is property and any action
to deprive the Rulers of their Privy Purses must be an
infringement of articles 19 and 31. [60 F; 62 0. 59 H]
H.H. The Maharana Sahib Shri Bhagwat Singh Bahadur of
Udaipur v. The State of Rajasthan, [1964] 5 S.C.R. 1,
Madhaorao Phalka v. State of Madhya Bharat, [1961] 1 S.C.R.
967, State of Madhya Pradesh v. Ranojirao Shinde & Anr.,
[1968] 3 S.C.R. 489 and Standard Marine Insurance Co. v.
Board of Assessors, 128 La. 717, referred to.
Langdell, Summary of the Law of Contract, P. 124 Blackstone
Commentaries Vol. II XXV pp. 390-398, referred to.
(Per Shah, Sikri, Shelat, Bhargava, Vaidialingam, Grover and
Dua, JJ.)
(1) By the provisions enacted in article 366(22), 291 and
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362 of the Constitution, the privileges of Rulers are made
an integral part of the Constitution and they cannot be
deprived of these privileges arbitrarily. Granting that
under clause (22) of Art. 366 the President may withdraw the
recognition of a person as a Ruler, the power to nullify
important provisions of the Constitution does not flow ’from
that clause. The power conferred by the clause has to be
exercised consistently with and in aid of the constitutional
scheme. The power may be exercised, in the case of first
recognition, only in favour of a person who has signed the
Covenant, and in favour of his successor having, regard to
the customs and laws governing the state if the Ruler dies
or becomes incapable of functioning or his recognition is
withdrawn. By the use of the expression "for the time
being" in cl. (22) Art. 366 the President is not invested
with an authority to accord a temporary recognition to a
Ruler nor with authority to recognise or not to recognise a
Ruler arbitrarily; the expression predicates that there
shall be a Ruler of the Indian State, that if the first
recognised Ruler dies or ceases to be a Ruller a successor
shall be appointed and that there shall not be more rulers
at a given time. By the express injunction in Art. 53(1)
the executive power vested in the President is directed to
be exercised in accordance with the Constitution.
Therefore, the power is intended to be exercised in aid of
and not to destroy constitutional institutions. The power
is plainly coupled with duty-a duty. to maintain con-
stitutional institutions, the constitutional provisions, the
constitutional scheme and the sanctity of the solemn
agreements entered into by the predecessor of the Union
Government, which are accepted, recognised and incorporated
in the Constitution. An order merely "derecognising" a
Ruler without providing for continuation of the institution
of Rulership, which is an integral part of the
Constitutional scheme, is, therefore, plainly illegal. [74
C; 81 H-82 D, E; 83 A]
[The Court did not express any final opinion on the question
whether the expression "for the time being" in relation to
the persons who had entered into covenants or agreements.
and in relation to the successor, implies that the President
has the power in appropriate cases and for adequate reasons
to withdraw recognition. Also, the Court did not decide the
question whether in certain exceptional circumstances the
President may in granting recognition to a successor depart
in the larger interest of the country from the strict rule
of custom governing succession to the, gaddi. [74 B-C; 82 G-
H]
14
(ii) The President is not invested with any political power,
transcending the Constitution which he may exercise to the
prejudice of citizens. The Constitutional mechanism in a
democratic polity does not contemplate existence of any
function which may qua the citizens be designated as
political. The history of negotiations which culminated in
the integration of the territories of the Princely States
before the commencement of the Constitution clearly
indicates that the recognition of the status of the Rulers
and their rights was not temporary and also not liable to be
varied or repudiated in accordance with "State policy". Nor
does the Constitution invest the executive branch of the
Union with the power to abolish the concept of Rulership,
Privy Purse and the privileges on the plea that these have
become incompatible with "democracy, equality ,and social
justice". The power of the President to determine the
status of the Rulers by cancelling or withdrawing
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recognition to effectuate the policy of the Government to
abolish the concept of Rulership is therefore liable to be
challenged in these petitions. [75 D; 76 B]
Rai Sahib Ram Jawaya Kapur and Others v. State of Punjab,
[1955] 2 S.C.R. 225 and Jayantilal Amritlal Shodhan v. F. N.
Rana. [1964] 5 S.C.R. 294, referred to.
Nawab Usman Ali Khan v. Sagarmal, [1965] 3 S.C.R. 201 and
Kunvar Shri Vir Rajendra Singh v. Union of India and Others.
[1970] 2 S.C.R. 631 distinguished.
(iii) An action not authorised by law against the
citizens of the Union cannot be supported under the shelter
of paramountly. After the withdrawal of British power and
the extinction of paramountcy of the British the Dominion
Government of India. did not and could not exercise any
paramountcy over the States. The functions of the President
of India stem from the Constitution, not from a "concept of
the British Crown" identified or unidentified. What the
Constitution does not authorise, the President cannot grant.
Rulership is therefore not a privilege which the President
may in the exercise of his discretion bestow or withhold.[94
C-D]
(iv) Clause (a) of article 291 which enacts that the Privy
Purse "shall be charged on and be paid out of the
Consolidated Fund of India" clearly raise an obligation to
pay the Privy Purse. A charge gives a right to receive
payment out of a specified fund or property in preference
over others. In the absence of clear indications to the
contrary it would be difficult to hold that the expression
"charge" used in the context of the financial matters of the
state has a different meaning. The Constitution does not
recognise any sequence of priorities. But that does not
alter the fundamental character of a charge that it
specifies a fund out of which satisfaction of the
expenditure charged must be made and that the prescribed
expenditure shall have priority in payment to the person for
whose benefit the expenditure is charged on the Fund. The
Constitutional obligation to proceed in the manner set out
in Arts. 112, 113 & 114 imposed upon the President and the
Parliament, implies, a right in the person or persons in
respect of whom the expenditure is to be incurred. That
view is supported by other provisions in the Constitution.
Clauses (a) & (b) of Art. 291 must be read with articles
112, 113 and 114; they are parts of a single scheme. They
contemplate that the Privy Purse shall be included in the
financial statement as charged upon the Consolidated Fund;
it shall be beyond the voting power of the Parliament; its
destination shall not be altered: it shall be paid to the
Ruler after the Appropriation Bill is passed, and
15
when paid it shall be free from liability to pay taxes on
income. This is an integrated process, which cannot be
interrupted without dislocating the constitutional
mechanism. [87 A; 88 B; 88 E & 89 D]
Govind Chandra Pal v. Dwarka Nath Pal, I.L.R. 35 Cal. 837
and Raja Sri Shiva Prasad v. Beni Madhab, I.L.R. I Pat. 387,
referred to.
(v) Article 291 does not merely incorporate recognition of
the obligation to pay privy purse under covenants incurred
by the Government of the Dominion of India; it gives rise to
a liability dehors the covenants. After the Constitution,
the obligation to pay privy purse rested upon the Union of
India not because it was inherited from the Dominion of
India but because of the constitutional mandate under Art.
291. The source of the obligation is in Art. 291 and not in
the covenants and agreements. Reference to the covenants
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and agreements in the article is for defining the privy
purse. The obligation which arose out of the merger
agreement and was on that account an act of state stied its
original character on acceptance by the Constitution. The
Union of India cannot plead act of state as defence against
claim by the Rulers to Privy Purse. [89 F; 90 B-D]
Doss v. Secretary of State for India in Council, [187] L.R.
19 Eq. 509, Saleman v. Secretary of State for India, [1906]
I K.B. 613 and Union of India & Ors. v. Gwalior Rayon Silk
Manufacturing (Weaving) Co. Ltd. & Anr., [1964] I S.C.R.
892, held inapplicable.
(vi) An obligation which arises out of a constitutional
provision to pay to the citizens sums of money in
recognition of obligations of the predecessor Government may
scarcely be called imperfect. A perfect obligation pertains
to the domain of law and justice and imperfect obligation to
the domain of benevolence. [89 E]
(vii) The courts have jurisdiction to interpret and to
determine the true meaning of articles 366(22), 291, 36 2
and 363 and the bar to the jurisdiction of the courts by
article 363 is a limited bar. Article 363 excludes the
jurisdiction of the courts only in respect of the matter
specified therein. A provision which purports to. exclude
the jurisdiction of the courts in certain matters and to
deprive the aggrieved party of the normal remedy will be
strictly construed, for, it is a principle not to be
whittled down that an aggrieved party will not, unless the
jurisdiction of the Courts is by clear enactment or
necessary implication bar-red, be denied recourse to the
courts for determination of his rights. It is within the
province of the Court alone to determine what the dispute
brought before it is, and to determine whether the
jurisdiction of the Court is, because it falls within one of
the two limbs of article 363, excluded qua that dispute.
Jurisdiction to try a proceeding is barred under the first
limb of article 363 if the dispute "arises" out of the
provision of a covenant; it is barred under the second limb
of the article if the court holds that the dispute is with
respect to a right arising out of a provision of the
Constitution relating to a covenant. A dispute that an
order of an executive body is unauthorised, or a legislative
measure is ultra vires, is not one arising out of any
covenant under the first limb of article 363, merely because
the order or the measure violates the right of the citizen
which, but for the act or measure, were not in question.
The dispute in such a case relates to the validity of the
Act or the vires of the measures. Exclusion of the Court’s
jurisdiction by the terms of the relevant words in the
second limb of Art. 363 lies in a narrow field. The
expression "provisions of this Constitution relating
16
to" means provisions having a dominant and immediate
connection with; it does not mean merely having a reference
to. If the constitutional provision relating to a covenant
is the source of the right claimed to accrue, or liability
claimed to arise, then clearly under the second limb the
jurisdiction of the court to entertain a dispute with
respect to the right or obligation is barred [94 H-95 D; 96
B-E, 99 F]
(viii) It cannot be urged that the jurisdiction of the
courts to enforce rights and obligations arising out of the
covenants was excluded because the rights and obligations
arose out of acts of State and by constitutional provision
that exclusion was affirmed and extended after the
Constitution. There can be no act of State against its own
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citizens by the State. The Rulers who were before
integration of their States aliens qua the Dominion
Government are now citizens. Their rights and obligations
which arose from an act of State are now recognised and
accepted by the Union of India. An act of state vanishes
when the new sovereign recognises either expressly or by
implication the rights flowing therefrom. Enforcement of
those rights and obligations is governed by the municipal
laws, and unless the jurisdiction of the Courts is excluded
in respect of any dispute, the courts will be competent to
grant relief. [93 A-C]
State of Gujarat v. Vora Fidalli Badruddin Mithibharwala,
[1964] 6 S.C.R 461, referred to.
(ix) Article 366(22) is a provision relating to recognition
of Rulers and that is the direct and only purpose of the
provision. It is not a provision relating to a covenant and
the reference to the covenant or the agreement of the nature
mentioned in article 291 is only for determining who may be
recognised as a Ruler. The limited exclusion of the,
jurisdiction of courts in article 363 does not operate upon
the claim for a privy purse relying upon article 291. [97 C-
E; 98 E]
Nawab Usman Ali Khan v. Sagarmal, [1965] 3 S.C.R, 201 and
Kunvar Shri Vir Rajendra Singh v. Union of India and Others,
[1970]S.C.R. 631 distinguished and explained.
[The observations in Nawab Usman Ali Khan that the essential
political character of the guarantee for the payment of
privy purse preserved by article 363, and the obligation
cannot be enforced in any municipal court held unnecessary
for the purpose "of the decision in that case and
incorrect.][98 D-E]
(x) Reference to the covenant in article 291 merely
identifies the sum payable as privy purse; it does not make
the article a provision relating to the covenant. The
source of the right to receive the privy purse is the
constitutional mandate; it is not the covenant. A dispute
as to the right to ,receive the privy, purse is therefore
not a dispute arising out of the covenant within the first
limb of article 363 nor is a dispute with regard to a right
accruing or obligation arising out of the provisions of a
constitution relating to a covenant. [99 B-C]
(xi) Article 362 is plainly a provision relating to
covenants within the meaning of article 363. A claim to
enforce the rights, privileged and dignities under the
covenants will therefore be barred by the first limb of
article 363 and a claim to enforce the recognition of right
and privileges recognised by article 362 will be barred
under the second limb of article 363. Jurisdiction of the
courts will however not by excluded where the relief claimed
is founded on a statutory provision enacted to give effect
to personal rights under article 362 [99 D]
17
(xii) Therefore, the Court will give effect to the
constitutional mandate in art. 363 only if satisfied that
the dispute arises out of any provision of a covenant which
is in force and was entered into or executed before the
commencement of the Constitution and to which "the
predecessor of the Government of India was a party, or that
it is in respect of rights, liabilities or obligations
accruing or arising under any provision of the Constitution
in relation to a covenant; but since he right to privy purse
arises under article 291 the dispute in respect of which
does not fall in either clause, the jurisdiction of the
court is not excluded. Again, the jurisdiction of the Court
is not excluded in respect of disputes relating to personal
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rights and privileges which are granted by statutes. [99 F-
H]
(xiii) Since the order of the President is without
authority of law there is a clear infringement of the
guarantee of the fundamental rights under articles 19(1)
(f), 21 and 31 (1) of the Constitution. [72 H]
The Court did not express any opinion (1) on the question
whether a dispute that an executive act or legislative
measure operating upon a right accruing or liability arising
out of a provision is invalid, falls within the second limb
of article 363 and (ii) on the plea that the order was made
for a collateral purpose.
On the view taken, the Court did not deal with the plea that
Rulership was "property" and the Order of the President
deprived the petitioners of that property without authority
of law. [73 A]
Per Hedge, J. (1) The meaning given to the expression
‘Ruler’ in article 366(22) is only for the purpose of the
Constitution and not for any other purpose. Rulers of
Indian States disappeared as soon as their territories were
merged with India and all those quondam Rulers became
citizens of India. Their rulership is merely a status
entitling them to Privy Purse and certain privileges.
Articles 291, 362 and 366(2)(a) and (b) (before Its
deletion), as well as entry 34 of List I of Schedule VII
referred to Rulers and, therefore, it became necessary to
define that expression. [160 E-G; 161 A]
(ii) Article 366(22) imposes a constitutional duty on the
President and for that purpose has conferred on him certain
powers. The power is one coupled with duty. The President
cannot create a successor; he can only recognise the
successor. Recognition means the power to locate. Hence
the power conferred on the President under the second part
of article 366(22) is a very limited power. The power has
to be exercised in accordance with law; in other words it
has to be exercised as a quasi-judicial power. The
expression "for the time being" in the second part of the
article is relevant as the question of recognition of a new
ruler arises on the death of each Ruler. The expression
contemplates the continuity of Rulership so long as the
Ruler who entered into covenant or agreement or a successor
of his is in existence. [164 G, B-C]
(iii) The power to recognise the Rulers does not include
the power not to recognise. The President cannot do
indirectly what the legislature cannot do directly. Ruler
as referred to in some of the provisions of the Constitution
is an entity created by the Constitution to further certain
purposes recognised by the Constitution. That entity cannot
be abolished either by the executive or by the legislature.
Therefore, it is not possible to spell out a power to
abolish the Rulership under Article 366(22). [165 G, H]
18
[His Lordships did not go into the question whether a Ruler
once recognised can be derecognised by the President and, if
so, under what circumstances.]
(iv) The power of recognition of the Rulers cannot be
claimed to be a facet of the paramountcy enjoyed by_the
British Crown. Paramountcy is the very antithesis of rule
of law and the government of India cannot consider itself a
superior, power in its relationship with the citizens of
this country. Nature and scope of the power exercisable by
the President under a provision of the Constitution must be
spelled out from the language of the provision and from the
purpose intended to be served by the provision. [166 E-G]
(v) The plea of State policy is irrelevant in the context
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of this case. If the Constitution has laid down a policy,
that policy cannot be departed from either by the
legislature or by the executive. Neither the legislature
nor the executive, can have a policy which runs counter to
the policy laid down by the Constitution. [159 E]
(vi)The stand taken by the Union of India that the concept
of Rulership, Privy Purse and the privileges guaranteed to
the Rulers have become incompatible with "democracy equity
and social justice" raise political issues. This Court is
not the forum for going into political issues, nor is it
concerned with political passions surrounding the issues
arising for decision in this case. [159 B]
(vii) Hidayatullah, C.J. concurring). There is nothing
like a political power under our Constitution in the matter
of relationship between the executive and the citizens. The
Constitution recognises only three power viz:, the
legislative, judicial and executive. The executive cannot
exercise any sovereignty over its citizens. The legal
sovereignty vests with the Constitution and the political
sovereignty with the people. The President is a creature of
the Constitution; he can only act in accordance with the
Constitution. [D-F]
Kunwar Shri Vir Rajendra Singh v. Union of India & Ors,
[1970] 2 S.C.R. 631. distinguished.
(viii) The President on the advice of the Cabinet has
disregarded the mandate of arts. 53(1), 73(1), 291, 362 and
366(22). That being so, his order must be held to be ultra
vires the Constitution; hence a nullity. [168 B]
(ix)The impugned order is also unconstitutional for the
reason that the power conferred under art. 366(22) is
exercised for a collateral purpose. The circumstances under
which the impugned order came to be made show that there was
attempt to do indirectly what the government could not do
directly. Such an exercise of power is impermissible under
article 366(22). If the Constitution or any of its
provisions have ceased to serve the needs of the people,
ways must be found to change them but it is impermissible to
bypass the Constitution or its provisions. For that reason
also the impugned orders must be held to be ultra vires art.
366(22). [167 B]
Balaji v. State of Mysore, [1963] Supp. 1. S.C.R. 439.
(x)Article 363 has to be read harmoniously with articles 291
and 366(22). For the purpose of giving necessary direction
to the Union and State executive as well as to the Union and
State legislatures.
19
the Constitution recognised the rights accruing and
liabilities and obligations arising under various agreements
and covenants which recognition made those right,
liabilities and obligations enforceable. But without
article 363 article 362 would have opened the flood gate of
litigation. The Constituent Assembly evidently wanted to
avoid that situation. That appears to have been the main
reason for enacting article 363. [185 F-G & 186 A-C]
Rajendra Singh’s case, State of Seraikella v. Union of India
and Anr. etc., [1951] S.C.R. 474, Visweshwar Rao v. The
State of Madhya Pradesh, [1962] S.C.R. 1020, Sri Sudhansu
Shekhar Singh Deo v. The State of Orissa, [1961] I S.C.R.
779, H.H. The Maharana Sahib Shri Bhagwar Singh Bahadur of
Udaipur v. State of Rajasthan & Ors. [1964] 5 S.C.R. I and
State of Gujarat v. Vora Fiddali Badraddin Mithibarwala,
[1964] 6 S.C.R. 461, held inapplicable.
Nawab Usmanali Khan v. Sagarmal, [1965] 3 S.C.R. 201,
distinguished.
Nawab Bahadur of Murshidabad v. Karnani Industrial Bank
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Ltd., 58 I.A. 215, referred to.
(xi)Article 363 excludes the jurisdiction of courts only in
respect of matters coming under article 362. The contention
that article 363 excludes also the right arising from
article 291 because article 291 also protects personal
rights falling within the scope of article 362, has no
force. Privy Purse was taken out for special treatment by
the Constitution under article 291 and therefore it is
excluded from the general provision in article 362.
Further, there was no purpose in guaranteeing the payment
ofPrivy Purse under article 291 and then taking away the
right to recoverthem under article 363. In the case of
most of the Rulers the right toreceive Privy Purse was
an enforceable right even before article 291 came into
force. It is not easy to accept the contention that what
was an enforceable right was made unenforceable by the
Constitution. [184 H-185 D]
(xii)The liability undertaken under article 291 is a new
liability and not an affirmation of an existing liability
arising under the covenants and agreements. The article is
in no way linked with covenants and agreements. The
covenants and agreements only continue as evidence as to
matters mentioned in the first part of article 291. After
article 291 came into force there is no legal relationship
between the covenants and agreements and that article. The
article read with Art. 366(22) constitute a sell contained
code in the matter of payment of Privy Purses and those
articles operate on their own force. [177 D, E]
(xiii)It is not possible to accept the contention that the
expression "charged on...... the Consolidated Fund of India"
in article 291 merely means that the amounts payable as
Privy Purse are not notable and that the expression neither
creates a right in favour of the person in whose benefit the
charge is created nor is the Consolidated Fund pledged for
the payment of the Privy Purse. If an item of expenditure
charged on the Consolidated Fund merely means that the
expenditure is non-votable then there was no need to provide
in article 113 that "so much of the estimate as relates to
expenditure charged upon the Consolidated Fund of India
shall not be submitted to the vote of Parliament". That
part of article 113 was evidently enacted to make effective
the statutory lien over the Consolidated Fund created in
favour of the person to,
20
whom the payment had to be made. It emphasises the fact
that the pledge created in favour of the person for whose
benefit the charge is created by the Constitution, cannot be
taken away even by the Parliament. No sooner the President
recognises the Ruler of an Indian State, he becomes entitled
to the Privy Purse guaranteed under article 291 from the
date the Constitution came into force. Every constitutional
sanction for payment is necessarily a mandate to pay if that
sanction relates to the discharge of an obligation; it is an
enforceable mandate. Besidesthe executive cannot take the
stand that it will not respect a mandate of the Constitution
unless that mandate is enforceable in a court of law.
Whether a particular constitutional mandate is enforceable
or not, itis all the same binding on all the organs of
the State. [177 E-H;182 C-D]
(xiv)A dispute whether the President has the power to
abolish all Rulers under article 366(22) quite plainly
cannot be held to be a dispute in respect of "any right
accruing under or any liability or obligation arising out of
any of the provisions of the Constitution relating to any
such treaty, agreement, covenant........ within the meaning
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at the second part of article 363. What is in dispute is
the true scope of the power of the President under article
366(22). Power is an authority whereas a right in the
context in which it is used in article 363 signifies
property. A dispute as regards the interpretation of a
provision of the Constitution is not a dispute within the
contemplation of the second limb of article 363 as it is not
a dispute in ’respect of any right, liability or obligation.
The word "relating to" is a word of wide import but in the
context in which it is used in article 363, it must have a
narrower, meaning. The word means "to bring into relation",
or "establish relation between". In other words, the
provision of the Constitution in question must be linked
with the merged agreements or covenants directly and
immediately. It must have no independent existence.
Article 366(22) is an independent provision. It has nothing
to do with the agreements and covenants. [186 G-187 G]
(xv)Article 362 clearly links itself with the agreements
and covenants and it has no independent existence apart from
the agreements and covenants; [182 G]
[His Lordship did not find it necessary to go into the scope
of article 362.]
(xvi)The petitioners have established that their rights
under articles 31 and 19(1)(f) have been contravened. The
right to receive the Privy Purse under article 291, being a
legal right, is a right enforceable through the courts of
law. That right is undoubtedly property. The denial of
those benefits which had been afforded the Rulers under
statutes is again a contravention of the petitioners’
fundamental right to property. [194 E, G]
State of M.P. v. Ranojirao Shinde and Anr. [1968] 3 S.C.R.
489 and Madhaorao Phalke v. State of Madhya Bharat. [1961] I
S.C.R. 957, referred to:
(Per Mitter. J. dissenting). The Order of the President
though unjustified, is not liable to be challenged, because,
article 363 is a bar to the maintainability of the
petitions. [152 G-H]
(1)Article 366(22) implies not merely a right or power but
a duty or obligation to recognise a person as a Ruler both
at the commencement of the Constitution and even afterwards
so long as the line of
21
Rulers lasted and the choice of a person as a Ruler to
succeed another has to be made applying the law and custom
attaching to the gaddi of a particular state. Unless a
Ruler can be identified for the purpose of the Constitution
articles 291, 362 and 363 cannot be applied. Clause (22)
fixes the identity of the Ruler for the purposes of the
Constitution as a prince, chief or other person by whom any
covenant or agreement as is referred to in clause (1) of
article 291 was entered. into. The power or duty to
withdraw recognition must be confined to cases when the
first recognition was not proper.
Maharaja Pravir Chandra Bhanj Deo Kakatiya v. The State of
Madhya Pradesh, [1961] 2 S.C.R. 501 held inapplicable.
(ii)The power of recognition is- not a political power in
the paramountcy field. In strict legal theory whatever
paramountcy there was before the 15th August 1947 in the
British Government lapsed with the passing of the Indian
Independence Act. Paramountcy de facto there undoubtedly
was but no legal sanction can be ascribed to such
paramountcy.
Virendra Singh & Others v. State of U.P., [1951] 1, S.C.R.
415, Dalmia Dadri Cement Co. Ltd. v. Commissioner of Income-
tax, [1959] S.C.R. 729, Secretary of State v. Komachee Boyee
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Shiba, 7 M.I.A. 476, Doss v. Secretary of State L.R. 19
Equity 509 and Solomon v. Secretary of the State, [1906] I
K.B. 613, distinguished.
(iii) Once the Rulers ceded their territories and
accepted the Constitution ofIndia they became citizens of
India and the plea of continuance of an actof state as
against them cannot be accepted.
(iv) The recognition of Rulership is not an exercise of
political power vested in the President:
Kunwar Shri Vir Rajendra Singh v. Union of India, [1970] 2
S.C.R. 63 1, explained.
(v)Article 291 is meant to put the guarantee as to payment
of Privy Purse contained in the Covenants and agreements on
a firm and sure footing. It is not a mere declaration of
pious intention which the executive could disregard at its
whim or pleasure; so long as it finds a place in the
Constitution it is to be acted upon.
(vi)Article 363 imposes an absolute bar on the jurisdiction
of all courts to adjudicate upon disputes covered by it.
The object of the article was as much to save the Rulers who
had entered into covenants or agreements etc. from their
rivals or kinsmen coming to court to upset the covenants or
agreements as to shield the Government of India from
attempts on the part of Rulers to rip open the covenants.
To see whether any dispute falls within the second limb of
the article one must examine the content of the right or the
limit of the liability or obligation arising out of any
constitutional provision which. provision in its turn must
relate to any treaty, agreement etc. The expression relate
to" means, inter alia, "stand in some relation, to have
bearing or concern, to pertain, to refer to, bring into
association with or connection with". [127 E-H]
22
State of Seraikella & Others v. Union of India and Another.
[1951] S.C.R. 174, Sudhansu Shekhar Singh Deo v. The State
of Orissa, [1961] I S.C.R. 779, Nawab Usmali Khan v.
Sagarmal, [1965] 3 S.C.R., 201, Bishambar Nath v. Nawab
lmdad Ali Khan, 17 I.A. 181, Nawab Bahadur of Mushidabad v.
Karnani Industrial Bank Ltd., 58 I.A. 215, referred to.
(vii)Article 291 is a provision of the Constitution relating
to covenants or merger agreements. It is not a provision
merely for finding out the amount of the liability of the
Dominion of India by way of privy purse to a Ruler. It
expressly refers to covenants or agreements entered into by
the Rulers under which payment of sums free of tax has been
guaranteed or assured by the government of the Dominion of
India as Privy Purse and gives the term as to Privy Purse a
new shape and form. The article seeks to instill life and
vigour into the term for payment of Privy Purse in the
covenant by creating a new channel leading out of the
guarantee of the government of the Dominion of India which
was no longer in existence and making it flow along a
constitutional course by putting the liability of the Union
of India for payment of the sums beyond controversy. So
considered any dispute as to payment of privy purse would
come under the bar of article 363. [136 G; 140 D; 14t D; 142
D; 143 C]
Kunwar Shri Vir Rajendra Singh v. Union of India, [1970] 2
S.C.R. 631, referred to.
(viii) Since the President’s power or right or duty or
obligation to recognise a person as a Ruler arises not
merely out of the provisions in article 366(22) but also the
covenants, merger agreements or instruments of accession the
dispute is one which arises out a provision of the
Constitution relating to a treaty, agreement, covenant etc.
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in terms of article 363. [151 D-E]
(ix)It cannot be urged that if the act complained of is
ultra vires or a nullity the jurisdiction of the courts
would not be excluded. constitutional provision of the kind
of article 363 transcends this kind of consideration. All
that the Court has to see is whether the dispute falls
within either limb of the article. If the dispute is so
covered the court is precluded from examining whether the
contention of the party asserting a right was genuine or of
real substance. Equally, the bar will apply where a party
denying the right asserted or contesting the claim put
forward is guilty of action which on the face of things
appears to be arbitrary if there be some scope for raising
the plea in denial or contradiction. [151 C]
Pratap Singh v. The State of Punjab, [1964] 4 S.C.R. 773 and
Makhan Singh v. State of Punjab, [1964] 4 S.C.R. 797,
explained.
R.M. Lohia v. State, [1966] I S.C.R. 709, Ram Swarup v.
Shikar Chtind, [1966] 2 S.C.R. 553, Sadanandan v. Kerala
[1966] 3 S.C.R. 590, Jaichand Lal v. West Bengal, [1966]
Suppl. S.C.R. 464, Raja Anand v. U.P. Stale, [1967] I
S.C.R. 373, Dhulabhai v. Madhya Pradesh,_[1968] 3 S.C.R.
662, The General Assembly of Free Church of Scotland v. Lord
Over Town, [1904] A.C. 515, R. v. Bryant, [1956] I A.E.R.
341, Anismiminic Ltd. v. Foreign Compensation Commission and
another, [1969] I A.E.R. 208, Secretary of State v. Mask &
Co., 67 I.A. 222, Wolverhampton New Waterworks Co. v.
Hawkesford, [1859] 6 C.B. (N.S.) 336. Neville v. London
"Express" Newspaper, [1919] A.C. 368, Circo’s Coffee Co. v.
State of Mysore, 19 S.T.C. 66 and C. T. Santhulnathan
Chettiar v. Madras, C.A. 1045 of 1966 decided on 20th July,
1967, referred to.
23
Raleigh Investment Co. Ltd. v. Governor-General in Council,
74 I.A. 50, disapproved.
(x)Notwithstanding the wide sweep of the provision for
ousting the jurisdiction of courts as regards disputes
covered by it, article 363 gave ,express power to the
President to have the opinion of this Court to guide himself
by, and when disputes of such public importance were
agitating the minds of members of Parliament and of the
Cabinet it was not only his right but his duty to consult
this Court. [152 A]
Per Ray, J. (dissenting), that the petitions fail and are
dismissed.
(1) Articie 363 embodies the principles of Acts of state.
The entire relationship of the Dominion of India vis-a-vis
the Indian states was in the domain of Act of State and the
instruments, merger agreements and covenants did not have
any constitutional sanction and obligation and were totally
unenforceable in municipal courts. This Court has in
several decisions so held. Article 363 and the other allied
articles really reflect what the makers of the Constitution
picked up from the historical past and inserted in the
Constitution. [206 G, 207 H]
State of Seraikella v. Union of India & Anr. [1951] S.C.R.
474, Virendra Singh & Ors. v. The State of Uttar Pradesh
[1955] I S.C.R. 415, M/s. Dalmia Dadri Cement Co. Ltd. V.
The Commissioner of Income-tax, [1959] S.C.R. 729, The State
of Saurashtra v. Memon Haji Ismail Haji, [1960] I S.C.R.
537, State- of Gujarat v. Vora Fiddali Badruddin
Mithibarwala, [1964] 6 S.C .R. 416 and Nawab Usmanali Khan
v. Sagarmal, [1965] 3 S.C.R. 201, referred to.
(ii)The power of recognition of Rulership is political,
because, it is exercised by the President in relation to
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prince or chief by whom any covenant or merger agreement was
entered into and the necessity for recognition arises from
the covenants and merger agreements. It is political also
because it is not limited only to the law of succession or
custom. The reasons of state policy will enter the field.
it is not a compulsive power. The considerations which
moves the President are matters on which the Court will find
no standard for resolving it judicially. [210 F]
(iii)The rights accruing under or obligations arising out of
the provisions of the Constitution relating to covenants or
merger agreements are imperfect rights. There are no legal
rights as to recognition of rulership, payment of Privy
Purse and enjoyment of rights and privileges. [208 G]
(iv)Recognition of a Ruler under article 366(22) is only for
the limited purpose of payment of privy purse and it has no
other reference. There cannot be any legal right to
recognition because, the Power of the president to recognise
for the time being repels any concept of legal right to
Rulership Since the obligation to recognise a Ruler arises
only from the covenants and agreements and there cannot be
any legal enforceable right to recognition under the
covenant, no legal right to arises under article 366(22)
either. This is political power ship‘ power belonging to
the State, its government and policy and there is no
judicial process to adjudicate upon such considerations. It
is sophistry to speak of Rulership as an institution. When
institutions are recognised the Constitution has
specifically designated and recognied them. The President
has power to derecognise. The Constitution does not say
that the President is bound to recognise a Ruler. It
follows therefore that after derecognition he is not equally
bound to recognise another person as Ruler. [213 H; 214 H;
214 C; 26 A]
24
Maharaja Pravir Chandra Bhanj Deo Kaktiya v. The State of
Madhya Pradesh, [1961] 2 S.C.R. 501, Umrao Singh Ajit Singh
Ji & Anr. v. Bhagwati Singh Balbir Singh & Ors., A.I.R. 1956
S.C. 15 and Kunwar Shri Vir Rajendra Singh v. The Union of
India & Ors., [1970] 2 S.C.R. 631, referred to.
(v) Article 363 is a non obstante clause and it is a
constitutional mandate. The non obstante clause must be
allowed to operate with full vigour in its own field. [211
A; 212 A]
N.P. Ponnuswami v. Returning Officer, Namakkal
Constituency & Ors. [1952] S.C.R. 218, Aswini Kumar Ghosh
and Anr. v. Arabind Bose and Anr. [1953] S.C.R. I and
Dominion of India and Anr. v. Shrinbai A.Irani, [1955] I
S.C.R. 206, referred to.
(vi)Article 363 is a positive rule of unenforceability of
certain rights and obligations. This Court has held that
the article is a bar in any dispute relating to covenants
and merger agreements, that the privy purse is a political
pension and that the article constitutes a bar to
interference by court in a dispute arising by reason of
recognition of Rulership. [209 H]
State of Seraikella v. Union of India & Anr., [1951] S.C.R.
474, State of Gujarat v. Vora Fiddali Badruddin
Mithibarwala, [1964] 6 S.C.R. 416and Kunwar Shri Vir
Rajendra Singh v. The Union of India & Ors. [1970] 2 S.C.R.
631, referred to.
(vii)The dispute as to jurisdiction of the President is
not in vacuo but is adispute as to right of recognition
of Ruler for the purpose of paymentof Privy Purse and
enjoyment of rights and privileges. The disputeis whether
the President has or has not the power to make the order
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impugned in these proceedings. [213 B]
United Provinces v. Governor-General in Council, [1949]
F.C.R. 124 referred to.
(viii)Article 366(22) relates to covenants or agreements.
No person can be recognised as a Ruler until first be
entered into a covenant referred to in article 291, or
secondly, he is recognised by the President as the successor
of the Ruler recognised under the first part of clause (22).
Therefore, the claim to be recognised as a Ruler can only
arise if he or his predecessor signed the covenant and thus
there is express and direct relation to covenants. Article
366(22) has been put in relation to article 291 and article
362 and one cannot abstract article 366(22) from the
collection of those articles. All these three articles
viz., 291 362 and 366(22) stem from the covenants and merger
agreements. Ruler in article 366(22) is description of the
person referred to in article 291 and 362. If the
petitioner challenges the power of the President to derecog-
nise him he claims that he has a right to continue as a
Ruler and this is a right related to covenants. [216 E-G, B-
D]
(ix) The proposition that if the order is a nullity there is
no bar of jurisdiction, is inapplicable to the present case
where the question for consideration is of the Constitution
which under some articles confers jurisdiction on this Court
and in another article excludes the jurisdiction of the
Court. A private clause of this nature in the Constitution
stands on an entirely different footing from a clause of
that nature in other statutes. The fallacy of the
petitioners’ submission that because the order of the
President is a nullity the petitioners’ property rights are
invaded and hence the jurisdiction of this Court is
attracted, is, in totally overlooking the provisions of
article 363 which excludes in express and unambiguous terms
the jurisdiction of this Court "notwithstanding" any
provision of the Constitution. When the Constitution which
invests this
25
Court with jurisdiction with one hand divests it of
jurisdiction with another in specifically designed disputes
the attempt to overreach the article which bars the
jurisdiction of the Court will be totally impermeable. [219
C, F-H]
Smt. Ujjam Rai v. State of Uttar Pradesh, [1963] I S.C.R.
778, S. Pratap Singh v. The State of Punjab, [1964] 4 S.C.R.
733, Makhan Singh v. State of Punjab, [1964] 4 S.C.R. 779,
Lala Ram Swarup & Ors. v. Shikar Chand and Anr., [1966] 2
S.C.R. 533, Anisminic Ltd. v. Foreign Compensation
Commission, [1969] 2 A.C. 147, Dhulabhai and 0rs. v. The
State of Madhya Pradesh, [1968] 3 S.C.R. 662 and
Communications Assns. v. Douds, 339 U.S. 382, referred to.
(x)Article 291, being a constitutional recognition of the
guarantee regarding Privy Purse mentioned in covenants and
agreements, does not create any new and independent right of
payment of Privy Purse; therefore the article is related to
covenants. It embodies the constitutional recognition for
the fulfillment of the guarantees and assurances given by
the Government of India in respect of Privy Purses and
provides for necessary adjustments in respect of Privy Purse
entailed by changed circumstances and conditions. A Ruler
of an Indian State without being recognised a Ruler by the
President, cannot prefer any claim to Privy Purse under
article 291. The Ruler of an Indian State mentioned in the
first Part of article 291 is different from Ruler mentioned
in 291(b). The latter refers to the Ruler defined under
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article 366(22) and recognised by the President. It is
because of the combined effect of articles 291, 366(22) and
363 that this Court held in Nawab Usman Ali Khan’s case the
privy purse was paid on political consideration that it was
not a right legally enforceable in any municipal court and
that the political character was preserved by article .363
by taking privy purse beyond the reach of courts of law.
[221 B, B; 222 E-H]
Nawab Usman Ali Khan v. Sagarmal, [1965] 3 S.C.R. 201 relied
on.
Communications Assns. v. Douds, 339 U.S. 382, H. H. The
Maharaja Sahib Shri Bhagwat Singh Bahadur of Udaipur v. The
State of Rajasthan & Ors. [1964] 5 S.C.R. I and Shri
Sudhansu Shekhar Singh Deo v. The State of Orissa and Anr.,
[1961] I S.C.R. 779, referred to.
(xi)Because the payment of privy purses was to be free of
all taxes under the covenants and agreements whereas under
the Constitution it is exempt from all taxes on income,
article 291 cannot be said to create a new right. The words
"the sums so paid" in cl. (b) of the article relate to the
sum guaranteed under the covenants and agreements and to the
same sum charged on the Consolidated Fund. One has to turn
to, the covenants and merger agreement to have all the
particulars of persons, sums guaranteed and assured. The
fons et origo is the guarantee in the covenants and
agreements. [227 F]
(xii) The words "charged on and paid out of the Consolidated
Fund" in article 291 do not mean that a security is created
in respect of privy purse and therefore a new and
independent right is created. Under the article effect is
to be given to the covenants and merger agreements where
payment of any sum has been guaranteed. The charge is only
in respect of the right and obligation under the covenant an
it is therefore neither a new nor an independent right. [223
D]
(xiii)The words "charged on and paid out of the
Consolidated Fund" mean that the sums shall not be submitted
to the vote of Parliament and article 113(1) makes a
provision to that effect. If it were a charge it
26
would be a debt which would be; assignable and there cannot
be any legal validity for such assignment. Charge on the
Consolidated Fund is an .accounting arrangement before
Parliament and charge is meant for expenditure. The words
"paid out of the Consolidated Fund" denote the source from
which the expenditure would be met. The right to payment
,arises de-hors the charge on the Consolidated Fund, the
right arises from recognition by article 291 of guarantee of
payment of privy purses under a covenant. [224 D; 225 G-H]
(xiv) Therefore, article 362 is not the only article which
falls within article 363. Article 363 uses the word
provisions of the Constitution. The word provisions
indicate more than one article. It has to be emphasised
that article 291, 363 and 366(22) have a most direct and
visible relation to article 363. [228 B-C]
(xv)"Rights, liabilities and obligations" in articles
294(b) and 295(1)(b) of the Constitution refer to other
legal rights which were enforceable in a court of law.
Privy purses under the covenants and merger agreements were
no such legal rights enforceable in a court of law for the
obvious reason that if prior to the Constitution the
covenants and merger agreements were sought to be enforced
in a municipal court, the government would have demurred on
the plea of Act of State. That plea in bar would be
available to the Government of India as a defence to any
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claim under articles 294(b) and 295(1)(b). Articles 294(b)
and 295(1)(b) deal with devolution of liabilities of the
dominion and part B States respectively. The Constitution
has dealt with privy purses and covenants in separate
articles. Therefore,_articles 294(b) and 295(1)(b) can
have no application to privy purses and privileges. [229 E-
F]
Union of India and Ors. v. Gwalior Rayon Silk Manufacturing
(Weaving) Co. Ltd. and Anr., [1964] 7 S.C.R. 892 and The
South India Corporation (P) Ltd. v. The Secretary, Board of
Revenue, Trivandram ,and Anr., [1964] 4 S.C.R. 280, referred
to.
(xvi) In sum, the agreement to pay privy purses and to
continue privileges of the Princes which were guaranteed by
the Government of India before the Constitution were all
political agreements born out of political bargains to
achieve integration of Indian States with the Dominion of
India. This political bargain was carried into the
Constitution by the insertion of article 291 for payment of
privy purse, article 362 for continuance of privileges and
article 366(22) for recognition of Princes, and the
political character was preserved by inserting article 363
which bar the jurisdiction of the court in respect of
disputes arising out of covenants and agreements and these
articles which are related to the covenants and agreements.
[229 G]
(xvii) The petitioners cannot claim that the Order affects
their rights under the various statutes. If the rights are
derived from recognition of rulership by the President under
article 366(22) and if the recognition ,cannot be impeached
no right arises. [230 E]
(xviii) Recognition of rulership is not a legal right nor is
it a right to property. Privy purses is not a legal right
to property and there is no fundamental right to privy
purses. There is no fundamental right to rulership. The
decisions of this Court which have held that article 363 is
a bar to rights to privy purse, personal rights and
privileges and recognition of rulership from being agitated
in courts, have spoken the words of the Constitution. [231
C]
27
JUDGMENT:
ORIGINAL JURISDICTION : Writ Petitions Nos. 376 to 383 of
1970.
Petitions under Art. 32 of the Constitution of India for the
enforcement of fundamental rights.
N.A. Palkhivala, M. C. Setalvad, B. G. Murdeshwar, R.
Gopalakrishnan, J. B. Dadachanji, Ravinder Narain and 0. C.
Mathur, for the petitioners (in W.P. No, 376 of 1970).
M C. Setalvad, B.G. Murdeshwar, R. Gopalakrishnan, J. B.
Dadachanji, Ravinder Narain, O.C. Mathur and Suroja
Gopalakrishnan for the petitioners (in W.P. No. 377 of
1970).
M.C. Chagla, B. G. Murdeshwar, J. B. Dadachanji, R.
Gopalakrishnan and Suroja Gopalakrishnan, for the
petitioners (in W.P. No. 378 of 1970).
M.K. Nambyar. B G. Murdeshwar. J. B. Dadachanji and R.
Gopalakrishnan, for the petitioners (in W.P. No. 379 of
1970).
N. A. Palkhivala, M. C. Setalvad, B. C. Murdeshwar, J. B.
Dadachanji R. Gopalakrishnan and R. N. Banerjee, for the
petitioners (in W.P. No. 380 of 1970).
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M.C. Setalvad, B. G. Murdeshwar. J. B. Dadachanji and R.
Gopalakrishnan, for the petitioners (in W.P. No. 381 of
1970).
M.C. Setalvad, B. G. Murdeshwar. J. B. Dadachanji and R.
Gopalakrishnan, for the petitioner (in W.P. No. 382 of
1970).
M.K. Nambyar, B. G. Murdeshwar, J. B. Dadachanji, R.
Gopalakrishnan Shelandra Swarup and B. Dutta, for the
petitioner (in W.P. No. 383 of 1970).
Niren De, Attorney-General, Jagadish Swarup, Solicitor-
General, S. T. Desai, Amiva K. Basu N. H. Hinoorani, R. H.
Dhebar, S. P. Nayar, for the respondents (in W.P. No. 376 of
1970).
Niren De, Attorney-General Jagadish Swarup, Solicitor-
General H. R. Gokhale, R. H. Dhebar, S. K. Dholakia and S.
P. Nayar, for the respondents (in W.P. No. 377 of 1970).
Niren De, Attorney-General, Jagadish Swarup, Solicitor-
General, V. A. Sevid Muhammad R.H.Debar and S. P. Nayar, for
the respondents (in W.P. No. 378 of 1970).
Niren De, Attorney-General, Jagadish Swarup, Solicitor-
General R. H. Dhebar and S. P. Nayar, for respondents (in
W.P. No. 379 of 1970).
Niren De. Attorney-General, Jagadish Swarup, Solicitor-
General R. H. Dhebar S P Nayar and S. Chakravarti, for the
respondents (in W.P. No. 380 of 1970).
Niren De. Attorney-General, Jagdish Swarup. Solicitor-
General, R. R.Dhebar and S. P. Nayar, far the respondent (in
W.P. No. 381 of 1970).
Jagadish Swarup, Solicitor General. Rameshwar Nath and S.
P. Nayar, for the respondent (in W. P. No. 382 of 1970).
S.Mohan Kumaramangalam, Ram Murthi. Ram Panjuwani and S. P.
Nayar, for the respondents (in W.P. No. 383 of 1970).
3- 744Sup CI/71
28
R.M. Hazarnavis, R. N. Sachthey and Vineet Kumar, for the
Advocate-General, Maharashtra.
M.M. Abdul Khadar, Advocate-General of Kerala and K. M.
K. Nail-, for the Advocate-General for the State of Kerala.
Lal Narayan Sinha Advocate-General, for the State of Bihar,
D. P. Singh, R. K. Garg and S. C. Agarwala, for the Advocate
for the State of Bihar.
B. Das, Advocate-General, for the State of West Bengal, S.
S. Ray, G.S. Chatterjee and Sukumar Basu, for the
Advocate-General for the State of West Bengal.
Ashok Das, Advocate-General, for the State of Orissa,
Santosh Chatterjee and G. S. Chatterjee, for the Advocate-
General for the State of Orissa.
G. S. Kasliwal, Advocate-General for the State of
Rajasthan and K. Baldev Mehta, for the Advocate-General
for State of Rajasthan.
H.L. Sijabal, the Advocate-General for the State of
Punjab and R. N. Sachthey, for the Advocate-General for the
State of Punjab.
A.C. Gulati, Rajinder Jain, D. P. Ghosh and G. Banerjee,
for the intervener (in W.P. No. 376 of 1970)
HIDAYATULLAH, C.J. delivered a separate concurring Judgment.
The Judgment of SHAH, SIKRI, SHELAT, BHARGAVA, VAIDIALINGAM,
GROVER and DUA, JJ. was delivered by SHAH, J. HEGDE, J.
delivered a separate concurring judgment. MITTER and RAY,
JJ. gave dissenting Opinions.
Hidayatullah, C.J--On September 6, 1970, the President of
India passed a laconic order in respect of each of the
Rulers of former Indian States. The order was served by a
Secretary to Government of India. A sample order issued to
the Ruler of Gwalior State may be read here :
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No. 21/14/70-Poll.III
Government of India
Ministry of Home Affairs
New Delhi the 6th September 1970
ORDER
In exercise of the power vested in him under Article 366(22)
of the Constitution, the President hereby directs that with
effect from the date of this Order His Highness
Maharajdhiraja Madhav Rao Jiwaji Rao Scindia Bahadur do
cease to be recognised as the Ruler of Gwalior.
By order and in the name of the President.
Sd./-
L. P. SINGH
Secretary to the Government of India
29
All these orders were notified together in the Gazette of
India of September 19, 1970, Part II. They resulted in the
forthwith stoppage of the Privy Purses received by the
Rulers and the discontinuance of their personal privileges.
These writ petitions under Article 32 of the Constitution
were filed by some of the Rulers as test cases to question
the orders. They ask for a writ, direction or order,
declaring the Presidential Order to be unconstitutional,
mala fide, ultra vires and void, and for quashing it, a
writ, direction or order declaring that the several
petitioners continue to be Rulers and thus to be entitled to
their respective Privy Purses and personal rights and
privileges and a further writ, direction or order directing
the Union of India to continue to ’pay the Privy Purses as
before and to recognise the personal rights to privileges
and to observe the, provisions of the Covenants and Merger
Agreements.
This judgment and order will govern all these petitions.
Since the issues involved in all the petitions are common
and there are only minor differences in the steps before the
States merged with the Indian Union, it is sufficient if an
illustrative petition is dealt with. In this judgment I
shall refer to the petition filed by the Ruler of Gwalior
which is first on my list and embraces almost all the
varying aspects of the question. The other petitions are
identical except for some details which are special to a
particular Ruler but are not material for the discussion of
the issues involved.
The Ruler of the Gwalior State succeeded to the gaddi of the
State on July 16, 1961 on the demise of his father. On
August 15, 1947 the father had signed an Instrument of
Accession of his state to the Dominion of India, as then
established, and it was accepted by the Governor-General of
India on the following day. This Instrument of Accession
was similar to those which the other Rulers signed on
diverse dates. It is to be found at p. 165 of the White
Paper on Indian States and is exhibited with the Petition as
Ex. A. On April 22, 1948 the father, as Ruler, signed a
Covenant with other Rulers of this area and the United
States of Madhya Bharat was formed on June 15, 1948. On the
coming into force of the Constitution of India, the State of
Madhya Bharat became a Part B State. On the passing of the
Constitution (Seventh Amendment) Act 1956, Madhya Bharat
State ceased to be a Part B State and was integrated with
the State of Madhya Pradesh as provided under the States
Reorganisation Act, 1956. I shall now say something in more
detail about these several steps.
The Instruments of Accession were executed in furtherance of
the Indian Independence Act, 1947. On June 3, 1947 the
30
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British Government announced their plan of transfer of power
in India. The Government of India formed a Ministry of
States under Sardar Vallabihbhai Patel and it was decided to
secure the accession of Indian States on three subjects :
External Affairs; and Communications. The Act provided for
lapse of sovereignty of the British Crown in India over the
Indian States‘ and they were free to accede to any of the
two Dominions of India or Pakistan or to continue as
independent sovereigns. A reference to the Indian
Independence Act, 1947 appears necessary at this stage.
The preamble of the Act stated that the Act was to make
provision for the setting up in India of two independent
Dominions and to provide for matters consequential on or
connected with the setting up of those Dominions and-to
substitute certain provisions in the Government of India Act
1935. Section 1 of the Act fixed the 15th day of August,
1947 as the appointed ate, from which the two independent
Dominions were to come into existence. Section 2 demarcated
their territories, but without prejudice to the generality
of the provisions of sub-section (3) of that section, the
accession of Indian States to either of the two Dominions
was not to be prevented. Immediately afterwards the India
(Provisional Constitution) Order 1947 was promulgated and
certain substitutions were made in the Government of India
Act 1935 by the Governor-General by virtue of subsection (2)
of Section 8 read with section 9 of the Indian Independence
Act. Sections 5 and 6 of the Government of India Act 1935
were replaced by the following sections
"5. Establishment of the Dominion :
(1)The Dominion of India established by the
Indian Independence Act, 1947, shall as from
the fifteenth day of August 1947, be a Union
comprising :-
(a) the Provinces hereinafter called
Governors’ Provinces;
(b)the Provinces hereinafter called Chief
Commissioners’ Provinces.
(c) the Indian States acceding to the
Dominion in the manner hereinafter provided,
and
(d) any other areas that may with the
consent of the Dominion be uncured in the
Dominion.
(2) The said Dominion of India. is hereafter
in this
Act referred to as "the Dominion" and the said
fifteenth day of August is hereafter in this
Act referred to as ’the date of the
establishment of the Dominion’.
31
6. Accession of Indian States-
(1)An Indian State shall be deemed to have acceded to the
Dominion if the Governor General has signified his
acceptance of an Instrument of Accession executed by the
Ruler thereof whereby the Ruler on behalf of the State :-
(a) declares that he accedes to the Dominion
with the intent that the Governor-General, the
Dominion Legislature, the Federal Court and
any other Dominion authority established for
the purposes of the Dominion shall, by virtue
of his Instrument of Accession but subject al-
ways to the terms thereof, and for the
purposes only of the Dominion exercise in
relation to the State such functions as may be
vested in them by order under this Act; and
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(b) assumes the obligation of ensuring that
due effect is given within the State to the
provisions of this Act so far as they are
applicable therein by virtue of the Instrument
of Accession.
(2) An Instrument of Accession shall specify
the matters which the Ruler accepts as matters
with respect to which the Dominion Legislature
may make laws for the State and the
limitations, if any, to which the power, of
the Dominion Legislature to make laws for the
State, and the exercise of the executive
authority the Dominion in the State, are
respectively to be subject.
(3)A Ruler may, by a supplementary
Instrument executed by him and accepted by the
Governor General vary the Instrument of
Accession of his State by extending the
functions which by virtue of that Instrument
are exercisable by any Dominion authority in
relation to his State.
(4)References in this Act to the Ruler of a
State include references to any persons for
the time being exercising the powers of the
Ruler of the State whether by reason of the
Ruler’s minority or for any other reason.
(5)In this Act a State which has acceded to
the Dominion is referred to as an acceding
State and the Instrument by virtue of which a
State has so acceded
32
construed together with any supplementary
Instrument executed under this section, is
referred to as the Instrument of Accession of
that State.
(6)As soon as may be after an Instrument of
Accession or supplementary instrument has been
accepted by the Governor-General under this
Section, copies of the Instrument and of the
Governor-General’s acceptance thereof shall be
laid before the Dominion Legislature and all
courts shall take judicial notice of every
such instrument and acceptance."
In furtherance of these new provisions, the Instruments of
Accession were executed on different dates, after
negotiations between the Government of India and the Rulers,
but nothing turns upon the date of an Instrument. Many
Rulers had immediately signed Instruments of Merger,
transferring full and exclusive authority, jurisdiction and
powers in relation to the governance of their States to the
Government of India. They were merged with the existing
Provinces or were set up as Chief Commissioner’s Provinces.
Some others signed Instruments of Accession first and
Instruments of Merger later. The remaining at first formed
themselves into different Unions of States, making over the
administration of their States to a Rajpramukh of the Union
of the States vesting in him all rights, authority and
jurisdiction belonging to the Ruler which appertained to or
were incidental to the Government of the Covenanting States.
In this way several Unions of States or United States
emerged. A brief reference to the Instrument of Accession,
the Covenants and the Instruments of Merger is necessary at
this stage. The Ruler of Gwalior, father of the present
petitioner, joined the United State of Madhya Bharat as
already indicated. I can therefore conveniently study the
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Instrument of Accession and the Covenant executed by him as
illustrative of the documents signed by the Rulers.
I begin with the Instrument of Accession. In the Preamble
to the Instrument the Ruler observed that he was executing
it in the exercise of his sovereignty in and over his State.
He declared that he was acceding to the Dominion of India
and authorised the Governor-General of India, the Dominion
Legislature, the Federal Court and any other Dominion
Authority. established for the purposes of the Dominion to
exercise in relation to hi-, State functions vested in them
by or under the Government of India Act 1935 as in force on
the 15th August 1947. On his part he undertook the
obligation of ensuring that effect was given to the provi-
sions of the Government of India Act 1935 in his State. He
accented that the Dominion Legislature would make law-, with
respect to matters specified in the Schedule to his
Instrument.
33
These topics have only a historical significance and need no
mention here. There were certain reservations, particularly
in regard to any future constitution of India affecting the
continuance or his sovereignty in and over the State, and
the exercise of any powers, authority and rights then
enjoyed by him as Ruler. The Governor-General accepted the
Instrument of Accession and signed it in token thereof.
The Ruler of Gwalior next signed a Covenant with certain
Rulers in the former Madhya Bharat area and agreed to form a
United State of Madhya Bharat. The covenant contains 18
articles and 4 schedules. This covenant is a detailed
document and is reproduced in the White Paper and is also
exhibited in the. case before me. It is not necessary to
refer to all its terms but. the relevant ones may be noted
here. The Covenanting States agreed to unite and integrate
their territories into one State with common Executive.
Legislature and Judiciary. Room was kept, for other Rulers
to join later if they were so minded. The Covenant
established a Council of Rulers, with a right to elect a
President (to be called the Rajpramukh of the United State)
and one Senior Vice-President and two Junior Vice-
Presidents. The President and the Senior Vice-President
were to hold office during their lifetime and the Junior
Vice-Presidents for a term of five years. The Rajpramukh
was to be aided and advised by a Council of Ministers to be
chosen by him and they were to hold office during his
pleasure. July 1, 1948 was fixed for making over the
administration of the Covenanting States to the Rajpramukh
including a transfer of all assets and liabilities of the
State and of the Scheduled Areas. The Rajpramukh had
jurisdiction to make laws for the peace and good Government
of those areas whether with or without consultation with his
Council of Ministers but subject to direction or
instructions of the Government of India. The Rajpramukh was
to execute by 15th June 1948 a fresh Instrument of Accession
in place of the separate Instruments already executed by the
Covenanting Rulers. By that Instrument he was to accept the
making of laws by the Dominion Legislature on all matters
mentioned in Lists I and III of the Seventh Schedule to the
Government of India Act 1935 except the entries in List I
relating to any tax or duty. The Rajpramukh and the Vice-
Presidents were to enter upon their duties on 11th May 1948.
The Rajpramukh and the Vice-President were to be paid Rs.
2,50 000 per year as consolidated allowances and the Junior
Vice Presidents were to be paid such allowances as the
Rajpramukh was to fix. The executive authority of the
United State (subject to the provisions of the Covenant and
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a Constitution to be framed later) was to be exercised by
the Rajpramukh and the competant Legislature of the United
State was to be given the competence to confer functions
upon the subordinate authorities but the Covenant
34
was not to be deemed to transfer to the Rajpramukh any
functions conferred by any existing law on any Court, Judge,
officer or local or other authority in a Covenanting State.
The Covenant next provided for the setting up, as soon as
possible, of a Constituent Assembly in the manner set out in
the Third Schedule to the Covenant to frame a Constitution
of a unitary type for the United State within the framework
of the Covenant and the Constitution of India and for
providing a Government responsible to the Legislature. The
Rajpramukh was to constitute not later than August 1, 1948
an interim Legislative Assembly for the United State in
accordance with the provisions set out in Schedule, IV till
the formation of the Constituent Assembly which was then to
perform legislative functions as well. The Rajpramukh was
also given power to promulgate,- Ordinances. Articles XI to
XV were as follows :
" ARTICLE XI
(1) The Ruler of each Covenanting State shall
be entitled to receive annually from the
revenues of the.United States for his privy
purse the amount specified against that
Covenanting State in Schedule I :
Provided that the sums specified in the
Schedule in respect of the Rulers of Gwalior
and Indore shall be payable only to the
present Rulers of these States and not to
their successors for whom provision will be
made subsequently.
(2)The said amount is intended to cover all
the expenses of the Ruler and his family
including expenses of his residence, marriages
and other ceremonies, etc. and shall subject
to the provisions of paragraph (1) neither be
increased nor reduced for any reason what-
soever.
(3)The Rajpramukh shall cause the said
amount to be paid to the Ruler in four equal
instalments at the beginning of each quarter
in advance.
(4)The said amount shall be free of all
taxes whether imposed by the Government of
the United State or by the Government of
India.
35
ARTICLE XII
(1)The Ruler of each Covenanting State
shall be entitled to the full ownership, use
and enjoyment of all private properties (as
distinct from State properties) belonging to
him on the date of his making over the
administration of that State to the Raj
Pramukh.
(2)He shall furnish to the Raj Pramukh
before the first day of August 1948 an
inventory of all immovable properties,
securities and cash balances held by him as
such private property.
(3)If any dispute arises as to whether any
item of property is the private property of
the Ruler or State property, it shall be
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referred to such person as the Government of
India may nominate in consultation with the
Raj Pramukh and the decision of that person
shall be final and binding on all parties
concerned :
Provided that no such dispute, shall be so
referable after the first day of July 1949.
ARTICLE XIII
The Ruler of each Covenanting State, as also
the members of his family, shall be entitled
to all the personal privileges, dignities and
titles enjoyed by them, whether within or
outside the territories of the State,
immediately before the 15th day of August
1947.
ARTICLE XIV
(1)The succession, according to law and
custom to the gaddi of each Covenanting State,
and to the personal rights, privileges,
dignities and titles of the Ruler thereof, is
hereby guaranteed.
(2)Every question of disputed succession in
regard to a Covenanting State shall be decided
by the Council of Rulers after referring it to
a bench consisting of all the available Judges
of the High Court of the United State and in
accordance with the opinion given by the High
Court."
Article XV gave complete immunity to the Ruler in respect of
past acts and omissions. The next two articles guaranteed
the continuance in service, of the permanent members of the
public service of the States on conditions not less
advantageous than those existing on April 15. 1948 or
payment to them of reasonable compensation. There were
other guarantees and also
36
immunity for past acts or omissions in the execution of duty
as a Public servant. Article XVIII continued in their
respective States the prerogative of suspension, remission
or commutation of death sentences enjoyed by the former
Rulers of Gwalior and Indore. Schedule I then stated the
Privy Purses of the Rulers. It was divided into two
sections-Salute States and Non-Salute States. They ranged
from Rs. 25,00,000 to the Ruler of Gwalior to Rs. 6,000 to
the Rubber of Mathwar. The rest of the provisions are not
material for my discussion.
The Covenant was signed by all the Rulers of the Covenanting
States and the Government of India endorsed on it their
acceptance thus :
"The Government of India hereby concur in the
above Covenant and guarantee all its
provisions. In confirmation whereof Mr. Vapal
Pangunni Menon, Secretary to the Government of
India in the Ministry of States, appends his
signature on behalf and with the authority of
the Government of India.
Secretary to the Government of India,
Ministry of States".
Further agreements were devised for each of such other
States as might join later and the Government of India
concurred in the same way with such agreements.
A fresh Instrument of Accession was executed by the Raj-
pramukh on behalf of the United State of Madhya Bharat.
Special provisions were made for avoiding legislative
conflict, and for any future agreement between the
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Rajpramukh and the Government of India. Such agreements
were to form part of the Instrument of Accession. It was
however expressly provided by clause 6 as follows :
"6. The terms of this Instrument of Accession
shall not be varied by any amendment of the
Act or of the Indian Independence Act, 1947,
unless such amendment is accepted by the Raj
Pramukh of the United State by an Instrument
supplementary to this Instrument."
The Governor-General of India accepted this Instrument of
Accession on September 13, 1948. By then 23 Rulers bad
joined the United State. On November 24, 1949, on the
passing of the Constitution of India, the Rajpramukh issued
a Proclamation after
37
a resolution of the Covenanting Rulers. It affirmed the
constitutional relationship’ between the United State and
the Dominion of India and provided as follows
"PROCLAMATION FOR MADHYA BHARAT
Gwalior, the 24th November 1949
WHEREAS with the inauguration of the new Con-
stitution for the whole of India now being
framed by the Constituent Assembly of India,
the Government of India Act, 1935, which now
governs the constitutional relationship
between .this State and the Dominion of India,
will stand repealed;
AND WHEREAS, in the best interests of the
State of Madhya Bharat, which is closely
linked with the rest of India by a community
of interests in the economic, political and
other fields, it is desirable that the
constitutional relationship established
between this State and the Dominion of India,
should not only be continued as between this
State and the contemplated Union of India but
further strengthened, and the Constitution of
India as drafted by the Constituent Assembly
of India, which includes duly. appointed
representatives of this State, provides a
suitable basis for doing so;
I, Jiwajirao Madhavrao Scindia, Raj Pramukh of
the Madhya Bharat, now hereby declare and
direct-
That the Constitution of India shortly to be
adopted by the Constituent Assembly of India
shall be the Constitution for the Madhya
Bharat as for the other parts of India and
shall be enforced as such in accordance with
the tenor of its provisions;
That the provisions of the said Constitution
shall, as from the date of its commencement’
supersede and abrogate all other
constitutional provisions inconsistent
therewith which are at present in force in
this State.
This in short is the constitutional history of the States
which united to form the United State of Madhya Bharat. It
is apparent that the Instrument of Accession and the
Covenants operated as a constitution in little for the
governance of the United State. The identity of the United
State as a semi-independent unit was preserved and the
constitutional framework of this State was indicated. The
Covenant was an Act of State on the part of the Rulers. It
may be regarded also as such by the Government of India
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although no volition beyond concurrence, of the Government
Played any Part whatever might I have been the diplomatic
38
consultations between the acceding United State and the
Government of India. The Government of India merely
accorded them recognition and guaranteed its provisions. If
treated as an Act of State it ended with the recognition.
It was also an Act of State on the part of the Rulers who
surrendered their lights but the provisions that they
evolved for the joint governance of their territories made a
constitution proper of which the Courts were to take
judicial notice and apply according to their tenor as
occasion demanded. From these documents flowed consequences
which were binding alike upon the Covenanting States, the
United State of Madhya Bharat and the Government of India
and the Courts-. None of them could avoid these
consequences.
The Merger agreements were much simpler documents. As an
illustration I may refer to the Bilaspur Merger agreement.
It was executed on the 15th August 1948 by the Raja of
Bilaspur. It consisted of five articles. By the first
article the Raja ceded to the Dominion government full and
exclusive authority, jurisdiction and powers for and in
relation to the governance of the State, agreeing to
transfer the administration on October 12, 1948. By article
2 the Raja was to receive annually a sum of Rs. 70,000/as
privy purse free of taxes. The sum included Rs. 10,000/- as
an allowance for the Yuvraj. These amounts were to cover
all expenses and were not to be increased nor reduced for
any reason whatsoever. By article 3 the Raja was entitled
to the full ownership, use and enjoyment of all private
properties (as distinct from State properties) belonging to
him, and he was to furnish an inventory of such properties.
In case of dispute the matter was to be referred to such
officers with judicial experience as the Dominion government
might nominate and the decision was to be binding on both
parties. By article 4, the Raja, the Rajmata, the Yuvraj
and the Yuvrani were to enjoy all personal privileges en-
joyed by them within and without the territories immediately
before the 15th day of August 1947. By article 5 the
Dominion government guaranteed the succession, according to
law and custom. to the gaddi of the State and to the Raja’s perso
nal rights, privileges dignities and titles. The
Merger agreement was signed by the Raja and Mr. V. P. Menon,
Secretary in the Ministry of States.
Although the Merger Agreement of the Raja of Bilaspur
sufficiently illustrates the line followed it may be
mentioned here that some of the Merger Agreements had more
clauses than the one noticed. In the Merger Agreement of
the Maharao of Kutch there were other articles such as
immunity for past acts of the Maharao in his personal
capacity or otherwise and also a guarantee for continuance
in service of the permanent members of the Public services
of Kutch and for their conditions of service, pensions
39
and leave salaries and immunity for past acts. In the
Bhopal Merger Agreement the Nawab was to receive Rs.
11,00,000/- as Privy Purse but each of his successors was to
receive only Rs. 9,00,000/-. Article IV however provided
that the income derived annually from the share of the Nawab
in the original investment by Qudsia Begum in the Bhopal
State Railway, which share was agreed to be Rs. 5,50,000,
was to be treated as the personal income of the Nawab and to
be paid by the Government of India to the Nawab and his
successors. Article VII provided that the succession to the
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throne of Bhopal State would be governed by and regulated in
accordance with the provisions of the Act known as "The
succession to the Throne of Bhopal Act of 1947", and then in
force in the Bhopal State. The Government of India further
agreed that all rights and privileges secured by the
Agreement to the Nawab would be continued to his successor.
The course of historical events is different according to
the States emerged in or merely acceded to the Dominion.
The merged States were either incorporated in the existing
Governor’s Provinces or, were administered centrally as
Chief Commissioner’s Provinces. I am not concerned with
these historical events and, therefore, I refrain from
saying anything here.
The next step in the chain of historical events in regard to
Gwalior came with the Constitution which was accepted by the
Rajpramukh in his Proclamation. Special provisions were
incorporated in the Constitution to which reference may be
made here. Four Articles in the Constitution are only
relevant and are quoted here. Article 291 was amended by
the Constitution (Seventh Amendment) Act, 1956 by deleting
clause (2) but is quoted here as it was before the Amendment
:
"291 (1) Where under any covenant or agreement
entered into by the Ruler of any Indian State
before the commencement of this Constitution,
the payment of any sums, free of tax, has been
guaranteed or assured by the Government of the
Dominion of India to any Ruler of such State
as Privy Purse.
(a) such sums shall be charged on, and paid
out of, the Consolidated Fund of India; and
(b) the sums so paid to any Ruler shall be
exempt from all taxes on income.
(2) Where the territories of any such Indian
State as aforesaid are comprised within a
State specified in Part A or Part B of the
First Schedule. there hall be charged on, and
paid out of, the Consolidated Fund of
40
that State such contribution, if any, in
respect of the payments made by the
Government of India under clause ( 1 ) and
for such period as may, subject to any
agreement entered into in that behalf under
clause (1) of article 278, be determined by
order of the President".
This Article does not apply to the State of Jammu and
Kashmir. Article 366 contained a definition in (21) which
was deleted by the Constitution (Seventh Amendment) Act
1956. This definition may be read here :
"366. In this Constitution, unless the
context ’otherwise requires, the following
expressions have the meanings hereby
respectively assigned to them, that is to say-
(21) "Rajpramukh" means-
(a) in relation to the State of Hyderabad,
the person who for the time being is
recognised by the President as the Nizam of
Hyderabad;
(b) in relation to the State of Jammu and
Kashmir’ or the State of Mysore, the person
who for the time being is recognised by the
President as the Maharaja of that State; and
(c) in relation to any other State specified
in Part B of the First Schedule, the person
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who for the time being is recognised by the
President as the Rajpramukh of the State, and
includes in relation to any of the said States
any person for the time being recognised by
the President as competent to exercise the
powers of the Rajpramukh in relation to that
State;"
These two repeals were occasioned by the constitutional
readjustment of States when Part B States disappeared. The
definitions became obsolete after the Reorganization and
hence they were deleted. Article 366 contained other
definitions in (15) and (22) which may be quoted:
"(15) ’Indian State’ means any territory which
the Government of the Dominion of India
recognised as such a State."
" (22) ’Ruler’ in relation to an Indian State
means the Prince, Chief or other person by
whom any such covenant or agreement as is
referred to in clause (1) of
41
article 291 was entered into and who for the
time being is recognised by the President as
the Ruler of the State, and includes any
person who for the time being is recognised by
the President as the successor of such Ruler;"
They are intact till today. So also two other Articles,
namely, 362 and 363. of these the former does not apply to
the State of Jammu and Kashmir, but the latter does. They
may be quoted here :
"362. In the exercise of the power of
Parliament or of the Legislature of a State to
make laws or in the exercise of the executive
power of the Union or of a State due regard
shall be had to the guarantee or assurance
given under any such covenant or agreement as
is referred to in clause (1) of article 291
with respect to the personal rights,
privileges and dignities of the Ruler of an
Indian State.
363 (1). Notwithstanding anything in this
Constitution but subject to the provisions of
article 143, neither the Supreme Court nor any
other court shall have jurisdiction in any
dispute arising out of any provision of a
treaty, agreement, covenant, engagement, sanad
or other similar instrument which was entered
into or executed before the commencement of
this Constitution by any Ruler of an Indian
State and to which the Government of the
Dominion of India or any of its predecessors
Governments was a party and which has or has
been continued in operation after such com-
mencement, or in any dispute in respect of any
right accruing under or any liability or
obligation arising out of any of the
provisions of this Constitution relating to
any such treaty, agreement, covenant,
engagement, sanad or other smilar instrument.
(2) In this article--
(a) ’Indian State’ means any territory
recognised before the commencement of this
Constitution by His Majesty or the Government
of the Dominion of India as being such a
State; and
(b) ’Ruler’ includes the Prince, Chief or
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other person recognised before such
commencement of His Majesty or the Government
of the Dominion of India as the Ruler of any
Indian State."
42
The intention behind the definitions in 2(a) and (b)
specially included here was to bind even those Rulers who
were recognized before and who might not have been
recognised by the President under article 366(22).
The Indian States formed a significant but separate part of
India before they merged with the rest of India. it is
common knowledge that the aim of the Government of India
Act, 1935 was to associate the Indian States with British
India as equal partners in a loose federation. When India
became independent by the Indian Independence Act 1947,
British paramountly in respect of the Indian States lapsed.
In theory the Rulers became independent but, as shown above,
in actual fact, almost all the Rulers signed almost
immediately, Instruments of Accession in August 1947
surrendering Defence, External Affairs and Communications.
The Rulers immediately after Independence became divided
into four classes :
(a) those who had signed Instruments of
Accession;
(b) those who had signed instruments of
Merger;
(c) those who had formed themselves into
Unions and the Unions had signed Instruments
of Accession;
(d) Hyderabad, Mysore and Jammu and Kashmir.
The merged States were either directly administered by the
Dominion Government as Chief Commissioner’s Provinces or
were handed over to the neighboring Provinces. Thus 216
States merged in the adjoining Provinces, 61 States were
converted into centrally administered areas and 275 States
formed Unions. Only three States retained their integrity;
but when the Constitution came into force, they too became
part of the Union of India on a later date. They were
Hyderabad, Mysore and Jammu and Kashmir.
The Indian States covered about 48 per cent of the area of
the Indian Dominion. The population of this area formed 28
per cent of the total population of the Dominion. All the
Rulers (including the Rajpramukhs of the Unions) issued
proclamations of which reference has earlier been made in
relation to Gwalior. On the merger or integration of the
States with the Union of India the Rulers were left with a
Privy Purse and a few of their personal privileges and
properties. The Privy Purses were fixed with due regard to
the incomes of the Rulers, before integration with a ceiling
of Rs. 10 lakhs. Eleven Rulers were to be paid more than
that sum as a personal Privy Purse. The total amount of the
Privy Purses came to Rs. 58 crores. Today the highest Privy
Purse is Rs. 26 lakhs per annum to the Ruler of Mysore and
the lowest is Rs. 192 per annum to the Ruler of Kotodia.
43
The Privileges of the Rulers included many items. A memo-
randum on these privileges was issued by the Ministry of
States in 1949. it did not contain an exhaustive list but
was drawn up to inform Provincial and Union Governments
about them. It contained an itemised list of 34 privileges.
They included several exemptions from the operation of
Indian Laws, the enjoyment of Jagir and personal property of
the Rulers and members of their families, the payment by the
States of the marriage expenses of the brothers and sisters
of the Rulers, immunity from some processes of courts of
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law, immunity from requisitioning of the private properties
of the Rulers and their families and so on and so forth.
During the negotiations letters were written to the Rulers
to assure them that the Privy Purse was fixed in prepatuity
and the freedoms enjoyed by them would be continued.
The Privy Purses and the Privileges were continued till 6th
September 1970. Their payment or enjoyment was a part of
the guarantee of the Constitution. However the All India
Congress Committee passed a Resolution on 25th June 1967 for
their abolition. In furtherance of this resolution the
Union Home Ministry held several conferences with the
representatives of the Rulers. Although shorn of all but a
shadow of their former power and panoply, the Rulers seemed
to regard themselves as something different from the people
or perhaps, as princes in exile. They had their Concord,
their Intendant-General and Conciliar Committee, thereby
evoking a certain measure of hostility among persons who
were oblivious of the constitutional transition in India.
The summary of the proceedings of these conferences were
marked collectively as Annexure A annexed to the affidavit
of the Union of India. It shows six meetings between
November 3, 1967 and January 8, 1970. There were perhaps a
number of informal meetings and consultations. Nothing
seems to have been achieved. Government of India repeated
their intention of withdrawing the recognition of the Rulers
and stoppage of the Privy Purses and Privileges, and was
prepared only for a negotiated settlement as to the terms on
which the abolition should take place. The Concord of
Princes was not prepared to enter into any negotiations and
were chary of a fresh settlement which might be broken just
as simply as the past solemn engagements and assurances.
The Rulers who, before Independence, had always displayed
the sentiment Ego et rex meus had realised that Princes were
not the only people in Whose word trust should not be
placed.
The Government of India acted rapidly. The President in his
speech to the Houses gave expression to the policy of
Government. A Resolution recommending the abolition was
moved and passed in the Rajya Sabha. A Bill was then moved
in the Lok
4-L744Sup.CI/71
44
Sabha intituled. The Constitution (Twenty Fourth Amendment)
Bill 1970. It consisted of three clauses and a short
statement of Objects and Reasons. ’the Statement read :
"The concept of rulership, with Privy Purses
and Special Privileges unrelated to any
current functions and social purposes, is
incompatible with an egalitarian social order.
Government have therefore decided to terminate
the Privy Purses and Privileges of the Rulers
of former Indian States. Hence this Bill.
14-5-1970 Y. B. CHAVAN"
The Address of the President to the Joint Session of
Parliament, the Resolution above referred to and the
Statement of Objects and Reasons all gave identical reasons.
The Bill was voted upon in the Lok Sabha on September 2,
1970. 332 votes for and 154 votes against it, were cast. It
was considered in the Rajya Sabha ,on September 5, 1970 and
was defeated, 149 voting for and 75 against it. It failed
in the Rajya Sabha to reach the requisite majority of not
less than two-thirds of the members present and voting.
The Bill originally gave no indication of the date when the
Act was to come into operation but in the Lok Sabha an
amendment was accepted by which it was to come into force
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from October 15, 1970. By the second clause the Bill
omitted Article 291 and 362 of the Constitution and the
third clause omitted Article 366(22). The same evening the
Cabinet is said to have met and to have decided to advise
the President to withdraw the recognition of the Rulers.
The same night the President signed at Hyderabad an
instrument withdrawing recognition of all the Rulers.
Separate orders were. issued to all the Rulers on the 6th
September 1970 and they were also notified in the Gazette as
already mentioned.
on September 7, 1970, the Finance Minister laid on the table
of the Rajya Sabha a statement. He claimed that the power
of the President to withdraw the recognition of the Rulers
was unquestioned and had also been suggested as alternative
to the amendment of the Constitution, and that Government
was in fact going to use the power after the adoption of the
Bill amending the Constitution. He gave as his reason for
the President’s action that the Bill amending the
Constitution was lost by a fraction of a vote in one of the
Houses, that there was widespread support against this out-
moded and antiquated system of Privy Purses’, that even
those who opposed the Bill supported the abolition and
45
that it was Government’s policy to put an and to the concept
of Rulership and the abolition of Privy Purses and the
Privileges. He hinted that arrangements would be made to
enable Rulers to make adjustments in the transitory period.
These petitions were then filed to question the action of
the President and the Government of India.
The petitioners put at the forefront the sentiments
expressed at the time of the Merger of the Indian States.
The Princes were then described as imbued with imagination,
foresight and patriotism and as co-architects of a
democratic and united India. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel as
the Minister in the newly formed Ministry of States made a
speech on October 12, 1949 in the Constituent Assembly (Ex.
C) in which he pointed out that the Madhya Bharat Rajpramukh
alone gave sufficient cash assets which, if invested, would
cover payments to the Rulers as Privy Purses. and that the
payments to the Rulers represented one-fourth of what they
were previously enjoying. He said that there was nothing by
which the Rulers could be forced to merge their States with
India and that the Privy Purses were quid pro quo for
parting with the ruling power by the Rulers and the
dissolution of their States as separate units. He regarded
this as a small price for the bloodless revolution and
avoidance of mischief. He exhorted the Constituent Assembly
that the Indian Peoples on their part should ensure fully
the guarantee given to them and concluded:
"Our failure to do so would be a breach of
faith and seriously prejudice the
stabilization of the New’ Order".
The same sentiments were reiterated by Mr. V. P. Menon (who
was the Secretary to the Ministry) in his recent book "The
Story of the Integration of the Indian States",(1961) pp.
461 and 462. He cataloged the number of villages, palaces,
museums, buildings, stables garages, fleets of motor cars,
aeroplanes etc. surrendered by the Rulers. He pointed out
that cash balances were to the tune of Rs. 77 crores and
that palaces in Delhi alone were worth several lakhs of
rupees. According to him, the price paid as Privy Purses
was not too high for integration and indeed it was
insignificant when compared with what the Rulers had lost.
The petitions are long argumentative documents and the reply
affidavit equally so. The verbosity of the petitions (which
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are almost identical) and the reply affidavit (which is
common to all petitions) does not render the-task of the
Court in this important case any the easier. It is,
therefore, necessary to place in their proper perspective
the respective cases of the parties.
46
According to the petitioners, the failure to amend the
Constitution resulted in the retention in it, of the
articles relevant to the Rulers’ rights. These Articles,
particularly Articles 291 and 362 continued the obligation
of the Government to pay the Privy Purses and also to
recognise the Privileges. The Privy Purses stood charged on
and were to be paid out of the Consolidated Fund of India
and even Parliament could not vote upon them. The
assurances and guarantees being that of the people in the
Constitution, the Executive Government could not by the
indirect device of withdrawing the recognition of the Rulers
avoid the obligation created by the Constitution. These
assurances and guarantees of the Constitution, the Accession
and Integration were but steps and the fixation of Privy
Purses and the recognition of the Privileges was not doubt a
historical fact but the guarantees flowed from the
Constitution and were independent of the historical fact,
and had thus to be carried out according to the constitu-
tional provisions. They based their claim not on the
agreements or the covenants but on the constitutional
provisions. According to them, the order of the President
was in violation of the spirit and meaning of Articles
366(22), 291 and 362 and was an affront to Parliament which
had turned down the move for amendment of these articles.
The President’s action robbed the articles of their content
which Parliament did not allow to be done and thus the order
of the President indirectly had the effect of amending the
Constitution. The President’s order itself was said to be
mala fide, ultra vires since his power was to recognise a
Ruler at a time and for the time being or to withdraw
recognition from a Ruler for cogent and valid reasons,
naming in his place a successor, and not to withdraw
recognition from all Rules en masse for no reason except
that the concept of Rulership was considered outmoded or
that some persons held the view that it should not be
continued. According to the petitioners the gaddi of a
Ruler had to be filled in accordance with the law and custom
of the family and could not be left vacant. The vast power
to withdraw recognition from all the Rulers at the same time
without nominating any successor could not and did not flow
from the definition of a Ruler in Article 366(22) which
contemplated the Continuance of a Ruler who had signed the
Merger Agreement or his successor. The President was thus
guilty of a breach of his duties under the Constitution and
acted outside his jurisdiction. The act of the President
was thus said to offend Articles 53, 394, 295 291 and 362 of
the Constitution.
In supporting their petition under Article 32, the
petitioners claimed that important questions of deprivation
of property and of personal liberty were involved. As
illustrations the petitioners contended that the right to
receive Privy Purses was a right to
47
property of which the Rulers stood deprived as also of other
personal properties and benefits of exemptions under diverse
laws was also an inroad upon property rights. Since there
was no authority of law and no compensation, the action was
said to offend Articles 19(1)(f) and 31 of the Constitution.
They also claimed that Government was prevented by
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promissory estoppel and had acted in breach of a fiduciary
duty.
In the reply affidavit filed by Mr. Asoka Sen (Joint
Secretary in the Ministry of Home Affairs) all the
allegations and submissions (besides the patent facts) were
denied. The main contentions in reality were that this
Court lacked jurisdiction to enter upon this dispute in view
of the express bar of Article 363 that the petitions did not
lie as no right of property or personal liberty of the
petitioners, was jeopardised and lastly that the action of
the President was perfectly valid and binding as it was a
political act in the exercise of the sovereignty of India,
as to which this Court could say nothing being outside its
jurisdiction. ’Article 363, it was claimed, barred the
jurisdiction of all Courts (including the Supreme Court of
India) in any dispute arising out of any provision of a
treaty, agreement, covenant, engagement, sanad or other
similar instrument which was executed before the
commencement of the Constitution and to which the Government
of the Dominion of India or any of its predecessor
Governments was a party and which had,-or had been continued
in operation or in any dispute in respect of any right
accruing under or any liability arising out of any of the
provisions of the Constitution relating to any such treaty
etc. and the present was such a dispute. Since the article
began with the words "Notwithstanding anything in this
Constitution", the article could only be read by itself and
even the chapter on Fundamental Rights was excluded. The
reason given was that these instruments were political
agreements between High Contracting Parties and the
Municipal Courts had no say in matters which were political
or Acts of State. The Covenants were not self-executing and
created imperfect obligations and depended for their
enforceability upon the willingness of Governments to im-
plement them. Since the claim was based upon what was
recognised in these instruments, this Court could not give
any relief as it had no jurisdiction to do so. The
President’s,powers to recognise a Ruler, which carried with
it the power to withdraw such recognition flowed from
Article 366(22) and this power being an incident of
sovereignty and a political act was not questionable in
Courts of Law. The bar of Article 363 covered such a case
also because there was nothing to show that any recognition
carrying with it a Privy Purse and Privileges was ever
intended to be perennial even when the State policy demanded
an abolition. The Privy Purse itself being-in the nature of
a political pension, a claim to it was not property and no
claim could arise if it was
48
stopped. Article 291 did not create any legal right but
only laid down the source and method of payment of Privy
Purse guaranteed by the Dominion of India and even if it
were assumed that it was private property or that other
property rights were affected by the withdrawal of the
recognition, the matter was not justiciable because of the
bar of Article 363 which applied to Articles 291 and 362.
The pleadings in the case are long but the points are few.
The case involves a positive and a negative approach in so
far as this Court-is concerned. The positive approach
involves the consideration of the reliefs that can be
granted and the negative approach the bar operating under
Article 363. The first approach requires consideration of
the validity of the action of the President. It is obvious
that if the action of the President is valid and operative,
the implications of that action must necessarily follow. If
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it is invalid, for any reason, then the question of the bar
of the jurisdiction of the Court to give relief will arise.
The Union Government however places the bar at the very
threshold and contents that the dispute is such as is
expressly barred by Article 363 but the petitioners contend
that there is no dispute at all under Articles 291 and 362
or it is not of the kind contemplated by that Article. The
Union Government asks that the question of jurisdiction be
decided first because in their opinion it is conclusive,
while the other side contends that there is no( dispute once
the invalidity of’ the President’s order is established,
since articles 291 and 362 would then speak for themselves.
I intend considering first the question of the validity of
the order of the President because everything turns on it.
The arguments for and against that action may, therefore, be
considered. According to the Union of India the act is
political and in the exercise of sovereignty and
paramountly. It cannot, therefore, be questioned in a Court
of Law. According to the petitioners it is not, and is a
plain executive order open to question like any other such
act and the bar of article 363 does not apply to such a
dispute.
The Union government invokes the analogy of the British
Crown Paramountcy which lapsed on the Indian Independence.
In this connection the claim is that the provisions of
Article 363 and 366(15) and (22) preserve the paramountcy of
the Crown in the President. This argument is independent of
the question of bar of jurisdiction under Art. 363. It
seeks to put the President’s act outside the jurisdiction of
the Court by reason of the nature of the act. A word may,
therefore, be said about the paramountcy of the British
Crown and what is meant. Reference was made in this
connection by the Attorney General to the White
49
Paper on Indian States, Mr. V. P. Menon’s book already
referred to, and the account contained in a recent book ’The
Great Divide’ by Mr. Hodson. He traced the paramountcy of
the British Crown in India. I do not consider it necessary
to refer to them. The best exposition of British
Paramountcy is to be found in a famous letter by Lord
Reading Viceroy of India addressed to the Nizam of Hyderabad
when the latter claimed rights of kingship. It is printed
as Appendix I to the White Paper. This is what the Viceroy
said
" The Sovereignty of the British Crown is
supreme in India, and therefore no ruler of an
Indian State can justifiably claim to
negotiate with the British Government on an
equal footing. Its supremacy is not based
only upon treaties and engagements, but exists
independently of them and, quite apart from
its prerogative in matters relating to foreign
powers and policies, it is the right and duty
of the British Government, while scrupulously
respecting all treaties and engagements with
the Indian States, to preserve peace and good
order throughout India. The consequences that
follow are so well known, and so clearly apply
no less to Your Exalted Highness than to other
Rulers, that it seems hardly necessary to
point them out. But if illustrations are
necessary. I would remind Your Exalted
Highness that the Ruler of Hyderabad along
with other Rulers received in 1862 a Sanad
declaratory of the British Government’s desire
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for the perpetuation of his House and
Government, subject to continued loyalty to
the Crown : that no succession in the Masnad
of Hyderabad is valid unless it is recognised
by His Majesty the King-Emperor : and that the
British Government is the only arbiter in
cases of disputed succession.
5.The right of the British Government to
intervene in the internal affairs of Indian
States is another instance of the consequences
necessarily involved in the supremacy of the
British Crown. The British Government have
indeed shown again and again that they have no
desire to exercise this right without grave
reason. But the internal, no less than the
external security which the Ruling Princes
enjoy is due ultimately to the
protecting power of the British Government,
and where Imperial interests are concerned, or
the general welfare of the people of a State
is seriously and grievously affected by the
action of its Government, it is with the
Paramount Power that the ultimate
responsibility of taking remedial action, if
necessary, must lie. The varying degrees of
50
internal sovereignty which the Rulers enjoy
are all subject to the due exercise by the
Paramount Power of this responsibility. Other
illustrations could be added no less
inconsistent than the foregoing with the
suggestion that except in matters relating to
foreign powers and policies, the Government of
Your Exalted Highness and the British
Government stand on a plane of equality. But
I do not think I need pursue the subject
further. I will merely add that the title
"Faithful Ally" which Your Exalted Highness
enjoys has not the effect of putting Your
Government in a category separate from that of
other States under paramountcy of the British
Crown".
The 1858 Act had recognised all treaties made by the East
India Company with the Rulers, as binding on the Crown.
Lord Canning in his dispatch of April 30, 1860 recommended
the Perpetuation of the rule of the Princes over their
States. This was accepted and a special power of adoption
was recognised and new sanads were issued. The policy of
annexation started by Lord Dalhousie then ceased. The Ruler
could, thereafter, be punished only for extreme bad conduct
but even so the territory was not annexed. The Ruler was
deposed but a successor was recognized in his place.
This position continued down to 1935. in 1927 the Butler
Committee clearly recognised the claim of the Princes that
making any transfer of the Crown’s rights and obligations in
relation to the States, to persons not under the Crown’s
authority, would be conditional on the agreement of the
States. This was particularly directed against an Indian
Government responsible, to the Indian Legislature. To keep
the Indian Government away from the States, after the advent
of the Government of India Act, 1935 the old political
department under the charge of the Governor-General
disappeared. Previously the Governor-General’s Executive
Council had left the States entirely to the Governor-
General. The Act of 1935 formed the basis of a personal
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relationship between the States and the rest of India. This
meant a reversal of the policy and the British Indian
Executive was slowly deprived of all constitutional status
vis-a-vis the States. A Crown Representative was introduced
as the link between the States and British India. The
Government of India Act 1935 had visualised a federation
between British India and the Indian States but that scheme
did not materialise. The Indian States were anxious to
create sovereign States but the Crown prerogatives in
respect of them continued. Lord Linlithgow’s declaration
promised no commitment about the States without their
consent in any future constitution
51
that the Indians might frame for themselves. This was
implemented by instructions to the Governor-General not to
hand over paramountcy to the future Indian Government and
paramountcy, so long as it lasted was that of the Crown and
not of the Government of India.
When the Constitution came paramountcy had already lapsed.
The Indian States were able to make several reservations in
their own favour. They were anxious to frame their own
Constitutions but many States could not withstand pressure
of the Ministry of States and thought better of merging.
with such reservations as the Merger Agreements made in
their favour. The other States like Hyderabad, Mysore and
Jammu & Kashmir on the one hand and the United States or
Union of States on the other also dropped the idea of
separate Constitutions for themselves (except Jammu &
Kashmir) and integrated with India, accepting the Indian
Constitution. The Rulers were allowed to get a Privy Purse
free of taxes on income and to enjoy personal property and
privileges. Articles 291, 362, 366(15) and (22) were
included to recognise those conditions on which surender of
power had taken place. Article 363 was included to keep
certain matters away from Courts and now the most important
question is what was granted to the Rulers by the
Constitution and how for their rights could be enforced in a
Court of Law. Paramountcy as such was no more as there was
no paramount power and no vassal. The Rulers had lost their
territories and their right to rule and administer them.
They were left only a recognition of their original title, a
privy purse, their private properties and a few privileges.
These rights were the only indicia of their former soveignty
but they enjoyed them by the force of the Constitution
although in every respect they were ordinary citizens and
not potentates. The paramountcy which the Crown exercised
over them was different. Then the Crown had an absolute
freedom to make and unmake Rulers in the exercise of
paramountcy. The Constitution ensured the position of the
Ruler and his successor with regard to the Privy Purse and
privileges, although leaving the President the right, to
confer that status on a Ruler by recognition. This result
was reached by treaties, covenants and agreements.
The source or origin of paramountcy of the Crown was not the
treaties, sanads or agreements. There were no paramountcy
rights by reason of which the British were paramount but
because they were paramount, therefore, they had paramountcy
rights. When paramountcy lapsed it did not fall on the
shoulders of Indian Government. The right to recognise a
Ruler from out of several claimants was not an act of
paramountcy. The selection had to be in accordance with law
and custom. It was not the arbitrary power which made the
conferral of Rulership a gift
52
from the Crown. There is no provision to that effect in the
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Constitution or even the Covenants and Agreements. That the
Constitution gave the right to the President to recognise a
Ruler for the time being, is apparent enough but it cannot
be stretched to give a paramountcy of the same character as
that enjoyed by the British crown. To claim such a
parmountcy one has to ignore completely the arrangements by
which the Rulers parted with their territories and Ruling
rights and were assured of their Privy Purses and
privileges. These rights became constitutionally protected
rights which so long as the Ruler’s line was not extinct
belonged to the Ruler for the time being. In one sentence
when the guarantees were given by the Constitution,
paramountcy, if any, went out. If it was intended that
rightful claims could be disregarded, at any time, a very
clear provision authorising that they be overridden would
have been included. On the other hand article 362 says in
admonitory terms that in the exercise of the power of
Parliament or of the Legislature of a State to make laws or
in the exercise of executive power of the Union or, of a
State, due regard shall be had to the guarantee or assurance
given in any such Covenant or Agreement as is referred to in
clause (1) of Article 291 with respect to the personal
rights, privileges, and dignities of the Ruler of an Indian
State. This provision is rather the converse of paramountcy
in as much as it compels the two limbs of Government to have
’due regard’ to the guarantees and assurances given to the
Rulers.
There can be no paramountcy against a citizen of India and
the Rulers today are not potentiates they were. They are
citizens of India like other citizens albeit with some
privileges and privy purses which other citizens do not get.
That is an accident of history and with the concurrence of
the Indian People in their Constituent Assembly. The power
that has been exercised against them must, therefore, be
justified under the Constitution and the laws and not by
invoking a nebulous doctrine of paramountcy which Lord
Jowitt describes in his Dictionary of English Law thus
The relationship of the Sovereign as Emperor
of India to the rulers of the native States,
terminated by the Indian Independence Act,
1947".
The Attorney General contended that article 363 ’recreated’
paramountcy. That article was intended to keep certain
matters outside the jurisdiction of the Court. It must be
construed according to its own terms. No meaning, beyond
what the words convey, can be attributed to those words by
resorting to the imperial doctrine. What those words mean I
shall consider later but I
53
reject the claim that the President or the Government of
India can invoke the doctrine to sustain an illegal inroad
upon the rights of citizens.
Nor is the argument that this was some kind of an ’act of
State’ of any more validity. This Court has ruled on more
than one occasion that an act of State’ is not available
against a citizen. An act of State is a sovereign act
which is neither grounded on law nor does it pretend to be
so. It was described by me, quoting from Fletcher-Moulton
L. J. Salaman v. Secretary of State for India(1) as ’a
catastrophic change constituting a new departure’, in the
State of Saurashtra v. Menon Haji Ismail(2). I have not
been able to better that expression. I further pointed out
that ’in civil commotion or even in war or peace, the State
cannot act ’catastrophically’ outside the ordinary law and
there is legal remedy for its wrongful ’acts against its own
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subjects or even a friendly alien within the State". I may
again reaffirm the observations in that case ’based upon the
statement of the law by Lord Kingsdown in Secretary of State
in Council for India v. Kamachee Boyl Sabha (3). This is
what I Said:
"The question thus ,Is always : Did the State
or its agents purport to act
"catastrophically’ or subject to the ordinary
course of the Law? This question was posed
in Secretary of State in Council for India v.
Kamachee Boye Sahaba by Lord Kingsdown in
these words :
"What was the real character of the act done
in this case? Was it a seizure by arbitrary
power on behalf of the Crown of Great Britain,
of the dominations and property of a
neighbouring State, an act not affecting to
justify itself on grounds of Municipal Law?
Or was it, in whole or in part, a possession
taken by the Crown under colour of legal title
of the property of the late Raja of Tanjore,
in trust for those who, by law, might be
entitled to it on the death of the last
possessor? If it were the latter, the defence
set up, of course, has no foundation."
The defence is not available if there is only a colour of
legaltitle against a citizen. In that event, the action
must fail unless supported by law. Since there are no
sovereign or political powers under our Constitution every
action of the Executive limb of Government must seek
justification in some law. The very existence of article
363, which is said to incorporate some kind of
(1) [1966] I K.B. 613 at 640
(2) [1960] I S.C.R. 537 at 544
(3) [1859] 13 Moore P.C. 22.
54
paramountcy or act of State,, shows that there is, no
political power outside the law, otherwise an additional
bar would hardly have been necessary.
The learned Attorney General when faced by the rulings on
the act of State of this Court and the English Courts, gave
up the attempt for justification as such and pleaded that
the Covenants and Agreements created ’imperfect
obligations’. The phrase.’imperfect obligations’ is more
often to be met with in the Law of Contract but it was
applied by Tindal, C.J. to political treaties in G. Gibson &
Ors. Assignees of J. Mallandaino Bankrupt v. The East India
Co.(1). There the claim was made by a retired,’ Military
Officer for pension against the Directors of the East India
Company based on certain treaties. It was held that such
agreements lacked vinculum juris. The Phrase ’imperfect
obligations’ was thus used in regard to individuals as
subjects of international rights and duties. The
recognition in an international treaty or other instrument
of rights inuring to the benefit of individuals other than
the parties to the agreement, is sometimes ’held not to
confer the right of enforceability at the instance of such
other persons. Therefore, the beneficiary under these
rights cannot take measures to enforce them by his own
independent steps. In the Peter Pazmany University(1) case
the Permanent ,Court of International Justice observed
"It is scarcely necessary to point out that
the capacity to possess civil rights does not
necessarily imply the capacity to exercise
those rights oneself".
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Thus a rule of International Law formerly held the field
that persons holding such rights are incapable of asserting
them in the international sphere or in the Municipal Courts.
The instrument may make them owners of rights and yet take
away the remedy from them. This is the sense in which
Tindal C.J. used the phrase ’lacking in vinculum jurists
This position has now altered and there is a rethinking on
the subject. It is now gradually gaining recognition that
if there be ’some municipal legislation giving
enforceability to the right, then the right can be claimed
in a Municipal Court. This change of view followed the
Advisory Opinion of the Permanent Court of International
Justice in the jurisdiction of the Courts of Danzing in the
matter of Railway officials in Danzing. (I) The rights given
by a treaty received a broader acceptance there. This case
gave an exposition of the. rights of individuals in the
international
(1) 132 E.R. 1105 (2) Series A/B No. 61 p. 231
(3) Advisory Opinion No. 15, series B No. 15.
55
sphere and the Municipal Courts. The argument of Poland in
the case was that the agreement between Poland and Danzing
regulating the conditions of employment of the Railway
officials taken over in Railway Service, created rights only
between Poland and Danzing and as that agreement was not
incorporated in the laws of Poland, it created no rights for
individuals, and that the Danzing Courts had no jurisdiction
to decide in respect of those rights. The Court did not
accept the contention. It observed
"It may be readily admitted that, according to
a well-established principle of international
law, the Beam-tenabkommen, being an
international agreement, cannot, as such,
create direct rights and obligations for
private individuals. But it cannot be
disputed that the very object of an
international agreement, according to the
intention of the contracting parties, may be
the adoption by the Parties of some definite
rules, creating individual rights and-
obligations and enforceable by the national
Courts. That there is such an intention in
the present case can be established by
reference to the terms of the
Beamtenabkommen." (Page 17)
Before dealing with the position of the Rulers themselves,
let me illustrate the application of this observation in our
country in relation to third parties, safeguarded by an
international agreement. The Covenants and Merger
Agreements contained clauses guaranteeing continuance of
service to the Civil Servants and of their pensions. Those
Civil servants would not have been able to enforce these
agreements in Municipal Courts by their own individual steps
if there was no law or the rights were not otherwise
recognised. But when they shared with the Civil servants of
the former British India, the benefits of Articles 309-311
of the Constitution and the Rules governing such services,
it is not possible to deny to them the benefits that the
Constitution and the Rules confer. The Covenants, cannot
then be said to create ’imperfect obligations’ since the
Constitution takes the matter into itself and gives them is
own guarantees. The individual rights and obligations no
doubt originally flowed from a contract between High
Contracting Parties and might not have create a vinculum
juris in favour of third parties but the Constitution having
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granted rights and created corresponding obligations, those
rights and obligations are enforceable in our Courts. This
Court has ruled on many occasions that a recognition of
rights by law or otherwise makes them _justiciable : see for
example State of Rajasthan v. Shyam Lal(1).
(1) [1964] 7 S.C.R. 174.
56
The case of the Rulers in a fortiori for they are the
contracting parties. In so far as those guarantees became a
part of our Constitution and were included in various
statutes passed by Parliament such as the Income-,tax Act,
the Wealth-tax Act etc., they would be enforceable according
to the tenor of the Constitution ,and the other laws
(subject of course to such bar. as the Constitution creates
by Article 363). Then no question of an ’act of,State’ or
of ’imperfect obligations’ arises. To sustain the
President& act repudiating the rights and obligations on the
basis of a discarded theory of ’imperfect obligations’ would
drain the constitution and the. laws of their efficacy by an
executive act without amendment of the Constitution or the
laws and that cannot be permitted. This is not a right for
enforcement in foro Conscientiae to make good, or of which
the performance could only be sught for by petition,
memorial or remonstrance. This is a ,case for an action in
a Court of Law if the dispute is not barred by the
Constitution itself.
Therefore there is no bar to the jurisdiction of this Court
except that created by Article 363. The ambit of that bar
will be worked out by me on the terms of that article later
but before that bar can be applied one must know what is it
that is in controversy here. The main dispute is as to the
validity of the action of the President in withdrawing
recognition from the Rulers without an exception. The
petitioners question the power, authority and jurisdiction
of the President to do so. They characterise the act as
mala fide, ultra vires and therefore a nullity. I will
consider the matter in the same order.
The charge of mala fide action in this connection can only
mean want of good faith. Good faith according to the
definition in the General Clauses Act means a thing which is
in fact done honestly, whether it is done negligently or
not. In other words an act done honestly must be deemed to,
be done in good faith. Mr. Palkhivala described the act as
wanting in good faith and relying on many cases contended
that want of good faith must avoid the act. It is hardly
necessary to refer to those cases here as it is well-settled
that lack of bona fides unravels every transaction. I do
not think that it is open to Mr. Palkhivala to describe the
act as wanting in good faith without pleading any collateral
fact. Further it is not open to me to probe the reasons for
a decision by the President. To begin with under Article
74(2) the question, whether any and if so what, advice was
tendered by the Ministers to the President cannot be
inquired into by any Court. Again by Article 361(1) the
President is not answerable to any Court for the exercise
and performance of the powers and duties of his office or
for any act done or purporting to be done by him in the
exercise of those powers and duties
57
except in an investigation of a charge under Article 61.
All that is saved is that appropriate proceedings against
the government of India can be taken. Therefore, whether
the President acted rightly or wrongly in the matter may be
decided against the Government of India without questioning
the conduct of the President. Therefore, the only question
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open is whether the act of the President was ultra vires the
Constitution.
The question of ultra vires was put thus by
the petitioners
" An executive exercise of power must be in
accordance with the Constitution under Article
53. Article 362 says that the President must
exercise the power with due regard to the
guarantees and assurances. The President in
his action has completely disregarded Articles
291 and 362 and by withdrawing the recognition
of the Princes has acted ultra vires the
Constitution. Under Article 73 the Executive
power of the Union is co-terminous with the
law making power of Parliament. When
Parliament refused to amend the Constitution,
the President’s power did not extend that far
by executive action. By his executive act the
President has denuded articles 291 and 362 of
their content for ever. The President was
required to recognise the Rulers and has with
one stroke withdrawn the recognition. He is
trying to do indirectly what Parliament
refused to dot directly that is to say remove
articles 291,362 and 366(22) from the
Constitution. This has, been done without a
hearing to the Rulers and is in breach of
accepted principles of natural justice. The
rule of law prevails and no unconstitutional
act of any authority, unsupported by law, can
avail(1).
The action is not only against the
Constitution but it also affects a large body
of tax and other concessions. Prominent among
them are Wealth Tax Act 1957 Ss.2(p) and
5(1)(iii), Gift Tax Act 1958 S. 5(1)(xiv),
Hindu Succession Act, 1956 S. 5(iii), Income-
tax Act 1922 Section 4(3) (x); Income-tax Act
1961 S. 10(19), Estate Duty Act 1953, Section
33(1)(1); Part B States (Taxation Concessions)
Order 1950, Clause 15. Sea Customs Act 1878
Section 23. Freedom from prosecutions and
Civil suits to a certain extent is assured
respectively by the Code of Criminal Procedure
1898 S. 197A and the Code of Civil Procedure
1908 S. 87A and 87B read with sections 85 and
86. These privileges have fallen with
Rulership and it could not have been
(1) [1967] 2 S.C.R. 454, 460.
58
intended that these laws would be rendered
nugatory by the expedient of removing the
Princes."
The power to withdraw recognition from a Ruler is claimed by
the Attorney General to be implicit in Article 366(22) be-
cause it defines a Ruler in terms of recognition ’for the
time being’ by the President. It is also contented that the
power to recognise, itself includes the power to withdraw
recognition. It is, therefore, necessary to see how far the
President can go on the words of the article. The critical
words in the articles are ’for the time being.’ These words
show that the Ruler is a person, who, to be considered as a
Ruler must, at any given moment of time, be recognised by
the President whether he be the original signatory of a
Covenant or Agreement or his successor. The words thus
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indicate that only one person at a time can be recognised as
the Ruler of a State. It also shows a continuity of
succession so that an interregnum is avoided. It does show
that Rulership cannot be permanent since the continuance as
Ruler depends upon the continuance of the recognition. But
the definition neither expressly nor by implication places
the power in the hands of the President to say that although
a Ruler was in existence or a successor was available that,
there shall be no Ruler of any particular State. Such a
power does not flow from the definition which contemplates
the existence of a Ruler for the time being. The phrase
’for the time being’ cannot mean that any person can be
appointed who has no claim whatever or that temporary
appointments may be made or that no appointment need be
made. The continuity of a Ruler of an Indian State is
obligatory so long as the Ruler is alive or a successor can
be found. It may be that where the line becomes extinct (as
happened in some cases) or no suitable successor could be
found that no Ruler need be recognised. But where the Ruler
exists or there is a suitable successor the power to
recognise a Ruler is implicit just as much as the power to
withdraw recognition in suitable cases. The Union
Government cannot escape this obligation by invoking
paramountcy or some state policy. The obligation to
recognise a Ruler is bound up with the other guarantees
contained in articles 291 and 362. The definition in
article 366(22) is merely the key to find a particular
Ruler. The withdrawal of recognition from all the Rulers
renders the guarantees as also the relevant articles of the
Constitution inoperative. It could never be the intention
of the Constitution that by an Executive act the operation
of those articles would come to a stop. The action of the
President has the indirect effect not only of abrogating
these articles but also of rendering certain provisions in
the Income-tax Act, Wealth Tax Act, the Gift Tax Act, the
Codes of Civil and Criminal Procedures etc., completely
otiose. Executive action can never be allowed to have that
effect unless
59
the power is explicitly conferred. The intention of Article
366(22) is exactly the converse of what the Union Government
understands it to be.
The answer of the first question is that the power of the
President was wholly outside Article 366(22). However wide
that power, it does not extend to withdrawing recognition of
all the Rulers by a mid-night order. The President was
incompetent to, do so and, therefore, his act must be
treated as a nullity. This question is independent of
Article 363 and has no bearing upon: any Covenant etc. It
relates only to the power of the President in behalf of
recognition of Rulers and withdrawal of recognition. The
Court is, therefore, free from Article 363 to consider
whether the act can be sustained or not. That Article only
applies to acts within the four comers of the Article and
not to acts wholly outside. I will show later how that bar
can operate on Article 366(22) when I consider Article 363.
For the present I state my conclusion that having considered
the matter I am satisfied that the act must be declared to
be ultra vires and a nullity. This, answers the first
ground of attack in favour of the petitioners The question,,
is however, reserved for answer whether I am barred by
article 363.
Before I consider the matter from the angle of the Articles
of the Constitution bearing upon the controversy and the bar
of Article 363 I wish to dispose of one, matter which is
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also, in a manner of speaking, a bar at the very threshold.
That bar would arise if this is not a petition coveted by
Article 32. The petitioners seem to base their claim to
relief on four grounds
(a) That the order of the President is a
nullity;
(b) that by the order of the President their
privy puruses are stopped and that is an
infringement articles 19(1)(f) and 31;
(c) that the order also deprives them of
their privileges and some are property rights
and some affect personal liberty; and
(d) that statutory rights under certain
statutes (already mentioned above) are
destroyed and they result in deprivation of
property through illegal taxes.
It is sufficient for this purpose to find out if any right
of property is involved. The most outstanding effect of the
order is the deprivation of the Privy Purses. These Privy
Purses are charge on and paid out of the Consolidated Fund
of India, free of all taxes on income (Art. 291). If the
payments are obligatory and they
L744Sup CI/71
60
can be regarded as property a petition under Article 32 will
lie as the action to deprive the Rulers of their Privy
Purses must be an infringement of Articles 19 and 3 1.
Therefore, I need begin only with the Privy Purses, the
stoppage of which is the direct consequence of the order
withdrawing recognition. A preliminary point arises under
article 19 whether the Rulers can be regarded as citizens.
I have assumed this so far as I cannot see how otherwise
they can be described. In H.H. the Maharana Sahib Shri
Bhagwat Singh Bahadur of Udaipur v. The State of
Rajasthan(1) it is laid down that
"The appellant has also, since the
Constitution, been a citizen of India, and his
recognition as Ruler under Art. 366(22) of the
Constitution has not altered his status, but
as a citizen he is undoubtedly assured a
privileged position."
Therefore, the matter can be considered both under Article 1
9 and Article 3 1.
In two cases of the Court Madhaorao Phalka v. State of
Madhya Bharat(2) and State of Madhya Pradesh v. Ranajirao
Shinde and Anr.(3) pensions and cash grants were regarded as
property. The reason for the decision is not as fully given
as the importance of the subject required and, therefore, I
permit myself to say a few words here.
I shall show later that the obligation to pay the Privy
Purse to a Ruler is absolute and the right to claim it when
due subsists in each Ruler. This is a petition for the
enforcement of Fundamental Right to property and therefore
the petitioners must show that a right to property is
infringed or is in imminent danger of being threatened. The
learned Attorney General questioned the competency of these
petitions and the claim that property rights were involved.
According to him the right is one to continue to receive a
payment de futuro and no more. A right to receive payment
is not, according to him, a right to property.
The attempt is to equate the periodic payments as being in
the nature of payments of debts. It is said that this
creates a right in personam and not a right in rem.
Therefore, there is enforcement of an obligation in personam
but not a right to reach property which can be said to
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belong to the Rulers. I do not accept the contention of the
learned Attorney-General.
(1) [1954] 5 S.C.R. 1, at page 6 (2) [1961] 1 S.C.R. 957
(3) [1968] 3 S.C.R. 489
61
In his summary of the Law of Contract (p. 124) Langdell re-
marked that ’a debt...... according to the popular
conception of the term, is a sum of money belonging to one
person (the creditor), but in the possession of another (the
debtor). He questioned this approach. Blackstone
contrasted property in possession and property in action and
held contracts to be within the latter(1). He was in effect
thinking of a debt. According to him property in action
exists :
"Where a man hath not the occupation, but merely a bare
right to occupy the thing in question, the possession
whereof may, however, be, recovered by a suit or action at
law.........".
He was of opinion that till then the thing or its
equivalent, remains in suspense, and the injured party has
only the right and not the occupation. It being a thing in
potentia and not in esse it is only a thing in action and
not possession. Sohm (The Institutes) also says that till
the fulfilment of the obligations the creditor has right
only against the debtor and not against a thing.
This old concept of property is no longer held to be true.
Mark by (2) regards the liability of the promisor as itself
a thing which is capable of being bought and sold, assigned
and transferred and if of money value, may itself be
regarded as an object of ownership. An obligation according
to him is as much a res as any other property and the only
difference is in the mode of enjoyment. The creditor
realizes this ownership by compelling the debtor to perform
his obligation. As illustration he gives a catalogue of
passive ’rights of ownership. Anson (Principles of Law
Contract) supports him by pointing out that an obligation is
a right of control exercisable by one person over others for
acts which have a money value.
The dynamic theory of obligations regards a debt as a claim
to ’an equivalent in a value to a floating charge against
the generality of things which are the properties of the
debtor’. From this is developed the notion of a credit-debt
where property rights arise from a promise, express or
implied in respect of ascertained or readily ascertained
sums of money. Thus a debt or a liability to pay money
passes through four stages. First there is a debt not ’yet
due. The debt has not yet become a part of the obligor’s
’things’ because no net liability has yet arisen. The
second stage is when the liability may have arisen but is
not either ascertained or admitted. Here again the amount
due has not become a part of the obligor’s things. The
third stage is reached when the liabi-
(1) (See Commentaries Vol. II XXv pp. 396-398)
(2) (Elements of Law 1871 6th Edition p. 320)
62
lity is both ascertained and admitted. Then it is property
proper of the debtor in the creditor’s hands. The law
begins to recognise such property in insolvency, in dealing
with it in fraud of creditors, fraudulent preference of one
creditor against another, subrogation, equitable estoppel,
stoppage intransitu etc. A credit-debt is then a debt fully
provable and which is fixed and absolutely owing. The last
stage is when the debt becomes a judgment debt by reason of
a decree of a Court. Thus an American Judge held
’outstanding uncollected accounts’ as property. Standard
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Marine Insurance Co. v. Board of Assessors(1). It is
because of this that the French Law includes such
obligations in mobiles.
Applying these tests to the Privy Purses, it is clear that
they would be property. As soon as an Appropriation Act is
passed there is established a credit-debt and the
outstanding Privy Purse becomes the property of the Ruler in
the hands of Government. It is also a sum certain and
absolutely payable.
The learned Attorney-General however contends that Article
291 which charges the Privy Purse on the Consolidated Fund
of India, to be paid to the Ruler, free of all taxes on
income does not provide that it shall be paid and,
therefore, the Article only lays down the source and manner
of payment but creates no right to claim, receive or enforce
payment. In my judgment this is a complete misreading of
the Article.
The word ’charged’, is a term of art. In general law ’a
charge’ creates a pledge and also a priority in payment.
The word also denotes in Parliamentary practice non-
votability. The latter meaning distinguishes it from those
items which are payable indiscriminately from the same fund.
The result of charging a sum on the Consolidated Fund is to
provide that its destination shall not be altered even by
vote of Parliament and the charging is sufficiently
effective for ensuring the right application. It also
sometime,; creates priorities as in the Constitutions of
some other countries. In our Constitution numerous items of
payment are charged on the Consolidated Fund but no priority
inter. se is established. Yet Article 291 makes
the.......... amount payable to the Ruler and, therefore,
creates a right in him to demand it. The words of the
Article are ’shall be charged on and paid out of etc’. The
article makes the payment obligatory. The words when
expanded read ’shall be charged on and shall be paid out of
etc’. the direction to pay is in no uncertain terms. The
article is thus self-ordaining. The recipient is mentioned
in (b) where
(1) 123 La 717, 720.
63
the Article says ’and the sums so paid to any Ruler’ and
this shows who is to be paid. Therefore, the article in
addition to the source and manner also lays down that it
shall be paid and paid free of taxes on income to the Ruler.
The Article thus not only creates a liability but also a
right in the Ruler. It is self-supporting and self-
ordaining.
The learned Attorney-General contends that even accepting
all this as a valid construction of the article 291 of the
Constitution, the petitioners must fail because they are
seeking either to enforce the Covenants and Agreements or on
seeking to enforce a provision of the Constitution relating
to such Covenants and Agreements. The same argument is also
raised in respect of articles 362 and 366(22). According
to him the petitioners stand excludedby Article 363.
This is the crux of the case before us. The answer to this
question depends on the meaning to be attributed to the four
article in question, and determines the fate of these
petitions.
I begin with article 363. That article was quoted in
extenso earlier. The learned Attorney-General used the
historical events as background for his contention that
Article 363 must be construed as giving an exclusive right
of determination to the President on the subject of
recognition and withdrawal of recognition. He submitted
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that just as an act of State cannot be questioned in a
Municipal Court so also the withdrawal of recognition cannot
be called in question. He cited a large number of
authorities in support of his case that an act of State is
not subject to the scrutiny of the Courts.
The question here is not one of an act of State. Nor can
any assurance be drawn from the doctrine of act of State.
What we have to do is to construe the article. It bars
jurisdiction of Courts. It, has no bearing upon the rights
of the Rulers as such. It neither increases. nor reduces
those rights by an iota. I shall presently attempt to find
out its meaning. Before I do so I must ,say that it is a
well-known rule of interpretation of provisions barring the
jurisdiction of Civil Courts that they must be strictly
construed for the exclusion of the jurisdiction of a Civil
Court, and least of- all the Supreme Court, is not to be
lightly inferred. The gist of the present dispute is
whether the article bars the relief to the petitioners
although as held by me, the order of the President is ultra
vires.
The article commences with the opening words ’notwithstand-
ing anything in this Constitution’. These exclusionary
words are no doubt potent enough to exclude every
consideration arising
64
from the other provisions of the Constitution including the
Chapter on Fundamental Rights, but for that reason alone we
must determine the scope of the articles strictly. The
article goes on to say that jurisdiction of all Courts
including the Supreme Court is barred except that the
President may consult the Supreme Court. Having said this
the articles goes on to specify the matters on which the
_jurisdiction is barred. This it does in two parts. The
first part is : ’in any dispute arising out of any provision
of a treaty etc. which was entered into or executed before
the commencement of this Constitution by any Ruler of an
Indian State to which the Government of the Dominion of
India was a party and which has or has been continued in
operation after such commencement’. This shows that a
dispute relating to the enforcement, interpretation or
breach of any treaty etc. is barred from the Courts’
jurisdiction. The words ’arising out of the provisions, of
a treaty etc.’ limit the words. Thus if a treaty, covenant
etc. is characterised as forged by any party, that would not
be a dispute ,arising out of any provision of a treaty,
covenant etc.. That dispute would be whether there is a
genuine treaty or not. This illustration is given by me to
show that the exclusion is not all-embracing. The dispute
to be barred must be arise from a provision of the treaty
etc.
The second part .bars the Courts’ jurisdiction ’in any
dispute in respect of any right accruing under or any
liability or obligation arising out of any of the provisions
of this Constitution relating to any such treaty etc.’ Here
the dispute must be in respect of a right which accrues
under a provision of the Constitution or the liability or
obligation must arise similarly from a provision. The words
’provisions of this Constitution’ are not left unqualified.
They could not be left unqualified for then the latter part
would have barred every dispute from the Courts. The
provisions had to be pointed out. The article however does
not refer to any article by its number. If the article had
said ’in any dispute in respect of any right accruing under
or any liability or obligation arising out of articles
291,362 and 366(22)’ all controversy in this case would have
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been at an end. But the article uses a qualifying phrase
which does not name but describes the provisions. A search
has, therefore, to be made with a view to determining which
provision answers the description and which does not. In
other words, we have to satisfy- ourselves, before we deny
out jurisdiction, that of the articles 291,362,366(22) which
one, or all of them answer the description. The requirement
is that the article must be a provision ’relating to’ a
treaty covenant etc. I must therefore examine each of the
three articles 291,362,366(22) to discover if all of them
and, if not, which of them would fit in with those words.
65
The learned Attorney-General practically read every word
through some dictionary or other. The words are ’relating
to. They mean that the provisions must bear upon treaties
etc. as its dominant purpose or theme. It is not sufficient
if the treaties etc. are mentioned there for some collateral
purpose. During the course of arguments I illustrated my
meaning by referring to Article 102 which provides that a
person is disqualified if he is an undischarged insolvent
’and asked the question whether the provision could be said
to be relating to ’membership’ or to ’insolvency’ and got
obvious answer that it is the former. The fact that it
mentions ’insolvency’, ’insanity’ etc. does not make it any
other than a provision relating to membership of parliament.
The dominant purpose and theme of the article is one and one
only and that has to be discovered before one can say that
it is ’relating to’ this or that. A similar illustration is
to be found in article 105 (3) where a provision is to be
found relating to powers etc. of Indian Parliament and not
to those of the House of Commons. Therefore, in trying to
find out whether any provision is ‘relating to’ a treaty
etc. it is not enough to find a mention of treaty etc. That
may be for a subsidiary purpose, not sufficient to qualifiy
for consideration as the dominant theme. It is the dominant
purpose and theme which alone determines the quality of the
provision.
I shall now apply this test to article 291,362 and 366(22)
beginning with article 362 since to my mind it is the
plainest of all and is definitely within the description.
It provide directly for the enforcement of guarantees and
assurances by requiring Parliament, the Legislatures and the
Executive Governments of the Union and the States to have
’due regard’ for those guarantees and assurances. The
article can only be used to support a claim to rights,
privileges and dignities. Its dominant theme is the rights,
privileges and dignities of the Rulers under Covenants and
Agreements and therefore, the provision is ’relating to’
Covenants and Agreements. The reference to Article, 291
does not influence the application of the test to Article
291 because that is merely a legislative device and does not
tie the two Articles together. It only saves repetition of
certain phrases already used in Article 291. If Article 362
were earlier in the Constitution the phrase would have
occurred in it and would have been referred to in the other
article. Therefore no conclusion can be drawn from this
description in Article 362. Therefore article 362 is one of
the provision relating to a treaty, covenant etc. A
litigant invoking its aid really relies on a provision
relating to a Coveant etc.
I shall now consider Article 366(22). That is only a de-
finition clause. It is intended to point out who is the
Ruler of
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which State. It does so by saying that a Ruler is a person
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(a) who entered into a Covenant or Agreement before the
commencement of the Constitution and the payment of any sum
free of tax had been guaranteed or assured by the
Government of the Dominion of India as privy purse or (b)
the successor of such Ruler. For purposes of (a) the same
repetition is again avoided by the same legislative device
of referring to article 291 for brevity. This Article
renders the certainty of assumption of Rulership to depend
upon recognition and that recognition is worked out
primarily under Covenants and Agreements. The. ,dominant
and immediate purpose and application of the Article depends
upon Covenants and Agreements. I have earlier said that the
President in recognising a Ruler or withdrawing his re-
cognition does not act arbitrarily but in the light of
Covenants and Agreements. All such instruments mention law
and custom of the family except the Bhopal Agreement where a
local statute has to be observed. The selection of a
Ruler’s successor thus has to be worked out under a
Covenant or Agreement. The Article, therefore, has for its
dominant purpose the selection of Rulers through the
application of the Covenants and Agreements. After the
President has exercised his jurisdiction and power to
recognise ,a Ruler according to his understanding of the
implications of a ,Covenant etc, no one else has
jurisdiction to enter upon the same question unless it can
be proved that the act was null and void in toto. When the
President acts within the four corners of his authority the
matter is barred by Article 363. If this were not so then
the recognition of a Ruler or successor by the President
would be subject to further confirmation by the Courts and
that is not the meaning of article 366(22).
During the course of arguments I pointed out that if the
Maharja of Jhind were recognised as the Nizam of Hyderabad,
there would be no application of Article 366(22) and the
action so wholly arbitrary as not to be protected by Article
363. The answer was that the President would never do so.
But who would have thought in 1950 that recognition of. all
the Rulers would be withdrawn by a single order? Therefore,
extreme examples are necessary to solve extreme cases. I
have questioned the action of the President because the bar
of Article 363 does not operate. Neither is the recognition
of an original signatory of a Covenant or Agreement
involved, nor the recognition of a successor. The act is
not even one which the Court leaves alone because the dis-
cretion is exercised in a manner and to the extent a
President in the proper discharge of his functions can go.
What is done is to take away recognition from all Rulers and
as such power does not flow from Article 366(22), the bar of
Article 363 does not apply to such a dispute. It arises
neither from the Covenants etc.
67
nor from the ,provisions of the Constitution. It ceases to
have the protection of Article 363.
Article 363 immediately follows Article 362. Although not
much significance can be attached to the collocation of the
articles, it is to be noticed that the exclusionary article
wants us to search for a provision relating to a treaty etc.
before staying our hands. It does leave the matter open
when it could have ruled out the mystery by naming the
articles under which relief was to be barred. By applying
the test, I have indicated, the provision is located. One
such provision is article 366(22) when the President acts
within the discretion given by Covenants and Agreements.
There remains Article 291 to consider. That article was
read and re-read before us. Every word in that article was
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commented upon and dictionaries were consulted. I do not
propose to refer to dictionaries at all. The words of the
article are plain enough to me and I have only to discover
its dominant and immediate purpose or theme to say whether
it is a provision relating to Covenants or Agreements. It,
no doubt, begins by mentioning Covenants and Agreements but
that is not all. We cannot from that fact alone bar
ourselves. The relationship between the dominant purpose of
the provision and the Covenants and Agreements still remains
to be established and their involvement in the dispute must
be found. In this connection we must ask the question : Is
this provision in reality and substance a provision on the
subject matter of Covenants and Agreements? It is not
enough that it refers to the Covenants and Agreements. It
should make them the subject matter of enactment and
decision.
The Article when carefully analysed leads to these conclu-
sions : The main and only purpose of the provision is to
charge Privy Purses on the Consolidated Fund of India and
make obligatory their payment free of taxes on income. It
narrows the guarantee of the Dominion Government from
freedom from all taxes to freedom only from taxes on income.
Earlier I had occasion to show that the Princes had
guaranteed to themselves their Privy Purses free of all
taxes. The Dominion’ Government had guaranteed or assured
the same freedom. The Constitution limits the freedom to
taxes on income and creates a charge on the Consolidated
Fund. There were other guarantees as in the Merger
Agreements of Bilaspur and Bhopal (quoted earlier) which are
ignored by the Article. The guarantee of the Dominion Gov-
ernment is thus continued in a modified form. The reference
to Covenants and Agreements is casual and subsidiary. The
immediate and dominant purpose of the provision is to ensure
payment of Privy Purses, to charge them on the Consolidated
Fund
68
and to make them free of taxes on income. The argument of
the learned Attorney-General that it indicates only the
source and manner of payment rather destroys the case for
the application of article 363 than lends support to it.
The mention therein of Covenants and Agreements is for its
own purpose so that the amounts need not be specified. In
this connection there is no difference between Art. 290A and
291 although the learned Attorney-General made much of the
mention of the name of the Travancore Devasom Fund in the
former and absence of the names of the Rulers in the latter,
or again the mention of a specific sum in the former and no
sum in the latter. The article is self sustaining and self-
ordaining. Its purpose is not relating to Covenants etc.
but to something else. Article 291 differs from Articles
362 and 366(22) in this that the Privy Purses have already
been settled and one has not to enforce the Covenants at
all. One does not enforce the Covenants but the mandate of
the Article itself. Whenever the Privy Purse is modified
under the terms of a Covenant, the Article is again invoked-
ab extra. That dispute isnot related to Article 291 and
the bar of Article 363 operates. That matter is outside the
jurisdiction of Courts. It is only when the Privy Purse is
a settled fact of which the Courts can take notice, without
having to construe the Covenants for itself that the bar of
Article 363 is avoided. In that case the Article does not
answer the description of ’a dispute’ or of the latter part
of Article 363.
My conclusions on articles 291, 362, and 366(22) are that
article 291 is not a provision relating to Covenants and
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Agreements but a special provision for the source of payment
of privy purses by charging them on the Consolidated Fund
and for making the payment free of taxes on income. It does
not in its dominant purpose and theme answer the description
in the latter part of Article 363. Article 362 is within
the bar of Article 363 because its dominant purpose is to
get recognised the Covenants and Agreements with Rulers
However, in so far as the same guarantees find place in
legislative measures the provisions of Article 362 need not
be invoked and the dispute decided on the basis of those
statutes. Such a case may not attract article 362 and
consequently the bar of Article 363 may not also apply.
Article 366(22) is within the description so long as the
President in recognising a Ruler or a successor is
effectuating the provisions of a Covenant or Agreement. It
may apply when the discretion exercised is relatable to his
powers flowing from the Covenants read with the Article.
However where the President acts wholly outside the
provisions of Article 366(22) his action can be questioned
because the bar applies to bona fide and legitimate action
and not to ultra vires actions.
69
The error in the case of the Union of India arises from cer-
tain circumstances. The first is to think that the
paramountcy of the Crown descended upon the President on
Indian Government. In that paramountcy the recognition of a
Ruler was a gift from the Crown. In view of the history of
integration of States and the: provisions of the
Constitution in Articles 291, 362 and 366(22), there is no
paramountcy left at all, if paramountcy could at all. be
exercised against citizens. The only discretion left is to
select a suitable successor to a Ruler and perhaps to
withdraw recognition on grounds which are sound and
sufficient. Whether such. another kind of withdrawal of
recognition may be equally capable of being questioned in a
Court of law, is a matter on which I do not express an
opinion. Therefore the President cannot claim a total
immunity for his acts from the scrutiny of the Court.
Neither the paramountcy of the Grand Moghul who could give
Subehdarships to his Generals as he pleased nor the
paramountcy of the British Crown has descended to him.
This eorror is further enhanced by too facile a reading of
Article 363. Any tenuous connection between an Article and
the Covenant or Agreement, how-ever remote, is not to be
considered sufficient to make a provision fall within the
description in the latter part of Article 363. Due, regard
was not paid to the fact that the draftman would have re-
ferred to numbers of Articles if the disputes of every kind
under those article stood excluded.
The learned Attorney-General relied in particular on some
cases which he said had laid down that the act of
recognition is a political act, that it cannot be questioned
before a Court of’ Law. He also referred to cases in which
the question of the application of article 363 had arisen.
My brother Hegde in his judgment has sufficiently considered
them and I am in such agreement with him that I find it
unnecessary to repeat what he has said’ there. I adopt his
reasoning.
In conclusion I hold the orders of the President to be ultra
vires and declare them to be so. In consequence a writ of
mandamus shall issue not to enforce the orders. The
petitions are allowed with costs.
Shah, J. On August 15, 1947, Maharajadhiraja Jivaji Rao
Scindia of Gwalior--hereinafter called ’Jivaji
Rao’--executed in instrument of accession stipulating that
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the Governor-General of India, the Dominion Legislature, the
Federal Court of India, and other Dominion authorities shall
for the purpose of the Dominion, exercise in relation to the
State of Gwalior, such functions as may be vested in them by
the Government of India Act, 1935, in respect of Defence,
External Affairs, Communications and matters ancillary
thereto.
70
On April 22, 1948, twenty heads of States in the Madhya
Bharat region executed a covenant to form the United State of
Gwalior, Indore and Malwa. The covenant guaranteed to
each head of covenanting State payment of the amount
specified therein as his privy purse out of the revenues of
the United State; to full ,ownership, use and enjoyment of
all private properties belonging to him on the date of
making over the administration of the State to the
Rajpramukh; to succession to the gaddi of the State accord-
ing to law and custom; and to all personal privileges,
dignities and titles enjoyed by him within and outside the
territories of his State immediately before the 15th day of
August, 1947.
Five more States joined the United State of Gwalior, Indore
and Malwa (Madhya Bharat) with effect from July 1, 1948.
On .July 19, 1948, Jivaji Rao executed on behalf of the
United State of Gwalior, Indore and Malwa (Madhya Bharat) a
revised instrument of accession. Pursuant to the merger
agreements, it was proclaimed on November 24, 1949, that the
United State of .Madhya Bharat adopted the Constitution of
India as the Constitution of the United State. The
Constitution of India was promulgated on November 26, 1949,
and was brought into force (except for certain articles
specified in Art. 394) with effect from January 26, 1950.
The President of India recognized Jivaji Rao as the Ruler of
Gwalior. The Government of India continued to pay the privy
purse and accoredd to him the privileges specified in the
instrument of accession and the merger agreement, except
those which were modified by statutes. After the death of
Jivaji Rao the President recognized Madhav Rao-petitioner
herein-as the Ruler of Gwalior.
Under the Madhya Bharat Gangajali Fund Trust Act, 1954,
enacted by the State Legislature the Ruler of the State of
Gwalior is one of the three trustees authorised to manage
the Gangajali Fund settled by the State and to apply the
income thereof for charitable purposes.
On September 2, 1970, a Bill intituled the Constitution.
(Twenty fourth Amendment) Bill, 1970, and providing
that ."Articles 291 and 362 of the Constitution and clause
(22) of Article 366 shall be omitted"- was introduced in the
Lok Sabha. The Bill was declared passed with the amendment
that the provisions thereof shall come into oporeation with
effect from October 15, 1970. On September 5, 1970, the
motion for consideration of the Bill did not obtain, in the
Rajya Sabha, the requisite majority of not less than two-
thirds of the Members present and voting as required by Art.
368 of the Constitution. The motion for
71
introduction of the Bill was declared lost. A few hours
there-after the President of India purporting to exercise
power under clause (22) of Art. 366 of the Constitution
signed an instruments withdrawing recognition of all the
Rulers. A communication to;, the effect was issued "by
Order and in the name of the President"’ was received by the
petitioner stating that :
"In exercise of the powers vested in him under
Article 366(22) of the Constitution, the
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President hereby directs that with effect from
the date of this Order His Highness
Maharajadhiraja Madhav Rao Jivaji Rao Scindia
Bahadur do cease to be recognised as the Ruler
of Gwalior."
Similar orders were communicated to all other
Rulers in-, India who had been previously
recognized under Art. 366(22) of the
Constitution.
The Union Finance Minister laid on the table
of the Rajya Sabha, on September 7, 1970, a
statement, inter alia, that :
"........ Government is fortified in the
belief that there is widespread, support in
the country for putting an end to an out-moded
and antiquated system which permitted the
enjoyment of privileges and privy purses by a
small section of our people without any
corresponding social obligations on their
part.
As it has been Government’s declared policy
to. abolish these privileges and privy purses
and also to put an end to the very concept of
Rulership, Government felt they would be
justified in de-recognising the Rulers and
thus putting an end to a period of political
and’ other uncertainties so undersirable in a
matter of this nature. Accordingly, President
has decided to derecognise all the Rulers and
thereby terminate their privy purses and
privileges with immediate effect. Orders have
been issued in pursuance of the decision."
Madhav Rao Scindia moved a petition on September 11, 1970,
in this Court under Art. 32 of the Constitution claiming-(a)
a declaration that the order dated September 6, 1970 was
"unconstitutional, ultra vires and void" and a direction
quashing that order; (b)a declaration that the petitioner
continues to be the Ruler of Gwalior and to be entitled to
privy purse and to, personal rights and privileges accorded
to him as Ruler; and (c) a direction to the Union of India
to continue to pay the privy,
72
purse and to continue to recognise the Rulership and the
personal rights and privileges of the petitioner arid to
implement and observe the provisions of the covenant and the
merger agreement. He claimed that in making the order the
President acted without authority of law; that the order was
made for collateral purpose; .and that by the order the
rights guaranteed to the petitioner under Arts. 14, and 19
and 31 of the Constitution were infringed. The petition was
later amended with leave of the Court and it was claimed
that the order infringed the guarantee under Art. 21 of the
Constitution also.
The Union of India by their affidavit contended, inter alia,
that the petition was not maintainable because the source of
the right to receive the privy purse and to be accorded the
privileges ,claimed was a political agrement and the privy
purse was in the nature of a political pension; that Art.
291 did not impose any obligation upon the Union to pay the
privy purse; that Arts. 291 and 362 of the Constitution did
not in-vest the petitioner and the other Rulers with any
enforceable rights; that recognition of the Rulers under
Art. 366(22) was a "matter of State policy" and the
President was competent to pass the order dated September 6,
1970; that the order was not made for a collateral purpose
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as alleged; and that by the order the guarantee of Arts. 14,
19(1)(f), 31(1) or any other article of the Constitution was
not infringed.
By the order of-the President withdrawing his recognition as
Ruler, the petitioner is denied the right to the privy
purse and to the personal rights, privileges and dignities
accorded to him as a Ruler; he is also denied the benefit of
the exemption from liability to pay income-tax under s.
10(1a) of the Income-tax Act, 1961; Wealth-tax under s. 5
(1) (iii) & (xiv) of the Wealth-tax Act, 1957; Gift-tax
under s. 5(1)(xiv) of the Gift-tax, 1958; and of the
exemption from liability to pay duty under the Sea Customs
Act, 1878, which remains operative under the Customs Act,
1961: he is also deprived of the statutory protection that
he shall not be sued without the consent of the Central
Government under S. 87-B of the Code of Civil Procedure,
1908, and that cognizance of any offence alleged to have
been committed by him shall not be taken by any Court
without the previous sanction under s. 197-A of the Code of
Criminal Procedure, 1898. The petitioner is also
disentitled to the management and administration of the
Gangajali Fund Trust.
By his order dated August 22, 1961, the President recognised
the petitioner as the Ruler of Gwalior. If the order of the
President is without authority of law, as the petitioner
contends it is, there is a clear infringement of the
guarantee of the fundamental rights under Arts. 19(1) (f),
21 and 31 (1) of the Constitution.
73
It is unnecessary in the view we take, to deal with the plea
raised by Mr. Palkhivala that Rulership is "property" and
the order of the President deprives the petitioner of that
property without authority of law.
Validity of the order of the President is challenged on the
grounds that-(1) the President has no power to withdraw re-
cognition of a Ruler once recognised; (2) exercise of the
power to withdraw recognition, assuming that the President
has such power, is coupled with the duty to recognise his
successor and an order made without recognising a successor
is invalid; (3) the order of the President "de-recognising"
all the Rulers en masse amounted to arbitrary exercise of
power; and (4) in any event, the order was made for a
collateral purpose, that is, to give effect to the "policy
of the Government" after the Government was unable to secure
the requisite majority in the Parliament to the Constitution
Amendment Bill.
Article 366(22) of the Constitution reads
"In this Constitution, unless the context
otherwise requires, the following expressions
have the meanings hereby respectively assigned
to them, that is to say-
(22)"Ruler" in relation to an Indian State
means the Prince, Chief or other person by
whom any such covenant or agreement as is
referred to in clause (1) of article 291 was
entered into and who for the time being is
recognised by the President as the Ruler of
the State, and includes any person who for the
time being is recognised by the President as
the successor of such Ruler."
Clause (15) of Art. 366 defines an "Indian
State" as meaning "any territory which the
Government of the Dominion of India recognised
as such a State’.-" Article 291, as amended by
the Constitution (Seventh Amendment) Act,
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1956, reads as follows:
"Where under any covenant or agreement entered
in by the Ruler of any Indian State before the
commencement of this Constitution, the payment
of any sums, free of tax, has been guaranteed
or assured by the Government of the Dominion
of India to any Ruler of such State, as privy
purse--
(a) such sums shall be charged on, an paid
out of, the Consolidated Fund of India; and
(b) the sums so paid to the Ruler shall be
exemept from all taxes on income."
74
The definition of "Ruler" in cl. (22) of Art. 366 is in two
parts : a person is a Ruler if he being (a) a Prince, Chief
or other person who had entered into the covenant or
agreement as is referred to in cl. (1) of Art. 291, is for
the time being recognised by the President as the Ruler; or
(b) if he is for the time being recognised by the President
as the successor of the Ruler mentioned in part (a). Use of
the expression "for the time being" in relation to the
persons who had entered into covenants or agreements, and in
relation to the successor, may perhaps imply that the
President has the power inappropriate cases and for adequate
reasons to withdraw recognition, but that is a matter on
which it is unnecessary for the purpose of this petition to
express any final opinion
Granting that the President may withdraw recognition of a
Ruler once granted, the power conferred by Art. 366(22) is
exercisable only for good cause, i.e. because of any
personal disqualifications incurred by a Ruler. By the
provisions enacted in Arts. 366(22), 291 and 362 of the
Constitution the privileges of Rulers are made an integral
part of the constitutional scheme. Thereby a class of
citizens are, for historical reasons, accorded special
privileges. They cannot be derprived of those privileges
arbitrarily,. for the foundation of our Constitution is
firmly laid in the Rule of Law and no instrumentality of the
Union, not even the President as the head of the Executive,
is invested with arbitrary authority.
In the affidavit on behalf of the Union of India it was
averred that "the concept of Rulership, the privy purse and
the privileges without any relatable function or
responsibility have become incompatible with democracy,
equality and social justice in the context of India of
today"; and that since "the commencement of the Constitution
many things have changed, many hereditary rights and
unearned income have been restricted and many privileges and
vested interests have been done away with and many laws have
been passed with the object of checking the concentration of
economic power-both rural and industrial, the Union of India
have decided that the concept of Rulership, the privy purse
and the privileges should be abolished." Thereby the
executive arrogates to itself power which it does not
possess : our Constitution does not invest the power claimed
in the executive branch of the Union.
The plea that in recognising or "de-recognising" a person as
a Ruler, the President exercises "political power which is
a sovereign power and that after an order of de-recognition
"no erstwhile Ruler can make a claim in respect of the
Rulership or the privy purse or any of the privileges’ since
the relevant covenants under which the rights of the Rulers
were recognised were
75
" political agreements" and the rights and obligations
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thereunder were liable to be varied or repudiated in
accordance with "State policy" in the interests of the
people also receives no countenance from our Constitution.
The first branch of the argument is inconsistent with the
basic concept under our Constitution of division of State
functions; the second is inconsistent with the history of
events between 1947 and 1949, and the third receives,
for reasons to be presently stated, no support from the.
relevant constitutional provisions.
Whether the Parliament may by a constitutional amendment
abolish the rights and privileges accorded to the Rulers is
not, and cannot be, debated in this petition, for no such
constitutional amendment has been made. The petitioner
challenges the authority of the President by an order
purporting to be made under Art. 366(22) to withdraw
recognition of Rulers so as to deprive them of the rights
and privileges to which they are entitled by virtue of their
status as Rulers.
The functions of the State are classified as legislative,
judicial and executive : the executive function is the
residue which does not fall within the other two functions.
Constitutional mechanism in a democratic policy does not
contemplate existence of any function which may qua the
citizens be designated as political and orders made in
exercise whereof are not liable to be tested for their
validity before the lawfully constituted courts : Rai Sahib
Ram Jawaya Kapur and Others v. State of Punjab;(1)
Jayantilal Amritlal Shodhan v. F. N. Rana;(1) and Halsbury’s
Laws of England 3rd Edn., Vol. 7, Art. 409, at p. 192.
Observations made in two judgments of this Court, on which
the Attorney-General relied, do not support a contrary view.
In Nawab Usman Ali Khan v. Sagarmal(3) this Court held, that
the amount payable to the Ruler of Jaora "on account of the
privy purse" was exempt from attachment in execution of the
decree Civil Court, because it was a "political pension"
within the meaning of s. 60 (1) (g) of the Code of Civil
Procedure. The Court in determining the true nature of the
privy purse, characterised the sanction for payment as
"political and not legal". That has, however, no bearing on
the question in issue here. In Kunvar Shri Vir Rajendra
Singh v. Union of India and Others (4) this Court negatived
the claim of an applicant that his right to property was
violated because the President accepted another claimant to
the gaddi of Dholpur as Ruler. The Court observed that the
recognition of Rulership by the President, in exercise of
his political power, did not amount to recognition of any
right to private properties of the Ruler. The Court
(1) [1955] 2 S.C.R. 225 (2) [1964] 5 S. C.R. 294
(3) [1965] 3 S.C.R. 201 (4) [1970] 2 S.C.R. 631
--744Sup.CI/71
76
did ’not attempt to classify the exercise of the
Presidential function under Art. 366(22) as distinct from
executive functions: that is clear from the dictum that the
exercise of the President’s power was "an instance of purely
executive function".
The history of negotiations which culminated in the integra-
tion of the territories of the Princely States before the
commencement of the Constitution clearly indicates that the
recognition of the status of the Rulers and their rights was
not temporary, and also not liable to be varied or
repudiated in accordance with "State policy". Power of the
President to determine the status of the Rulers by
cancelling,or withdrawing recognition to effectuate the
policy of the Government to abolish the concept of Rulership
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is therefore liable to be challenged in these petitions.
The circumstances in which the constitutional provisions
under cls. (15) and (22) of Art. 366, and Arts. 291 and 362
were incorporated may be briefly set out.
In the era before 1947 the term "State" applied to a
political community occupying a territory in India of
defined boundaries and, subject to a single Ruler who
enjoyed or exercised, as belonging to him, any of the
functions and attributes of internal sovereignty duly
recognised by the British Crown. There were-, in India more
than 560 States : forty out of those States had treaty
relations with the Paramount Power : a larger number of
States had some form of engagements or sanads, and the
remaining enjoyed in one or the other form ’recognition of
their status by the British Crown. The treaties,
engagements and sanads covered a wide field, and the rights
and obligations of the States arising out of those
agreements varied from State to State. The rights that the
British Crown as the Paramount Power exercised in relation
to the States covered authority in matters external as well
as internal. The States had no international personality,
the Paramount Power had exclusive authority to make peace or
war, or to negotiate or communicate with foreign States.
The Paramount Power had the right of intervention in
internal affairs which could be exercised for the benefit of
the head of the state of India as a whole, or for giving
effect to international commitments.
The Government of India Act, 1935, was a step in the direc-
tion of achieving a political unity over the entire sub-
continent : it envisaged a constitutional relationship
between the Indian States and Provinces in British India on
a federal basis. But the concept of a loose federation of
disparate constituent units in which the power and authority
of the Federation were to differ between one constituent
unit and another was soon abandoned as inherently
impracticable. The Second World War awakened
77
a new consciousness which regarded colonialism as an
anachronism. With the object of transferring power to a
Dominion, several schemes were evolved by the British
authorities from time to time. There was the Cripps Plan,
followed by the Simla Conference of 1945, and the Cabinet
Mission Plan of 1946. The Cabinet Mission issued a
Memorandum dated May 12, 1946, in regard to the States’
Treaties and to Paramountcy : it affirmed that the rights of
the States which flowed from their relationship with the
Crown will no longer exist and that the rights surrendered
by the States to the Paramount Power will revert to the
States. The void caused by the lapse of paramountcy, it was
said, may be filled either by the States entering into a
federal relationship, with the successor Government or
Governments in British India, or by entering into a
particular arrangements with it or them. On May 16, 1946,
the Cabinet Mission announced its Plan for the entry of the
States into the proposed Union of India. They
simultaneously declared that the paramountcy of the British
Crown could not be retained nor transferred to the new
Government.
The British Parliament decided to set up the two Dominions
of India and Pakistan, and promulgated on July 18, 1947, the
Indian Independence Act, 1947. By s. 1, two new independent
Dominions of India and Pakistan were set up as from August
15, 1947, and s. 7 of the Act provided :
"(1) As from the appointed day-
(a) His Majesty’s Government in the United
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Kingdom have no responsibility as respects the
government of any of the territories which,
immediately before that day, were included in
British India;
(b) the suzerainty of His Majesty over the
Indian States lapses, and with it, all
treaties and agreements in force at the date
of the passing of this Act between His Majesty
and the rulers of Indian States, all
obligations of His Majesty at that, date,
towards Indian States or the rulers thereof
and all powers, rights, authority or jurisdic-
tion exercisable by His Majesty at that date
in or in relation to Indian States by treaty,
grant, usage, suffrance or other-wise; and
"Provided that, notwithstanding anything in
paragraph (b) or paragraph (c) of the sub-
section, effect shall, as nearly as may be
continued to be given to
78
the provisions of any such agreement as is
therein referred to which relate to Customs,
transit and communications, posts and
telegraphs, or other like matters, until the
provisions in question are denounced by the
ruler of the Indian State or person having
,authority in the tribal areas on the one
hand, or by the Dominion or Province or other
part thereof concerned on the, other hand, or
are superseded by subsequent agreements,
(2)The assent of the Parliament of the
United Kingdom is hereby. given to the
omission from the Royal Style and Titles of
the words "Indiae Imperator" and the words
"Emperor of India", and to the issue by His
Majesty for that purpose of His Royal
Proclamation under the Great, Seal of the
Realm."
By the Indian (Provisional Constitution) Order, 1947, ss. 5
& 6 of the Government of India Act, 1935,. were extensively
amended, setting up machinery for the Indian States to
accede to the Dominion of India. Promulgation of the Indian
Independence Act generated great political activity. On
July 5, 1947, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Minister for Home
Affairs, made a statement defining the policy of the
Government of India, and inviting the Princes to accede to
the Dominion on three subjects-Defence, Foreign Affairs and
Communications, in which the common interests of the country
were involved. He assured the Princes that the policy of
the States Department (which had been set up in place of the
Political Department) was not to conduct the relations with
the States in a manner savouring of domination of one over
the other; the domination, if any, would be the domination
of mutual interests and welfare. He expressed the hope that
the Princes would bear in mind that the alternative to
cooperation in the general interest was anarchy and chaos
which would overwhelm the great as well as the small in a
common ruin, if the States and Provinces were unable to act
together in the minimum of common tasks. On July 25, 1947,
at a special meeting of the Princes, Lord Mountbatten--the
Crown representative--advised. the princes to accede to the
appropriate Dominion in regard to the three subjects of
Defence, External Affairs and Communications, and assured
them that their accession on those subjects would involve no
financial liability and in other matters there would be no
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encroachment on their internal sovereignty.
The plea for accession met with a favourable response.
Negotiations for accession of the States were soon completed
and instruments, of accession were executed by the heads of
the Indian States. Simultaneously, Standstill Agreements,
the
79
acceptance of which was made by the Government of India a
condition of accession by the States concerned, were also
entered into between the Dominion Government and the
acceding States. The Standstill Agreements recited :
"Whereas it is to the benefit and advantage of the Dominion
of India as well as of the Indian States that existing
agreements and administrative arrangements in the matters of
common concern, should continue for the time being between
the Dominion of India or any part thereof and the Indian
States :
Now therefore it is agreed between the State and the
Dominion of India that:-
"1. (1) Until new agreements in this behalf
are made, all agreements and administrative
arrangements as to matters of common concern
now existing between the Crown and any Indian
State shall, insofar as may be appropriate,
continue as between the Dominion of India, or,
as the case may be, the part thereof, and the
State.
(2) In particular, and without derogation
from the generality of sub-clause (1) of this
clause the matters referred to above shall
include the matters specified in the Schedule
to this Agreement.
3.Nothing in this agreement includes the
exercise of any paramountcy functions."
By the instruments of accession the Princes were assured
that the terms of the instrument will not be varied by any
amendment of the Government of India Act, 1935, or the
Indian, Independence Act, 1947, unless such amendment be
accepted by the Prince by a supplementary instrument; that
nothing in the instrument shall be deemed to commit the
Prince in any way to, acceptance of any future Constitution
of India or to fetter his discretion to enter into
agreements with the Government of India under any such
future Constitution, and that nothing in the instrument
shall affect the continuance of the Princes sovereignty in
and over the State, or, save as provided by or under the
instrument, the exercise of any powers, authority and rights
enjoyed by the Prince as head of the State or the validity
of any law in force in the State.
80
This was a significant step in the direction of forging a
vital ,constitutional link between the Dominion of India and
the States. It was followed by the next phase culminating
in integration of some States in the Provinces, ,
consolidation of other States into sizable administrative
units, and some other States executing agreements
integrating with the Dominion. The process of integration
of States varied from State to State. 216 out of the States
merged with the existing Provinces; 61 States were taken
over as Centrally administered areas; and 275 States were
integrated in five Unions of States, Saurashtra, Madhya
Bharat, Rajasthan, Pepsu and Travancore-Cochin. Merger of
the States with the Provinces was achieved initially in name
only, because the authority--executive, legislative and
judicial-was still exercised under the Extra-Provincial
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Jurisdiction Act by the Provinces within which the States
were initially merged. The merger agreements of the Unions
of States were to operate as their provisional
Constitutions. Even the Centrally administered areas did
not become part of the Dominion territory.
The instruments of merger provided for the integration of
States and for transfer of power from the Princes and
guaranteed to the Princes the privy purse, succession to the
gaddi, rights and privileges, and full ownership, use and
enjoyment of all private properties belonging to them as
distinct from State properties. The covenants for
establishing Unions of States and the agreements of merger
contained provisions guaranteeing to the heads of merged
States or integrated States payment of privy purses. These
instruments were concurred in and guaranteed by the
Government of the Dominion of India.
The next phase was of assimilation and consolidation of the
unity achieved till then. In the case of the "Provincially
merged" and "Centrally administered" States, authority for
exercising the powers of administration and legislation
originally derived from the Extra-Provincial, Jurisdiction
Act, 1947, was later exercisable by virtue of orders issued
under ss. 290A and 290B incorporated in the Government of
India Act, 1935, with effect from January 15, 1949. By an
order issued under S. 290A diverse steps were taken for
integration of the former State into the Provinces.
TO ensure an organic unity of India, the Princes were
invited to accede to the Dominion, and later to integrate
with India under a Constitution with a Republican form of
Government. The Princes, some out of patriotism and others
from motives of selfinterest, agreed to merge their
territories and to abandon all authority in regard to their
territories in consideration of certain special concessions.
To give constitutional sanction to the merger agreements,
special provisions were expressly incorporated in the
81
draft Constitution recognising the status of the Princes,
the obligation to pay the privy purse, and the personal
rights and privileges guaranteed to them- The territories of
the States after integration retained no political or legal
identity. Special recognition was given to the status of
the Princes and to their rights and the obligations of the
Union, and for that purpose, Arts. 366(15), 366(22), 291 and
362 were incorporated in the Constitution. In Art. 366(15)
the expression. "Indian State" was defined as meaning any
territory which the Government of the Dominion of India
recognised as such a State; and in Art. 366(22) a special
definition of the expression "Ruler" was evolved for the
purpose of the Constitution; by Art. 291 the privy purse was
charged on, and made payable out of, the Consolidated Fund
of India, and .the sum so paid as privy purse to the Ruler
was declared exempt from all taxes on income. By Art. 362
the Parliament, the State Legislatures and the executive of
the Union and the States were enjoined to have "due regard
to the guarantees and assurances" under the covenants and
agreements between the Government of the Dominion of India
and the heads of the former Indian States.
The stage was then set for the promulgation of the Constitu-
tion. A few days before November 26, 1949, a large majority
of the States proclaimed that the Constitution of India will
be the Constitution for their respective territories, and
shall be enforced as such in accordance with its provisions,
and that the provisions of that Constitution shall, as from
the date of its commencement, supersede and abrogate all
other existing constitutional provisions inconsistent
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therewith. Merger agreements were executed to give effect
to the proclamations. The proclamation and the execution of
the merger agreements resulted in complete extinction of the
States and Unions of States as separate units. The Princes
ceased to retain any vestigage of sovereign rights or autho-
rity qua their former States. They acquired the status of
citizens of India.
The plea raised by the Union must be considered in the light
of these developments. The negotiations, the assurances
given by leading statesmen, and the terms of the covenants
and agreements were certainly not intended to be an exercise
in futility. The argument that the parties to the
instruments were entering into solemn undertakings intending
the arrangements to be temporary, and liable to be set at
naught by the unilateral act of the Union of India, must be
rejected.
In form Art. 366(22) is a definition clause : It however in-
vests the President with authority to recognize a person as
a Ruler. Granting that under Art. 366(22) the President may
withdraw the recognition of a person as a Ruler, the power
to nullify important provisions of the Constitution does not
flow from that clause.
82
The plea raised by the Attorney-General that recognition of
Rulership was a "gift of the President" or was "in the gift
of the President" is not borne out by the position of and
the nature of the powers and functions of the President
under our constitutional scheme. President is made by the
Constitution repository of the power to recognise the
Rulers. That power may be, exercised consistently with and
in aid of the constitutional scheme. A democratic
Constitution founded in the Rule of Law does not envisage
authority in any instrumentality of the Union reminiscent of
autocracy. The power to recognise a Ruler may be exercised
in the case of first recognition only in favour of a person
who has signed the covenant, and in favour of his successor
having regard to the custom and laws governing the State if
the Ruler dies, or becomes incapable of functioning or his
recognition is withdrawn. By the use of the expression "for
the time being" in cl. (22) of Art. 366 the President is not
invested with authority to accord a temporary recognition to
a Ruler, nor :with authority to recognise or not to
recognise a Ruler arbitrarily : the expression "for the time
being" predicates that there shall be a Ruler of the Indian
State, that if the first recognised Ruler dies, or ceases to
be a ’Ruler, a successor shall be appointed, and that there
shall not be more Rulers than one at a given time.
By express, injunction in Art. 53(1) of the Constitution the
executive power vested in the President is directed to be
exercised " in accordance with the Constitution". That
power is intended to be exercised in aid of and not to
destroy constitutional institutions. Granting that power to
recognise a Ruler carries with it the power to withdraw
recognition of the Ruler, the power must be exercised bona
fide, and in the larger interest of the people consistently
with the provisions of the Constitution to maintain the
institution of Rulership. Power may therefore be exercised
in the course of and for recognising another person as a
successor to the Ruler, having regard to the laws and
customs governing the State. The President is not competent
to recognise a person as a Ruler who is not by the custom
and laws governing succession to Rulership qualified to be a
Ruler. The President cannot obviously withdraw recognition
of a Ruler and recognise another person as a matter of
political patronage. Nor can be lawfully depart from the
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laws and customs governing succession so as to introduce a
person as a Ruler who’ is not by ties of blood or
affiliation related to the previous Ruler. Whether in
certain exceptional circumstances the President may in
granting recognition to a successor depart in the larger
interest of the country from the strict rule or custom
governing succession to the gaddi, is a question which need
not be decided. But unquestionably the President is not
invested with authority to recognize a stranger as successor
to the gaddi, or not to recognise any person at all as a
successor
83
if he so chooses. The power of the President is plainly
coupled with a duty; a duty to maintain the constitutional
institution, the constitutional provisions, the
constitutional scheme, and the sanctity of solemn agreements
entered into by the predecessor of the Union Government
which are accepted, recognised and incorporated in the
Constitution. An order merely "de-recognising" a Ruler
without providing for continuation of the institution of
Rulership which is an integral part of the constitutional
scheme is, therefore, plainly illegal.
Clause (22) of Art. 366 is intended to invest the President
with authority to recognise Rulers : see Kunvar Shri Vir
Rajendra Singh v. Union of India("). The clause
incorporates the history of momentous events which took
place in India between 1947 and 1949 leaving a lasting
impression upon our national and constitutional structure.
Articles 291, 362 and Part VII of the Constitution were when
incorporated intended to grant recognition to the solemn
promises on the strength of which the former Princes were
invited by those at the helm of affairs to join the
experiment for achieving for the millions their dream of
securing a truly democratic form of Government in a united
independent India, and clauses (15) & (22) of Art. 366 were
intended to serve the purpose of identifying the persons who
remained entitled to the benefits of those constitutional
guarantees.
A brief reference may be made to what was said in the
Constituent Assembly by the Minister for Home Affairs who
was in charge of the States when he moved for adoption Art.
291. He used memorable words :
"These guarantees (merger agreements) form
part of the historic settlements which
enshrine in them the consummation of the great
ideal of geographical, political and economic
unification of India, an ideal which for
centuries remained a distinct dream and which
appeared as remote and as difficult of
attainment as ever even after the advent of
Indian independence.
Human memory is proverbially short. Meeting
in October, 1949, we are apt to forget the
magnitude of the problem which confronted us
in August, 1947. ...... the so-called lapse of
paramountcy was a part of the Plan announced
on June 3, 1947, which was accepted by the
Congress. We agreed to this arrangement in
the same manner as we agreed to the partition
of India. We accepted it because we had no
option to act otherwise. While there was
recognition in the
(1)[1970] 2 S.C.R. 631
84
various announcements of the British
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Government of the fundamental fact that each
State should link up its future with that
Dominion with which it was geographically
contiguous, the Indian Independence Act re-
leased the States from all their obligations
to the British Crown. In their various
authoritative pronouncements, the British
spokesmen recognised that with the lapse of
paramountcy, technically and legally the
States would become independent The
situation was indeed fraught with immeasurable
potentialities of disruption, for some of the
Rulers did wish to exercise their technical
right to declare independence and others to
join the neighbouring Dominion.
(c)
It was against this unpropritious background
that the Government of India invited the
Rulers of the States to accede on three
subjects of Defence, External Affairs and
Communications. At the time the proposal was
put forward to the Rulers, an assurance was
given to them that they would retain the
status quo except for accession on these
subjects. It had been made clear to them that
there was no intention either to encroach on
the internal autonomy or the sovereignty of
the States or to fetter their discretion in
respect of their acceptance of the new
Constitution of India. These commitments had
to be borne in mind when the States Ministry
approached the Rulers for the integration of
their States. There was nothing to compel or
induce the Rulers to merge the identity of
their States. Any use of force would have not
only been against our professed principles but
would have also caused serious repercussions.
The minimum which we could offer to them as
quid pro quo for parting with their ruling
powers was to guarantee to them privy purses
and certain privileges on a reasonable and
defined basis. The privy purse settlements
are therefore in the nature of consideration
for the surrender by the Rulers of all their
ruling powers and also for the dissolution of
the States as separate units
"The Rulers have now discharged their part of
the obligations by transferring all ruling
powers and by agreeing to the integration of
their States. The main part of our obligation
under these agreements, is to ensure that the
guarantees given by us in respect of privy
purse
85
are fully implemented. Our failure to do so
would be a breach of faith and seriously
prejudice the stabilisation of the new order."
In the larger interest of achieving the unity of the country
our statesmen chose to appeal to the patriotism of the
Princes and not to rely upon the force of arms or methods of
political agitation within the States. Negotiation of a
friendly settlement was in the circumstances then prevailing
the only advisable course. A discontented group of Princes
was a serious threat to a smooth and orderly transition.
The Constituent Assembly resolved to honour, without
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reservation, the promises made to the Princes from time to
time. Clauses in the draft Constitution relating to the
obligation of the Union to pay the privy purses and
recognising certain rights, privileges and dignities till
then enjoyed by the Princes, were intended to incorporate a
just quid pro quo for surrender by them of their authority
and powers and dissolution of their States.
A legislative mechanism was devised to grant the benefit to
the former Princes by making a provision for recognising
them as Rulers, and of incorporating in the Constitution the
guarantees of the privy purse and personal rights and
privileges. The former Princes were accordingly recognised
as a class of citizens with special privileges granted to
them because they had surrendered their powers; privileges
and authority. The argument that the President as the
head of the Executive may, in exercise of his executive
power, destroy that institution, is plainly contrary to the
fundamental concept of the Rule of Law.
There are many analogous provisions in the Constitution
which confer upon the President a power coupled with a duty.
We may refer to two such provisions. The President has
under Arts. 341 and 342 to specify Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes; and he has done so. Specification so
made- carries for the members of the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes certain special benefits, e.g., reservation
of seats in the House of the People, and in the State
Legislative Assemblies by Arts. 330 and 332, and of the
numerous provisions made in Schedules V & VI. It may be
noticed that expressions Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes are specially defined for the purposes of the
Constitution by Arts. 366(24) and 366(25). If power to
declare certain classes of citizens as belonging to
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes includes power to
withdraw declaration without substituting a fresh
declaration, the President will be destroying the
constitutional scheme. The power to specify may carry with
it the, power to withdraw specification, but it is coupled
with,, a duty to specify in a manner which makes the
constitutional provisions operative.
86
Article 366(21) before it was deleted by the Constitution
(Seventh Amendment) Act, 1956, defined "Rajpramukh" as mean-
ing :-
(a)in relation to the State of Hyderabad,
the person who for the time being is
recognised by the President as the Nizam of
Hyderabad;
(b)in relation to the State of Jammu and
Kashmir, or the State of Mysore, the person
who for the time being is recognized by the
President as the Maharaja of that State; and
(c)in relation to any other State specified
in Part B of the First Schedule, the person
who for the time being is recognised by the
President as the Rajpramukh of that State, and
includes in relation to any of the said States
any person for the time being recognised by
the President as competent to exercise the
powers of the Rajpramukh in relation to that
State;"
The first two clauses contemplated recognition of the Nizam
of Hyderabad and the Maharajas of Jammu & Kashmir and of
Mysore to be the Rajpramukh. There can be no dispute that
the Ruler of Hyderabad was the Nizam, and the Rulers of
Jammu and Kashmir and Mysore were the Maharajas of those
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States. Assuming that power to recognise a person as the
Nizam or Maharaja may carry with it the power to withdraw
recognition, if carried with it a duty to recognize the
successor. If no successor was recognized the
constitutional scheme, of administration of Part B States
would be destroyed. Such a result could never have been
contemplated.
By Art. 291 payment of any sum, free of tax guaranteed or
assured under any covenant or agreement with a Ruler of an
Indian State as privy purse, is charged on and is made
payable out of the Consolidated Fund of India, and the sum
so paid to any Ruler is exempt from all taxes on income.
The Attorney-General said that the recognition by Art. 291
of the existence of the guarantees and assurances under the
covenants and agreements gives rise to no obligation to pay
the privy purse, that, even if the constitutional provisions
raise an obligation of the Union, they do not raise corres-
ponding rights in the Rulers; that in any event the
covenants being acts of State violation of their terms will
not because of Art. 363, first limb and also on general
principles of law found an action in the Municipal Courts.
He finally submitted that the dispute with respect to the
rights claimed to accrue in favour of the Rulers arises out
of the provisions of the Constitution relating to the
covenants and on that account the jurisdiction of the Courts
is excluded in regard to that dispute.
87
The Constitution in terms recognizes and accepts the
obligation of the Union to, pay the privy purse to the
Rulers. Clause (a) of Art. 291 enacts that the privy purse
shall be charged on and be paid out of the Consolidated Fund
of India. The words clearly raise an obligation of the
Union to pay the privy purse.
The second branch of the argument is also without force.
Article 266 provides that all revenues received by the
Government of India, all loans raised by the issue of
treasury bills, loans or ways and means advances, and all
moneys received in repayment of loans shall form the
Consolidated Fund of India. By Art. 112(2) the President is
required in respect of every financial year to cause to laid
before the Houses of Parliament the annual financial state-
ment of the estimated receipts and expenditure of the
Government of India showing separately-(a) sums required to
meet expenditure charged upon the Consolidated Fund of
India; and (b) sums required to meet other expenditure
proposed to be made from the Consolidated Fund of India.
Clause. (3) of Art. 112 categorizes heads of expenditure
charged on the Consolidated Fund of India. So much of the
estimates as relate to expenditure charged upon the
Consolidated Fund are by Art. 113(1) open to discussion in,
but not to be submitted to the vote of the Houses of
Parliament. After demands in respect of sums required to
meet other expenditure have been made and assented to by the
House of the People, a Bill is introduced to provide for
appropriation out of the Consolidated Fund of India of all
moneys required to meet the expenditure charged on the
Consolidated Fund of India and the grants : Art. 114(1). No
amendment may be proposed in either House to vary the
amounts or to alter the destination of the grant or the
expenditure charged.
In support of his contention that by using the expression
"charged" in Arts. 291 and II 2(2) it is only intended to
enact that the expenditure is not subject to the vote of the
Parliament and that no priority in payment in respect of
expenditure is declared, and in any event the expression
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"charged" creates no obligation enforceable at the instance
of the person for whose benefit it is. charged, the
Attorney-General invited our attention to different
provisions of the Constitution in each of which there is
both a charge oil the Consolidated Fund of an item of
expenditure and an express direction for payment of the
prescribed sum, and contended that Art. 291 which merely
recognizes the obligations of the Union Government to abide
by the preexisting covenants, creates no obligation for
payment of the privy purse to the Rulers He urged that the
word "charge" in the Constitution in dealing with State
financial procedure has the meaning it has in accountancy
practice; it merely specifies the source from which payment
is to be made and does not create a right in the Ruler or
any en-
88
forceable obligation against the Union. Under the general
law relating to transfer of property, a charge does not give
rise to a right in rem : the right is however more than a
mere personal obligation, for it is a jus ad rem a right to
payment out of property specified : Govind Chandra Pal v.
Dwarka Nath Pal(1). Raja Sri Shiva Prasad v. Beni
Madhab(2). A charge gives a right to payment out of a
specific fund or property, and a right to prior payment; but
it does not create a right in rem in the fund or the pro-
perty. A charge therefore gives rise to a right to receive
payment,, out of a specified fund or property in preference
over others. In the absence of a clear indication, to the
contrary, it would be difficult to hold that the expression
"charged" used in the context of financial matters of the
State, has a different meaning. Our Constitution-makers
borrowed the concept of a Consolidated Fund from the British
system. That has also been adopted in the Constitutions of
Canada, Australia, South Africa and other Commonwealth
Countries. Certain Acts in the United Kingdom and elsewhere
prescribe a sequence of priorities in payment of different
heads of expenditure charged on the Consolidated Fund : s.
1. Consolidated Funds Act, 1816; s. I The House of Commons
(Speaker) Act, 1932, ss. 103, 104 & 105 of the British North
America Act, 1867; ss. 117, 119 Constitution of the Union of
South Africa, 1909; ss. 81 & 82 of the Australian
Constitution 1900.
Our Constitution does not recognize any sequence of
priorities. But that does not alter the fundamental
character of a charge that it specifies a fund out of which
satisfaction of the expenditure charged must be made, and
the prescribed expenditure shall have priority in payment to
the person for whose benefit the expenditure is charged on
the Fund. The constitutional obligation to proceed in the
manner set out in Arts. 112, 113 & 114 imposed upon the
President and the Parliament implies a right in the person
or persons in respect of whom the expenditure is to be
incurred. That view is supported by other provisions in the
Constitution. The expression "shall be charged on and paid
out of the Consolidated Fund" is used in Arts. 290, 290A and
291. Articles 290 and 291 do not expressly designate the
payee : Art. 290A designates the payee. Article 273 merely
uses the expression "shall be charged" in dealing with the
grants-in-aid to the States of Assam, Bihar, Orissa and West
Bengal, without Any direction for payment. Article 275(1)
deals with grants-in-aid to the revenues of such States as
the Parliament may determine: it is only the provisions
dealing with the capital and recurring sums which refer-to
the obligation to pay, but in respect of these heads of
expenditure there is no charge. There are also other
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provisions in the Constitution which charge expenditure on
the Consolidated Fund, e.g. Art. 148(6);
(1) I.L.R. 35 Cal. 837, 843.
(2) I.L.R. I Pat. 387
89
Art. 146(3); Art. 299(3) and Art. 332, without any express
provisions in the Constitution relating to payment. By
leaving the payee innominate in Art. 291(a) no intention to
raise an obligation without a corresponding right is
disclosed. The expression "shall be charged on, and paid
out of the Consolidated Fund" in Art. 291, is intended to
enact that the privy purse "shall be charged-. on, and shall
be paid out of the Consolidated Fund". The expression "sums
so paid to any Ruler" does not mean "sums if paid to any
Ruler" : it means that "sums when paid to any Ruler". Clau-
ses (a) and (b) of Art. 291 read with Arts. 112, 113 & 114
are, in our judgment, parts of a single scheme; they
contemplate that the privy purse shall be included in the
financial statement as charged upon the Consolidated Fund :
it shall be beyond the voting power of the Parliament : its
destination shall not be altered : it shalt be paid to--the
Ruler after the Appropriation Bill is passed, and when paid
it shall be free from liability to pay taxes on income.
This is an integrated process, which cannot be interrupted
without dislocating the constitutional mechanism.
The Attorney-General said that Art. 291 raises an "imperfect
obligation". An imperfect obligation is used to describe a
moral duty-for instance, a duty to pay a debt of honour, or
a debt barred by limitation, but is properly left to the
free will of him whose duty it is to discharge the
obligation. A perfected obligation pertains to the domain
of law & justice : an imperfect obligation to the domain of
benevolence. An obligation which arises out of a con-
stitutional provision to pay to the citizens sums of money
in recognition of obligations of the predecessor Government
may scarcely be called imperfect.
Article 291 does not merely incorporate, recognition of the
obligation to pay the privy purse under covenants incurred
by the Government of the Dominion of India : it gives rise
to a liability dehors the covenants. Under the covenants
and agreements the obligation to pay the privy purse was
undertaken in the case of all Princes (bar the the heads of
the States of Bhopal, Hyderabad and Mysore) to be made out
of the revenues of their respective States. The Government
of India concurred in and guaranteed payment of the amount
of the privy purse under the terms of the agreements
constituting the Unions. By the States Merger (Governors’
Provinces) Order, 1949, this liability was imposed upon the
Provinces when the States merged with those Provinces. In
the case of a Union of States the liability to pay the privy
purse to a head of State lay upon the Union of States to be
discharged out of the revenues of the State. In the case of
Centrally merged States the Dominion Government had to pay
the privy purse out of the revenues of the State.
90
Even after the integration of States, the obligations under
the covenants were to be met out of the revenues of the
respective States. The covenants and the various stages
through which ultimate integration was achieved probably
remained acts of State. The rights and obligation accruing
or arising under those acts of State could be enforced only
if the Union of India accepted those rights and obligations.
After the Constitution the obligation to pay the privy purse
rested upon the Union of India, not because it was inherited
from the Dominion of India; but because of the
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constitutional mandate under Art. 291. The source of the
obligation was in Art. 291, and not in the covenants and the
agreements. Reference to the covenants and agreements in
Art. 291 was for defining the privy purse : the obligations
of the Provinces in respect of the "Provincially merged
States", and obligation of the Union of States in respect of
the States merged in such Unions, ceased by recognition to
retain their original character. The obligation which arose
out of the merger agreement and was on that account an act
of State shed its original character on acceptance by the
Constitution. The entity obliged to pay the privy purse did
not after the Constitution remain the same; the source out
of which the obligation was to be satisfied was not the
original source; the incident relating to exemption from
payment of tax was vitally altered, and the amount also was
in some cases different. Whereas the liability to pay the
privy purse to the Rulers under the merger agreements was
assured by the Dominion Government, the Constitution imposed
upon the Union Government a directive to pay the privy
purse.
In support of his contention that even if Art. 291 itself
gives rise to a fresh obligation, the Union of India has the
same defences against the claim by the Rulers which the
predecessor Government had, and on that account if the
Dominion Government could plead an act of State as a
defence, the Union of India could do so, the Attorney-
General relied upon two decisions : Doss v. Secretary of
State for India in Council;(1) and Saliman v. Secretary of
State for India(1). The e cases were decided on the
interpretation of the Government of India Act, 1958, which
by S. 67 enacted that treaties and all contracts, covenants,
liabilities and engagements of the East India Company made
before the Act ,of 1858 were declared enforceable against
the Secretary of State as they might have been by and
against the East India Company, if the Government of India
Act, 1858, had not been passed. There is no such
reservation in Art. 291, or in Art. 294(1) (b) and 295(1)(b)
of the Constitution. The cases of Doss (supra) and Salaman
(supra) have therefore no application.
(1) [1871] L.R. 19 Eq. 509
(2) [1906] 1 K.B. 613
91
The judgment of this Court in Union of India & Ors. v.
Gwalior Rayon Silk Manufacturing (Weaving) Co. Ltd. & An-
other(1) has also no bearing on the character of the
obligation arising by virtue of Art. 291. In that case a
company which had entered into an agreement with the State
of Gwalior in 1947, whereby the State of Gwalior granted
exemption from liability to taxation of certain industries
started in the State, claimed to enforce that right against
the Union of India after integration of the State. This
Court held that by virtue of the agreement the Central
Legislature was not deprived of its legislative power to
impose taxes, and on that account after the extension of the
Income-tax Act, 1922, the exemption granted under the agree-
ment of 1947 must fall and that the Company was entitled
only to such concessions as may be provided by the State law
applicable thereto after the integration.
The structure of Art. 362 is somewhat different. That
Article imposes restrictions upon the exercise of
legislative and executive functions. Recognition of the
personal rights and privileges of the Rulers arising out of
the covenants is not explicit, but the, injunction that in
the exercise of legislative and executive power due regard
shall be had to the guarantees, clearly implies acceptance
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and recognition of the personal rights, privileges and
dignities. The Constitution thereby affirms the binding
force of the guarantees and assurances under the covenants,
of personal rights, privileges and dignities, but unlike the
guarantee of payment of the privy purse in Art. 291, the
guarantee under Art. 362 is of the obligations under the
original covenants and agreements executed by the Rulers,
barring those regarding which there is express legislation
enacted to give effect to certain personal rights and
privileges, e.g., Wealth-tax Act, 1957, Gift-tax Act, 1958,
notifications under the Sea Customs Act, 1878, Code of Civil
Procedure, 1908 and Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898. A
Ruler seeking to enforce privileges which parliamentary
statutes have recognised relies for right to relief upon the
mandate of the statutes, and not of the covenant.
Article 363 of the Constitution provides
" (1) Notwithstanding anything in this
Constitution but subject to the provisions of
article 143 neither the Supreme Court nor any
other court shall have jurisdiction in any
dispute arising out of any provision of a
treaty, agreement, covenant, engagement, sanad
or other similar instrument which was entered
into or executed before the commencement of
this Constitution
(1)[1964] 7 R.C.R. 892
--L744 SupCI/71
92
by any Ruler of an Indian "State and to which
the Government of the Dominion of India or any
of its predecessor Governments was a party and
which has or has been continued in operation
after such commencement, or in dispute in
respect of any right accruing under or any
liability or obligation arising out of any of
the provisions of this Constitution relating
to any such treaty, agreement, covenant,
engagement, sanad or other similar instrument.
(2) In this article--
(a) "Indian State" means any territory
recognised before the commencement of this
Constitution by His Majesty or the Government
of the Dominion of India as being such
a State; and
(b) "Ruler" includes the Prince, Chief or
other person recognised before such
commencement by His Majesty or the Government
of the Dominion of India as the Ruler of any
Indian State."
Exclusion of the jurisdiction of the Courts is emphasized by
the non-obstante clause with which the Article commences.
Notwithstanding the investment of jurisdiction upon this
Court by Art. 32, notwithstanding the jurisdiction conferred
upon the High Courts by Art. 226, and notwithstanding the
competence of all Civil Courts to decide disputes in respect
of the obligations of the Union, it is declared that the
Courts have no jurisdiction in respect of the two classes of
disputes. The exception carved out of the exclusion in
respect of the jurisdiction conferred upon this Court by
Art. 143 is not a real exception for the jurisdiction of
this Court under Art. 143 is merely advisory. The non-
obstante clause however does not enlarge the field of
exclusion of judicial authority.
The Attorney-General urged that the jurisdiction of the
Courts to enforce rights and obligations arising out of the
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covenants entered into by the Rulers to which the Government
of the Dominion or the predecessor Governments were par-
ties, was excluded, because the rights and obligations arose
out of acts of State, and by constitutional provision that
exclusion was affirmed and extended after the Constitution.
An act of State need not, it is true, arise out of war or
conquest : It may be the result of an agreement, and the
terms of the agreements and the obligations flowing only
from such agreements may not be enforced in the Municipal
Courts of either State, unless the rights and obligations
93
are recognized and accepted by the States, or unless the
document evidencing the act of State is itself the
Constitution of the State or States. But there can be no
act of state against its own citizen by the State. The
Rulers who were before integration of their States aliens
qua the Dominion Government are now citizens. Their rights
and obligations which arose from an act of state are now
recognized and accepted by the Union of India. Enforcement
of those rights and obligations is governed by the,
municipal laws, and unless the jurisdiction of the Courts is
excluded in respect of any dispute, the Courts will be
competent to grant relief. An act of state vanishes when
the new sovereign recognizes either expressly or by
implications the rights flowing therefrom : State of Gujarat
v. Vora Fiddalti Badruddin Mithibarwala(1).
We are unable to agree with the Attorney-General that "old
unidentified concept of paramountcy of the British Crown"
was inherited by the Union, by reason of the instruments of
accession and merger agreements, and that "recognition of
Rulership was a ’gift of the President’, and not a matter of
legal right, existing as it did in the area of paramountcy
and remaining with the Government of India". The British
Crown did not acquire paramountcy rights by any express
grant, cession or transfer:it exercised paramountcy because
it was the dominant power. Paramountcy had no legal origin,
and no fixed concept: its dimensions depended upon what in a
given situation the representatives of the British Crown
thought expedient. Paramountcy meant those powers which the
British authorities by the might of arms, and in disregard
of the sovereignty and authority of the States chose to
exercise. But that paramountcy lapsed with the Indian
Independence Act, 1947: even its shadows disappeared with
the integration of the States with the Indian Union. After
the withdrawal of the British power and extinction of
paramountcy of the British power the Dominion Government of
Indian did not and could not exercise any paramountcy over
the States. In clause 3 of the Standstill Agreement it was
expressly recited that "Nothing in the agreement includes
the exercise of any paramouncy functions". The relations
between the States and the Dominion Government were strictly
governed by the instruments executed from time to time.
Subject to the power conferred in respect of certain matters
of common interest to legislate and exercise executive
authority, the Princes had sovereignty within their
territories. With the advent of the Constitution the States
ceased to exist, and the Princes and Chiefs who were
recognized as Rulers were left with no sovereign authority
in them. It is difficult to conceive of the
(1) [1964] 6 S.C. R. 401
94
government of a democratic Republic exercising against its
citizens "paramountcy" claimed to be inherited from an
Imperial Power. The power and authority which the Union may
exercise against its citizens and even aliens spring from
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and are strictly circumscribed by the Constitution.
The fundamentals on which paramountcy rested-i.e. the
compulsion of geography and the essentials for ensuring
security and special responsibility of the Government of
India to protect all territories in India survived the
enactment of the Indian Independence Act, for between August
15, 1947 and the date of integration, of the various States,
the Government of India was the only fully sovereign
authority. But paramountcy with its brazen-faced autocracy
no longer survived the enactment of the Constitution. Under
our Constitution an action not authorised by law against the
citizens of the Union cannot ’be supported under the shelter
of paramountcy. The functions of the President of India
stem from the Constitution-not from a "concept of the
paramountcy of the British Crown" identified or
unidentified. What the Constitution does not authorise, the
President cannot grant. Rulership is therefore not a
privilege which the President may in the exercise of his
discretion bestow or withhold.
-Jurisdiction of the Courts in matters specified is excluded
not because the Union of India is a successor to the
paramountcy of the British Crown,, nor because the rights
and obligations accepted and recognized by the Constitution
may still be regarded as flowing from acts of State : it is
only excluded in respect of specific matters by the express
provision in Art. 363 of the Constitution. Jurisdiction of
the Courts even in those matters is not barred "at the
threshold" as contended by the Attorney-General. The
President cannot lay down the extent of this Court’s juris-
diction. He is not made by the Constitution the arbiter of
the extent of his authority, nor of the validity of his
acts. Action of the President, is liable to be tested for
its validity before the Courts unless their jurisdiction is
by express enactment or clear implication barred. To accede
to the claim that the jurisdiction of the Court is barred in
respect of whatever the executive asserts is valid, is
plainly to subvert the Rule of Law. It is therefore within
the province of the Court alone to determine what the
dispute brought before it is, and to determine whether the
jurisdiction of the Court is, because it falls within one of
the two limbs of Art. 363, excluded qua that dispute.
In dealing with the dimensions of exclusion of the exercise
of judicial power under Art. 363, it is necessary to bear in
mind certain broad considerations. The proper forum under
our Constitution for determining a legal dispute is the
Court which is by
95
training and experience, assisted by properly qualified
advocates, fitted to perform that task. A provision which
purports to exclude the jurisdiction of the Courts in
certain matters and to deprive the aggrieved party of the
normal remedy will be strictly construed, for it is a
principle not to be whittled down that an aggrieved party
will not, unless the jurisdiction of the Courts is by clear
enactment or necessary implication barred, be denied
recourse to the Courts for determination of his rights. The
Court will interpret a statute as far as possible, agreeably
to justice and reason and that in case of two or more
interpretations, one which is more reasonable and just will
be adopted, for there is always a presumption against the
law maker intending injustice and unreason. The Court will
avoid imputing_to the Legislature an intention to enact a
provision which flouts notions of justice and norms of
fairplay, unless a contrary intention is manifest from words
plain and unambiguous. A provision in a statute will not be
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 73 of 181
construed to defeat its manifest purpose and general values
which animate its,, structure. In an avowedly democratic
polity, statutory provisions ensuring the security of
fundamental human rights including the right to property
will, unless the contrary mandate be precise and
unqualified, be construed liberally so as to uphold the
right. These rules apply to the interpretation of
constitutional and statutory provisions alike.
Article 366(22) defines a "Ruler" as a Prince, Chief or
other person who has entered into a covenant or agreement as
is referred to in Art. 291, and is recognized for the time
being by the President and includes the successor of such
Ruler. Article 291 in defining the sum guaranteed or
assured to the Ruler as privy purse refers to covenants and
agreements entered into by the Rulers which guarantee or
assure the payment of sums as privy purse free from tax. It
was contended on behalf of the Union that the expression
"relating to in Art. 363 means " referring to", and since
Arts. 291, 362 and 366(22) refer to covenants, the Courts
have no jurisdiction to entertain disputes with respect to
rights arising from those provisions. In support of that
argument counsel for the Union referred us, to the diverse
meanings in which the expression "relating to" is used. But
a constitutional provision will not be interpreted in the
attitute of a lexicographer, with one eye on the provision
and the other on the lexicon. The meaning of a word or
expression. used in the Constitution often is coloured by
the context in which it occurs: the simpler and more Common
the word or expression, the more meanings and shades of
meanings it has. It is the duty of the Court to determine
in what particular meaning and particular shade of meaning
the word of expression was used by the Constitution makers,
and in discharging the duty the Court will take
96
into account the context in which it occurs, the object to
serve which it was used, its collocation, the general
congruity with the concept or object it was intended to
articulate and a host of other considerations. Above all,
the Court will avoid repugnancy with accepted norms of
justice and reason. The expression "provisions of this
Constitution relating to" in Arts. 363 means provisions
having a dominant and immediate connection with": it does
not mean merely having a reference to. A wide meaning of
the expression may exclude disputes from the jurisdiction of
the Courts in respect of rights or obligations, however
indirect or tenuous the connection between the
constitutional provision and the covenant may be.
Jurisdiction to try a proceeding is barred under the first
limb of Art. 363 if the dispute arises out of the provision
of a covenant : it is barred under the second limb of Art.
363 if the Court holds that the dispute is with respect to a
right arising out of a provision of the Constitution
relating to a covenant. A dispute that an order of an
executive body is unauthorised, or a legislative measure is
ultra vires, is not one arising out of any covenant under
the firm limb of Art. 363, merely because the order or the
measure violates the rights of the citizen which, but for
the act or measure, were not in question. The dispute in
such a case relates to the validity of the act or the vires
of the measure. Exclusion of the Court’s jurisdiction by
the terms of the relevant words in the second limb lies in a
narrow field. If the constitutional provision relating to a
covenant is the source of the right claimed to accrue, or
liability claimed to arise, then clearly under the second
limb the jurisdiction of the Court to entertain a dispute
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arising with respect to the right or obligation is barred.
We need in the present case express no opinion on the
question whether a dispute that an executive act or
legislative measure operating upon a right accruing or
liability arising out of a provision is invalid falls within
the second limb of Art. 363.
As a quid pro quo for agreeing to surrender their power and
authority, it was enacted in the Constitution that the
Princes who had signed the covenant of the nature specified
will be recognized as Rulers. But under the treaties,
covenants and agreements executed by the former Princes,
there was no provision for recognition of Rulers. The
President was invested by the Constitution with power to
recognise Rulers under Art. 366(22). The status of the
Rulers under the Constitution is not the status which the
Princes had: their rights, privileges and functions are
fundamentally different from those of the former Princes.
Some degree of obscurity is introduced by the use of the
expression "Ruler" and "Ruler of an Indian State" in the
Articles. But the mean-
97
ing is reasonably plain. Ruler as defined in Art. 366(22)
is a former Prince, Chief or other person who was on or
after January 26, 1950, recognised as a Ruler, he having
signed the covenant, or his successor. The Ruler of an
Indian State means a Prince, or Chief who was recognized
before the, Constitution by the British Crown. The Ruler of
an Indian State had sovereign authority over his State. The
Ruler recognized by the President rules over no territory,
and exercises no sovereignty over any subjects. He has no
status of a potentate and no privileges which are normally
exercised by a potentate. He is a citizen of India with
certain privileges accorded to him because he or his
predecessor had surrendered his territory, his powers and
his sovereignty.
Article 366(22) is, in our judgment, a provision relating to
recognition of Rulers: that is the direct and only purpose
of the provision. It is not a provision relating to a
covenant. The qualification of a person being recognized as
a Ruler is undoubtedly that he is a Prince, Chief or other
person who had entered into a covenant or agreement as is
referred to in Art. 291, or that he is the successor to such
a Ruler. Reference to the covenant or the agreement of the
nature mentioned in Art. 291 is for determining who may be
recognized as a Ruler. Because of that reference the
provision enacted with the object of conferring authority
upon the President to recognize a Ruler, will not be deemed
one relating to the covenant or agreement.
The Attorney-General urged that this Court has decided that
the Courts have no jurisdiction to determine whether the
order of the President under Art. 366(22) is valid, and that
the Court will not be justified in unsettling the law. The
decisions relied upon are: Nawab Usman Ali Khan v. Sgarmal
(supra) and Kunvar Shri Vir Rajendra Singh v. Union of India
(supra). In our judgment, in neither of these cases the
question about the bar to the Court’s jurisdiction by virtue
of Art. 363 was directly in issue. In Nawab Usman Ali
Khan’s case (supra) this Court upheld the claim that the
privy purse payable to the Ruler of Jaora was exempt from
attachment under s. 60 (1) (g) of the Code of Civil
Procedure. The Court in that case considered the nature of
the privy purse and held that it was a "political pension"
within the meaning of s. 60(1) (g) of the Code of Civil
Procedure. Bachawat, J., speaking for the Court, after
setting out the history of integration and absorption of
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States, summarised the provisions of Arts. 291, 362, 363 and
366(22) of the Constitution and observed (at p. 208):
"Now, the Covenant entered into by the Rulers
of Madhya Bharat States was a treaty entered
into by the Rulers of independent States by
which they gave
98
up their sovereignty over ’their respective
territories and vested it in the new United
State of Madhya Bharat. The Covenant was an
act of State, and any violation of its terms
cannot form the, subject of any action in any
municipal courts. The guarantee given by the
Government of India was in the nature of a
treaty obligation contracted with the
sovereign Rulers of Indian States and cannot
be enforced by action in municipal courts.
Its sanction is political and not legal. On
the coming into force of the Constitution of
India, the guarantee for the payment of
periodical sums as privy purse is continued by
Art. 291 of the Constitution, but its
essential political character is preserved by
Art. 363 of the Constitution, and the
obligation under this guarantee cannot be
enforced in any municipal court. Moreover, if
the President refuses to recognise the person
by whom the covenant was entered into as the
Ruler of the State, he would not be, entitled
to the amount payable as privy purse under
Art. 291."
The dictum that the essential political character of the
guarantee for the payment of periodical sums as privy purse
is preserved by Art. 363, and the obligation cannot be
enforced in any municipal Court was not necessary for the
purpose of the decision, and is, in our judgment, not
correct. Article 363 prescribes a limited exclusion of the
jurisdiction of Courts, but that exclusion does not operate
upon the claim for a privy purse, relying upon Art 291. The
question as to the jurisdiction of the Courts to entertain a
claim for payment of privy purse did not fall to be
determined in Nawab Usman Ali Khan’s case (supra). The,
only question raised was whether the privy purse was not
capable of attachment in execution of the decree of a Civil
Court, because of the specific exemption of political
pensions under s. 60 (1) (g) of the Code of Civil Procedure.
In Kanvar Shri Vir Raiendra Singh’s (supra) the Court did
not express any opinion that Art. 366(22) was a provision
relating to a covenant within the meaning of Art. 363. In
that case the petitioner who was not recognised as a Ruler
by the President abandoned at the hearing of his petition
his claim to the privy purse payable to the Ruler of
Dholpur, and pressed his claim by succession under the Hindu
Law to the private property of the former Ruler. The Court
was not called upon to decide and did not decide that Art.
366(22) was a provision relating to a covenant within the
meaning of Art. 363. It is difficult to regard a word, a
clause or a sentence occurring in a judgment of this Court,
divorced from its context, as containing a full exposition
of the law on a question when the question did not ,even
fall to be answered in that judgment.
99
In the view we have expressed, the argument raised by Mr.
Palkhivala that even if cl. (22) of Art. 366 is a provision
relating to the covenants, the jurisdiction of this Court
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under Art. 32 to grant relief against an invalid exercise of
power withdrawing recognition of the Rulers is not barred,
needs no consideration.
The source of the right to receive the privy purse is for
reasons already stated the constitutional mandate : it is
not in the covenant. Reference to the covenant in Art. 291
merely identifies the sum payable as privy purse : it does
not make Art. 291 a provision relating to the covenant. A
dispute as to the right to receive the privy purse, is
therefore not a dispute arising out of the covenant within
the first limb of Art. 363, nor is it a dispute with regard
to a right accruing or obligation arising out of a provision
of the Constitution relating to a covenant.
The personal rights (other than the right to the privy
purse) privileges and dignities are recognized by Art. 362
of the Constitution and the Legislature and the executive
are enjoined to have due regard to those personal rights,
privileges and dignities, in exercising their respective
power. Article 362 is plainly a provision relating to
covenants within the meaning of Art. 363. A claim to
enforce the rights, privileges and dignities under the
covenants will therefore be barred by the first limb of Art.
363 and a claim to enforce the recognition of rights and
privileges recognized by Art. 362 will be barred under the
second limb of Art. 363. Jurisdiction of the Courts will,
however, not be excluded where the relief claimed is founded
on a statutory provision enacted to give effect to personal
rights under Art. 362
We are accordingly of the view that the Courts have
jurisdiction to interpret and to determine the true meaning,
of Arts. 366 (22), 291, 362 and 363. The bar to the
jurisdiction of the Courts by Art. 363 is a limited bar : it
does not arise merely be cause the Union of India sets up a
plea that the dispute falling within Art. 363 is raised.
The Court will give effect to the constitutional mandate if
satisfied that the dispute arises out of any provision on of
a covenant which is in force, and was entered into or
executed ’before the commencement of the Constitution and to
which the predecessor of the Government of India was a
party, or that it is in respect of rights, liabilities or
obligations accruing or arising under any provision of the
Constitution relating to a covenant. But since the right to
the privy purse arises under Art. 291 the dispute in respect
of which does not fall within either clause, the
jurisdiction of the Court is not excluded. Again, the
jurisdiction of the Court is not excluded. in respect of
disputes relating to personal rights and privileges which
are granted by statutes.
100
We further hold that the President is not invested with any
political power transcending the Constitution, which he may
exercise to the prejudice of citizens. The powers of the
President arise from and are defined by the Constitution.
Validity of the exercise of those powers is always amenable
to the jurisdiction of the Courts, unless the jurisdiction
is by precise enactment excluded. Power of this Court under
Art. 32, or of the High Courts under Art. 226, cannot be
bypassed under a claim that the President has exercised
political power.
On the view we have expressed, it is unnecessary to express
any opinion on the plea that the order was made for a
collateral purpose.
A writ will therefore issue declaring that the order made by
the President on September 6, 1970 "do-recognising" the
Rulers is illegal and on that account inoperative, and the
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petitioner will be entitled to all his preexisting rights
and privileges including the right to the privy purse, as if
the order had not been made. The petitioner will get his
costs of the petition.
Writ petitions Nos. 377 to 383 of 1970 raise the identical
question which is raised in the main petition. For reasons
set out in the principal petition a similar writ will issue.
Each petitioner will get his costs of the petition. One
hearing fee in those, petitions in which the petitioners
have appeared through the same counsel.
Mitter, J. On the 6th September, 1970 there was issued in
the name of the President an order of the following text :
"In exercise of the powers vested in him under Art. 366 (22)
of the Constitution of India, the President hereby directs
with effect from the date of this order His Highness
Maharajadhi Raj Madhav Rao Jiwaji Rao Scindia Bahadur do
cease to be recoginised as a Ruler of Gwalior."
Admittedly this followed the signing of an instrument by the
President on the night of 5th September 1970 purporting to
withdraw recognition of all the Rulers. Orders like the
above were issued in the case of each and every individual
Ruler of an Indian State numbering over three hundred and
sixty. The petitioner in Writ Petition No. 376 of 1970 is
the person to whom the above order was directed. He is a
national and citizen of India and was recognised by the
President of India as a Ruler on 16th July 1961 as the
successor to the gaddi of the State of Gwalior on the death
of the preceding Ruler of the State. The late Ruler had
signed an instrument of Accession on the 15th August 1947
which was accepted by the then Governor-General of India on
the 16th
101
August 1947. On 22nd April, 1948 the said preceding Ruler
of the State had signed a covenant with the other Rulers of
various States in Central India which led to the formation
of the Madhya Bharat State on the 15th June 1948. As such
Ruler the petitioner was being paid a privy purse of
Rs.10,00,000. per year and was also entitled to certain
rights and privileges under various statutes.
The recognition as a Ruler was not an empty formality.
Different Articles of the Constitution provide for and deal
with the rights and privileges of the Rulers. The forenost
among them is Art. 291 which after its amendment as a result
of the Seventh Amendment of the Constitution Act, 1956, runs
as follows
"Where under any covenant or agreement entered
into by the Ruler of any Indian State) before
the commencement of this Constitution, the
payment of any sums, free of tax, has been
guaranteed or assured by the Government of the
Dominion of India to any Ruler of such State
as privy purse--
(a) such sums shall be charged on, and paid
out of, the Consolidated Fund of India;
(b) the sums so paid to any Ruler shall be
exempt from all taxes on income."
Art. 362 of the Constitution in its present
form deals with the rights and privileges of
Rulers of Indian States other than the privy
purse and reads :
"In the exercise of the power of Parliament or
of the Legislature of a State to make laws or
in the exercise of the executive power of the
Union or of a State, due regard shall be had
to the guarantee or assurance given under any
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such covenant or agreement as is referred to
in article 291 with respect to the personal
rights, privileges and dignities of the Ruler
of an Indian State."
The only article in the Constitution which
mentions the recognition of a person as a
Ruler is Art. 366 which is a key to the
meaning of various words and expressions used
throughout the Constitution. Clause 22 of the
article provides
"In this Constitution unless the context
otherwise, requires, the following expressions
have the meaning hereby respectively assigned
to them, that is to say-
102
(22)"Ruler" in relation to an Indian State
means the Prince, Chief or other person by
whom any such covenant or agreement as is
referred to in clause (1) of article 291 was
entered into and who for the time being is
recognised by the President as the Ruler of
the State, and includes any person who for the
time being is recognised by the President as
the successor of such Ruler;"
Clause (15) of Art. 366 defines an Indian
State as any territory which the Government of
the Dominion of India recognised as such a
State Clause (21) of Art. 366 (now deleted)
provided as follows :--
"Rajpramukh" means-
(a)in relation to the state of Hyderabad
the person who for the time being is
recognised by the President as the Nizam of
Hyderabad;
(b)in relation to the State of Jammu and
Kashmir or the State of Mysore, the person who
for the time being is recognised by the
President as the Maharaja of that State; and
(c)In relation to any other state specified
in Part B of the First Schedule, the person
who for the time being is recognised by the
President as the Rajpramukh of that State
and includes in relation to any of the said
States any person for the time being
recognised by the President as competent to
exercise the powers of the Rajpramukh in
relation to that State;"
To complete the account of the provisions of
the Constitution with regard to Rulers it is
necessary to set out Art. 363 of the
Constitution,, the interpretation of which is
the most important point in the series of
petitions presented by a number of Rulers ,of
Indian States to this Court with identical
prayers.
"363(1) Notwithstanding anything in this
Constitution but subject to the, provisions of
article 143, neither the" Supreme Court nor
any other court shall have jurisdiction in any
dispute arising out of any provision of a
treaty, agreement, covenant, engagement, sanad
or other similar instrument which was entered
into or executed before the commencement of
this Constitution by any Ruler of an Indian
State and to which the Government of the
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Dominion of India or any of its predecessor
Governments was a party and which has or has
been con-
103
tinued in operation after such commencement,
or in any dispute in respect of any right
accruing under or any liability or obligation
arising out of any of the provisions of this
Constitution relating to such treaty,
agreement, covenant, engagement, sanad or
other similar instrument.
(2)
The grievance of the petitioner in this series of petitions
is the same’ as the rights asserted by them flow from more
or less similar transactions.
We have to delve into the past history of India in order to
appreciate the setting in which these persons or their
ancestors who were formerly Rulers of territories in India
wore brought within the fold of the Constitution. Though
not sovereign within the meaning of that expression in
International Law these former Rulers had certain attributes
of sovereignty during the days preceding the independence of
India.
As is well known to all students of history the achievement
of setting up a British Empire in India was "in its early
stages at any rate, brought about by the agents of the East
India Company in India." The Company entered into treaties
with Indian States in the early stages aiming at no more
than securing for the Company a privileged position in trade
against its rivals. For the first time the Parliament of
England asserted its authority and control over the East
India Company’s activities both in. India and in England by
the Regulating Act of 1773, under which the Governor of
Bengal became the Governor-General in Council with a certain
amount of control over the Presidencies of Bombay and
Madras. The Marquis of Wellesley as the Governor-General
felt convinced when he came to India in 1798 and saw the
state of affairs here that the British must become the one
paramount power in the country. He set up a system under
which no Indian State which had accepted subsidiary alliance
with the British could make any war or carry on negotiations
with another State without the Company’s knowledge and
consent. It was during his time. that the British Dominion
in India expanded considerably. He had practically
eliminated the French influence in India and brought many
States under the subsidiary alliance, the notable instances
being Hyderabad, Travancore, Mysore, Baroda and Gwalior.
Under this system of subsidiary alliance the bigger states
were to maintain armies commanded by British officers for
preservation of the public peace and their rulers were to
cede certain territories for the upkeep of these forces; the
smaller States were to pay a tribute to the Company. In
return the Company were to
104
protect them, one and all, against external aggression and
internal rebellion. A British Resident was also installed
in every State that accepted the subsidiary alliance. This
process was carried on during the regime of Hastings and
Dalhousie. The Marquis of Hastings who came out as a
Governor-General in 1813 crushed the Pindaris and finally
broke the Mahratta power and carried the spread of the
British dominion over northern and central India to a stage
which it was only left for Lord Dalhousie, a quarter of a
century later, to complete. He resumed Wellesley’s policy
by extending the Company’s supremacy and protection over
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almost all the Indian States. By the time he left the
country in 1823, the British empire in India had been formed
and its map in essentials drawn. Every State in India
outside the Punjab and Sind was under the Company’s control.
The influence of the company over the internal
administration of the States rapidly increased ,during the
period following the retirement of Lord Hastings. Residents
became gradually transformed into diplomatic agents
representing a foreign power into executive and controlling
officers of a superior government. The Charter of 1833
abolished the Company’s trading activities and the Company
assumed the functions of the Government of India. Lord
Dalhousie acquired vast territories for the Company
conquering the Punjab and pushing the frontiers to the
natural limits of India i.e. the base of the mountains of
Afghanistan. Whatever may have been the cause which led to
the Mutiny of the year 1857 it was realised by the British
people that the Indian States could play a vital role as one
of the bulwarks of British rule. An Act of 1858 intituled
"An Act for the Better Government of India" provided by the
67th section that "all treaties made by the Company shall be
binding upon Her Majesty". In her proclamation Queen
Victoria made it clear that the Government would respect the
rights, dignity and honour of Native Princes. The policy of
annexation vigorously pursued by Dalhousie gave way to the
perpetuation of the States as separate entities. Lord
anning carried this new policy to its next logical step by
recommending that the integrity of the States should be
preserved by perpetuating the rule of the Princes whose
power to adopt heirs should be recognised. The Secretary of
State for India agreed to this recommendation and sanads
were granted to the Ruler under which in the event of the
failure of the natural heirs, they were authorised to adopt
their successors according to their law and custom. These
sands were intended to remove mistrust and suspicion and
knit the Native Sovereigns to the paramount power. The new
policy was to punish the ruler for extreme misgovernment and
if necessary to depose him but not to annex his State for
misdeeds. The Indian States thus became part and parcel of
the British Empire in India. In The words of Lord Canning :
105
"The territories under the sovereignty of the
Crown became at once as important and as
integral a part of India as territories under
its direct domination. Together they form one
direct care and the political system which the
Moghuls had not completed and the Maharattas
never contemplated is now an established fact
of history."
The next five decades were occupied with the task of
evolving a machinery for controlling the States. A
political department was set up under the direct charge of
the Governor-General. It had at its disposal a service
known as the Indian Political Service, manned by officers
taken from the Indian Civil Service and the Army. It had a
police force which was maintained partly by the revenues of
the Central Government and partly by contributions made by
the States. The Political Department had Residents and
Political Agents in all important States and groups of
States. The Secretary of State kept a close control over
the activities of the Political Department mainly because of
the interest of the Crown in matters affecting the rights
and privileges of the Rulers.
Constitutionally the States were not part of the British
India nor were their inhabitants British subjects.
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Parliamentary had no power to legislate for the States or
their people. The Crown’s relationship with the Indian
States was conducted by the Governor-General in Council and
since he was in charge of the political Department, his
Executive Council tended in practice to leave States’
affairs to him which meant that the Political Department
came gradually to assume the position of a government within
a government.
With the building up of a strong Political Department the
Crown started asserting rights never claimed by the East
India Company and even at times cutting across treaties.
The most outstanding example and at the same time one of
far-reaching consequence, in the relations of the paramount
power with the Rulers was the prerogative assumed of
recognising succession in the case of natural heirs. The
first ruling in this behalf was laid down by the Government
of India in 1884 in a letter addressed to the Chief
Commissioner of the Central Provinces in which it was stated
that succession to a native State is invalid until it
receives in some form the sanction of the British authority.
In the view of the Secretary of State expressed in 1891 it
was admittedly the right and duty of Government to settle
successions in the protected States in India. This right it
was claimed flowed essentially from the-position of the
British as the Supreme power responsible for maintaining law
and order throughout the country. That power alone had the
necessary sanction to enforce decisions regarding
106
disputed successions. The Ruler thus did not inhert his
gaddi as of right but as a gift from the paramount power.
A definite pattern of the Government of India’s relationship
with the States had been developed b the time the first
world War broke out in 1914. The Rulers rallied to fight
for the Empire, and the organisation of the war effort
involved closer coordination of administrative activity in
the States as well as in the Provinces.
Throughout the country the tide of national aspirations was
rising fast. Although Britain claimed to be fighting a war
to defend freedom and democracy the system of government by
which she continued to hold India in imperial thrall was
clearly at variance with her professed aims. The British
Government recognised that the situation needed now
handling. In 1917 Montagu, the Secretary of State for
India, announced that the policy of His Majesty’s Government
with which the Government of India was in complete accord,
was that of an increasing association of Indians in every
branch of the administration and the gradual development of
self-governing institutions with a view to progressive
realisation of responsible government in India as an
integral part of the British Empire.
The Secretary of State for India and the Viceroy Lord
Chelmsford published a joint report on Constitutional
Reforms which was the first major investigation into the
relations of the States with the rest of India and with the
paramount power. The authors of the report visualised that
the Provinces would ultimately become self-governing units
held together by a Central Government which would deal
solely with matters of common concern to all of them.
With regard to the Rulers the authors of the report felt
that the time had come to end their isolation and that steps
should be taken for joint consultations by them for the
furtherance of their common interest. There was a
conference of ruling Princes and Chiefs in 1919 which
recommended that the rulers of States having full and
unrestricted powers of civil and criminal jurisdiction in
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their States, and the power to make their own laws should be
termed sovereign Princes as against those who lacked such
powers. This was however not favoured by the Government of
India. In 1921 a Chamber of Princes was brought into being
by a Royal Proclamation which announced that the Viceroy
would take counsel of the Chamber freely in matters relating
to that territories of Indian States generally and in
matters which affected these territories jointly With
British India or with the rest of the Empire. The Chamber
of Princes would have no concern in the internal affairs of
individual States or relations of Individual States with
107
the Government of India while the existing rights of these
states and their freedom of action would in no way be
prejudiced or impaired.
In the years following the first World War the Nationalist
Movement in India gained, considerable impetus. Lord Irwin
who came out as Viceroy in 1926 felt that the political
situation in the country demanded some gesture on the part
of Britain. In March 1927 an announcement was made for
appointing a statutory Commission to enquire into the
working of the Government of India Act 1919 and to make
recommendations regarding further constitutional
advancement. At or about this time the Rulers of the Indian
States also demanded an impartial enquiry into the whole
relationship between themselves and the paramount power.
The Secretary of State appointed a Committee of three
members headed by Sir Harcort Butler to enquire into the
relationship between the States and the paramount power and
to suggest means for the more satisfactory adjustment of the
existing economic relations, between the States and the
British India.
On behalf of the States it was contended before the
Committee that all original sovereign powers except those
which had been transferred with their consent to the Crown
were still possessed by them and that such transfers could
be effected only by the consent of the States and that the
paramountcy of the British Crown was limited to certain
matters-those relating to foreign affairs and external and
internal security. The Committee was not prepared to accept
this and held that none of the States overhad any
International status. Ile committee refused to define
paramountcy but asserted that paramountcy must remain
paramount; it must fulfil its obligations defining or
adopting itself according to the shifting necessities of the
time and the progressive development of the States. They
however observed that if any Government in the nature of
Dominion Government should be constituted in British India
such Government could clearly be a new Government resting on
a new written Constitution. The Committee noted the grave
apprehension of the Princes on this score and recorded a
strong opinion that in view of the fact of the historical
nature of the relationship of the paramount power and the
Princes the latter should not be transferred without their
agreement to a relationship with a new Government in British
India responsible to an Indian Legislature. This really laid
the foundation of a policy whereby in later years a wedge
was effectively driven between the States and the British
India.
The Rulers were certainly disappointed with the findings of
the Butler Committee with regard to their main hopes of
being freed from the unfettered discretion of the Political
Department
8-L744Sup.CI/71
108
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to intervene in their internal affairs. Nationalist opinion
in the country viewed the recommendations of the, Butler
Committee with grave apprehension and emphatic protests were
entered in the report of a committee presided over by Pandit
Motilal Nehru and an All Parties Conference was arranged in
1928 to frame a Dominion Constitution for India. It gave a
warning that it was inconceivable that the people of the
states who were fired by the .same ambitions and aspirations
as the people of British India would quietly submit to
existing conditions for ever, or that the people of British
India bound by the closest ties of family, race and
religion to their brethren on the other side of an imaginary
line would .never make common cause with them. The Viceroy
Lord Irwin who had conferred with the British Government in
1929 made an official pronouncement on his return to India
to the effect that the natural issue of India’s
constitutional progress was the attainment of Dominion
Status. He also announced that the British Government had
accepted the suggestion of Sir John Simoh for a Round Table
Conference. There was a series of these conferences which
debated on many and various points including Federation of
the States with the Provinces of British India.
Then came the Government of India Act 1935 which provided
for a constitutional relationship between the Indian States
and British India on a federal basis. A special feature of
the scheme ’Was that whereas in the case of the provinces
accession to the Federation was to be automatic in the case
of the states it was to be voluntary. A State was to be
considered to have acceded when its Ruler executed an
Instrument of Accession and after it was accepted by His
Majesty the King of England. The Government of India Act
1935 other than the Part relating to Federation, came into
force on the 1st April 1937. From that date the functions
of the Crown in the relations with the States were entrusted
to the Crown Representative; those functions included
negotiations with the Rulers after accession to the
Federation: The Federation however never took shape,.
An important announcement in the Constitutional set up of
India which came after the Second World War had broken out
was the Draft Declaration known as Cripp’s Plan. This
accepted the principle of self-determination but it
contained numerous pitfalls which imperilled the future of
India. The Mission failed but its failure gave a new turn
to India’s political struggle. In spite of the deepening
crisis of war no further serious effort was made .to resolve
the political dead lock in India until the Simla Conference
of 1945. This also proved abortive. After the assumption
of power by the Labour Government in England a Parliamentary
delegation visited India and later the Secretary of State
announced the Government’s decision to send a delegation of
three Cabinet
109
Ministers to India. In May 1946 the Cabinet Mission
issued the memorandum dated 12th May 1946 in regard to
States’ treaties and paramountcy; it affirmed that the
rights of the States which flowed from the relationship of
the Crown would no longer exist and that the rights
surrendered by the States to the Paramount Power would
revert to the States. The plan provided for the entry of
the States to the proposed Union’ of India in the following
manner :
(a) Paramountcy could neither be retained by the British
Crown nor transferred to the new Government. But according
to the assurance given by the Rulers that they were ready
and willing to do so, the States were expected to co-operate
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in the new development of India.
(b) The precise form which the co-operation of the States
would take must be a matter for negotiation during the
building up of the new constitutional structure.
(c) The States were to retain all subjects and powers other
than those ceded to the Union, namely, Foreign Affairs,
Defence and Communications.
(d) In the preliminary stage the States were to be
represented ’on the Constituent Assembly by a Negotiating
Committee.
The Viceroy Lord Mountbatten made it clear that the British
Government resolved to transfer power by June 1948 and a
solution had to be found in a few months’ time. On June 3,
1947 he announced that His Majesty’s Government would be
prepared to relinquish power to two Governments of India and
Pakistan Oil the basis of Dominion Status and this
relinquishment of power would take place much earlier than
June 1948. In regard to States the plan laid down that the
policy of His Majesty’s Government towards the Indian States
contained in the Cabinet Mission Memorandum of May 1945
remained unchanged. ’At a Press Conference held by him Lord
Mountbatten gave it out that the date of transfer of power
would be about 15th August, 1947.
The Indian Independence Act enacted for the purpose of
giving effect to the plan envisaged as above, received the
Royal Assent on 18th July 1947. It provided for the setting
up of two independent Dominions as and from the 15th August
1947. Section 2 of the Act defined what the territories of
the two Dominions would be S. 6 provided that the
Legislature of each of the new Dominions would have power to
make laws for that Dominion. Under s. 7(1)(b) the suzerainty
of His Majesty over the Indian States would lapse and with
it all treaties and agreements in force at the date of the
passing of the Act between His Majesty and the Rulers of
Indian States, all functions exercisable by His
110
Majesty at that date with respect to Indian States, all
obligations of His Majesty existing at that date towards
Indian States or the Rulers thereof. Under cl. (c) any
treaties or agreements in force at the date of passing of
this Act between His Majesty and any person having authority
in the tribal areas were also to lapse. Section 9 empowered
the Governor-General, to promulgate orders for making such
provisions as appeared to him to be necessary or expedient
for bringing the provisions of the Act into effective ope-
ration, for dividing between the new Dominions, and between
the new Provinces to be constituted under the Act, the
powers, rights, property, duties and liabilities of the
Governor-General in Council, etc. Even before the passing
of the Act Lord Mountbatten was debating the States’
problems with Indian leaders. He put forward to them a
peaceful settlement he had in mind, namely to allow the
Rulers to retain their titles, extra territorial rights. and
personal property and civil list in return for which they
would join a Domiion-most of them India, and a few like
Bahawalpur Pakistan only three subjects of defence external
affairs and communications being reserved for the Central
Government. A draft Instrument of Accession was prepared in
the States Department of the Dominion of India. The
Instrument of Accession took three forms according to the
existing status and powers of the various States. By the
Instrument of Accession the States were to accede to the
Dominion of India on the three subjects, Defence, External
Affairs and Communications and their content being as
defined in Schedule VII of the Government of India Act,
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1935. Shortly before the 15th August ’with the helpful
efforts of Lord Mountbatten negotiations were concluded and
barring Hyderabad, Kashmir and Junagadh all the States
within the geographical limits of the Indian Union had
acceded to the Indian Dominion by the 15th August. The
accession of the Indian States to the Dominion of India
established a new organic relationship between the States
and the Government of India.
The second phase which rapidly followed involved a process
of two-fold integration, consolidation of States into
sizable administrative units and their democratization.
With the advent of independence in India the popular urge in
the States for attaining the same measure of freedom as was
enjoyed by the people in the Provinces gained momentum and
unleashed strong movements for the transfer of power from
the Rule to the people.
So far as the larger units were concerned democratization of
administration could be a satisfactory solution of their
constitutional problem. However in the case of small States
responsible Government could have only proved a farce. The
Rulers of smaller States were in no position to meet the
demand. for equating
111
the position of their people with that of their countrymen
in the Provinces. Without doubt the smaller State units
could not have continued in modern conditions as separate
entities; integration provided the only approach to the
problem.
The integration of States did not however follow a uniform
pattern. Merger of States in the Provinces geographically
continuous to them was one form of integration; the second
was conversion of States into Centrally administered areas;
and the third form was the creation of new viable units
known as Unions of States. Each of these forms was adopted
according to size, geo graphy and other factors relating to
each State or group of States.
The problem of integration was first faced in Orissa where
the States formed scattered bits of territory with no
geographical contiguity. After long discussions with the
Rulers of the States and the Minister of the State
Department it was eventually decided to integrate the small
States with the adjoining Provinces. Agreements were signed
by the Rulers of these States in December 1947 and on
subsequent dates providing for cession by them to the
Dominion of India full and exclusive authority, jurisdiction
and power in relation to the governance of their States.
There were several groups of States which with due regard to
geographical, linguistic, social and cultural affinities of
the people could be consolidated into sizable and viable
units consisting entirely of States. In such cases,
territories of States were united to form Unions of States
on the basis of full transfer of power from the Rulers to
the people. A special feature of these Unions was the
provision for the Rajpramukh as the constitutional head of
the State who was to be elected by a Council of Rulers. The
United State of Gwalior, Indore and Malwa and other small
States came to be known as Madhya Bharat of which the Ruler
of Gwalior became the Rajpramukh. Integration of Rajputana
was completed in three stages.
As a result of the application of the various merger and
integration schemes 216 States were merged in Provinces, 61
States were taken over as Centrally administered areas and
275 States were integrated into the Union of States.
The process of the merger of the States with the Provinces
or their constitution into Centrally Administered areas,
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transfer of power to the people was automatic in that the
merged States became part of the Administrative units which
were governed by the popular Government of the Provinces and
the Centre as the case might be. So far as the Provincially
merged States were concerned, under the arrangements made
virtually by the statutory
112
orders issued under S. 290-A of the Government of India Act
1935 provision was made for the representation of the people
of the merged States in the Provincial Legislature. As
regards the Unions of States wherever practicable popular
interim ministries were set up to conduct their
administration.
The Instruments of Merger and the covenants establishing the
various units of States were in the nature of overall
settlements with the Rulers who had executed them. While
they provided for the integration of States and for the
transfer of powers from the, Rulers they also guaranteed to
the Rulers privy purses succession to the gaddi, rights and
privileges and full ownership, use and enjoyment of all
private properties bellinging to them as distinct from State
properties.
The above is a thumb-nail sketch of the political
developments and the major political events between 1773 and
1948 or 1949. Most of the historical account is taken
verbatim from V. P. Menon’s "Story of Integration of Indian
States" and the White Paper on Indian Constitution-both of
which were freely referred to by counsel appearing in the
case. In the above setting I now propose to examine the
implications of the important documents to which the Ruler
of Gwalior became a party.
An Instrument of Accession was signed by the Ruler of
Gwalior on the 15th August, 1947 in the exercise of his
sovereignty in and over his State containing inter-alia the
following material terms:-
"I declare that I accede to the Dominion of India. with the
intent that the Governor-General of India, the Dominion
Legislature, the Federal Court and any other Dominion
authority established for the purpose of the Dominion shall,
by virtue of this instrument of Accession but subject always
to the terms thereof, and for the purposes only of the
Dominion exercise in relation to the State...... such
functions as may be vested in them by of under the
Government of India Act, 1935.
Clause 31 accept the matters specified in the Schedule
hereto as the matters with respect to which the Dominion
Legislature may make laws for the State. (The schedule
mentioned contained several matters of which the main were
defence, external affairs and communications).
Clause 5. The terms of this Instrument of Accession shall
not be varied by any amendment of the Act (Government of
India Act) or the Indian Independence Act, 1947 unless such
amendment is accepted by me, by an instrument supplementary
to this instrument.
Clause 7. Nothing in this Instrument shall be deemed to com-
mit me in any way to acceptance of any future constitution
of India
113
or to, fetter my discretion to enter into arrangements with
the Government of India under any such future constitution.
Clause 8. Nothing in this Instrument affects the continuance
of my sovereignty in and over this State, or, save as
provided by or under this Instrument, the exercise of any
powers, authority and right,,, now enjoyed by me as Ruler of
this State or the validity of any law at present in force in
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this State.
Clause 91 hereby declare that I execute’ this Instrument on
behalf of this State and that any reference in this
Instrument to. me or to ;The Ruler of the State, is to be
construed as including a reference to my heirs and
successors."
This Instrument was accepted by the Governor-General of
India and signed by him.
On 22nd April 1948 a document was executed by the Ruler of
Gwalior, Indore and certain other States in Central India
for the formation of the United State of Madhya Bharat. The
recitals to the document show that the Rulers were entering
into a covenant on the terms mentioned therein as they were
convinced that the welfare of the people of the region could
best be secured by the establishment of a State with a
common executive, legislature and judiciary, and they were
resolved to entrust to a Constituent Assembly consisting of
elected representatives of the people the drawing up of a
democratic constitution of the State within the framework of
the Constitution of India. By Article II the Covenanting
States agreed to unite and integrate their territories into
one State with a common executive, legislature and judiciary
and to include therein any other State the Ruler of which
agreed with the approval of the Government of India to the
merger of his State in the United State. Article III
provided for the constitution of a Council of Rulers with a
President known as the Rajpramukh. Article IV provided
inter alia for payment of a sum of Rs. 2,50,000 to the
Rajpramukh from the revenues of the United State as con-
solidated allowance. Under Art. V there was to be a
Council of Ministers to aid and advise the Rajpramukh in the
exercise of his functions. Under Art. VI the Rulers of
each Covenanting State agreed as soon as possible and not
later than the 1st July 1948 to make over the administration
of his State to the Rajpramukh whereupon all rights,
authority and jurisdiction belonging to the Ruler which
pertained to or were incidental to the Government of the
Covenanting State were to vest in the United State and all
the assets and liabilities of the Covenanting State were to
be the assets and liabilities of the United State. Under
Art. VIII the Rajpramukh was to execute on behalf of the
United State, as soon as practicable and in any event not
later than 15th June 1948 an Instrument of Accession in
accordance with the provisions of s. 6 of the
114
Government of India Act, 1935 and he was to accept as
matters with respect to which the Dominion Legislature might
make laws for the United State all the matters mentioned in
List I and List III of the Seventh Schedule to the said Act,
except the entries in List I relating to any tax or duty, by
such instrument. Under Article XI the Ruler of each
Covenanting State was to be entitled to receive annually
from the revenues of the United State for his privy, purse
the amount specified against that Covenanting State in
Schedule I : provided that the sums specified in the
Schedule in respect of the Rulers of Gwalior and Indore were
to be payable only to the Rulers of these States and not to
their successors for whom provision was to be made
subsequently. The said amount was intended to cover all
expenses of the Ruler and his family including expenses of
his residence, marriage and other ceremonies and subject to
the provisions of paragraph I were neither to be increased
nor reduced for any reason whatever. Under paragraph 3 the
Rajpramukh was to cause the said amount to be paid to the
Ruler in four equal instalments at the beginning of each
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quarter in advance. Under paragraph 4 the said amount was to
be free of all taxes whether imposed by the Government of
the United State or by the Government of India. Under Art.
XII the Ruler of each Covenanting State was to be entitled
to the full ownership, use and enjoyment of all private
properties (as distinct from State properties) belonging to
hi-in on the date of his making over the administration of
that State to the Rajpramukh. Under paragraph 3 of this
Article if any dispute arose as to whether any item of
property was the private property of the Ruler or State
Property, it was to be referred to such person as the
Government of India might nominate in consultation with the
Rajpramukh and his decision was to be final and binding.
Art. XIH ran as follows .-
" The ruler of each Covenanting State, as also the
members of his family, shall be entitled to all the personal
privileges, dignities and titles enjoyed by them, whether
within or outside the territories of the State immediately
before the 15th day of August, 1947."
Art. XIV provided
(1) The succession, according to law and
custom to the gaddi of each Covenanting State,
and to the personal rights, privileges,
dignities and titles of the Ruler thereof, is
hereby guaranteed.
(2) Every question of disputed succession in
regard to a Covenanting State shall be decided
by the Council of Rulers after referring it to
a Bench consisting of all the available Judges
of the High Court of the United State and in
accordance with the opinion given, by that
High Court.
115
The document ends with the following paragraph
"The Government of India hereby concur in the
above Covenant and guarantee all its
provisions. In confirmation whereof Mr. V. P.
Menon, Secretary to the Government of India in
the Ministry of States, appends his signature
on behalf and with the authority of the
Government of India."
On July 19, 1948 ’the Ruler of Gwalior who had then become
the Rajpramukh of the United State of Madhya Bharat executed
a revised Instrument of Accession reciting the covenant of
April 1948 referring in particular to Art. VIII of the same
and declaring. that he as Rajpramukh was acceding to the
Dominion of India with intent that the Governor-General of
India, the Dominion Legislature the Federal Court and any
other Dominion authority established for the purpose of the
Dominion would by virtue of the instrument of Accession but
subject always to the terms thereof and for the purposes
only of the Dominion exercise in relation to the United
State such functions as may be vested in them or under the
Government of India Act, 1935. By cl. (2) he assumed the
obligation of ensuring that due effect was given to the
provisions of the Act (the Government of India Act 1935)
within the United State so far as they were applicable by
virtue of the Instrument of Accession. By cl. (3) he
accepted all matters enumerated in List I and List III of
the Seventh Schedule to the Act as matters in respect of
which the Dominion Legislature might make laws for the
United State. This was of course subject to some provisos
which it is not necessary to set out. Under cl. (6) the
terms of the Instrument of Accession were not to be varied
by any amendment of the Act or the Indian Independence Act
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1947 unless such amendment was accepted by the Rajpramukh.
Under cl. (8) it was made clear that nothing in the
instrument was to be deemed too commit the United State in
any way to acceptance of any future Constitution of India or
to fetter the discretion of the Government of the United
State to enter into arrangements with the Government of
India under any such future Constitution.
This Instrument of Accession was duly accepted by the Gov-
ernor-General of India.
The Constituent Assembly was in session about this time and
the future Constitution of India was being discussed and
given a final shape and form.
The provisions of the Constitution had been finally settled
before the 24th November 1949, the date on which the
Rajpramukh made a solemn declaration that the Constitution
of India shortly
116
to be adopted by the Constituent Assembly of India was to be
the Constitution for Madhya Bharat, as for the other parts
of India and was to be enforced as such in accordance with
the tenor of its provisions. The preamble to the
proclamation shows that the Rajpramukh took the step in the
best interest of the, State, of Madhya Bharat which was
closely linked with the rest of India by the community of
interests in the economic. political and other fields and it
was felt desirable that the Constitutional relationship
established between the State of Madhya Bharat and the
Dominion of India should not only be continued but further
strengthen and the Constitution of India as drafted by the
Constituent Assembly of India, which included duly appointed
representatives of the, States provided a suitable basis for
doing so.
The Constitution of India was finally adopted by the Consti-
tuent Assembly on the 26th November 1949. Under Art. 394 of
the Constitution fifteen of its articles were to come into
force at once and the remaining provisions of the
Constitution were to come into force on the 26th day of
January 1950 referred to in the Constitution at the
commencement of the Constitution. By Art. 395 the Indian
Independence Act 1947 and the Government of India Act 1935
together with all enactments amending or supplementing the
latter were repealed.
The above gives a fairly complete picture of the
disappearance of the former Indian States which formed the
combination of the United State of Madhya Bharat with the
commencement of the Constitution of India as also the rights
and privileges of the Rulers save as expressly provided
otherwise in the Constitution itself, or the covenants
agreements ’etc to the extent necessary.
The above pattern did not however apply to all the Indian
States. A number of small States of Orissa executed Merger
agreements which were confirmed on behalf and with the
authority of the Governor-General by the Secretary. to the
Ministry of States. These agreements were entered into in
December 1947. By Art. I of the agreement the Raja of the
State ceded to the Dominion Government full and exclusive
authority, jurisdiction and powers for and in relation to
the governance of the State and agreed to transfer the
administration of the State to the Dominion Government on
the 1st January, 1948. As from that date the Dominion
Government was to be competent to exercise the said powers
and authority and jurisdiction in such manner and through
such agency as it might think fit. Under Art. 11 the Raja
was to be entitled to receive from the revenues of the State
annually for the privy purse a certain sum of money which
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was to cover all the expenses of the Ruler and this family
etc. Under Art. III he was to be
117
property (as distinct from State properties) belonging to
him on the date of the agreement. ’Under Art. IV the Raja
and certain other persons were to be entitled to all
personal privileges enjoyed by them whether within or
outside the territories of the State immediately before the
15th August, 1947. By Art. V the Dominion Government
guaranteed the succession according to law and custom to the
gaddi of the State and to the Ruler’s personal rights
privileges, dignities and titles.
Similar Merger agreements were signed by the Rulers of
Gujarat and Deccan States. The terms of the agreements were
on similar lines.
There were however departures from the above in some cases.
For instance, the Nawab of Bhopal executed a Merger
agreement on the 30th April, 1949 whereby the administration
of the State of Bhopal was to be taken over and carried on
by the Government of India and for a period of five years
next after the date of transfer the State was to be
administered as a Chief Commissioner’s Province. The
personal rights and privileges and the privy purse were
secured as in the case of other Rulers. With regard to
succession to the throne of Bhopal State it was agreed that
the same would be governed and regulated in accordance with
the provisions of the Act known as the Succession to the
Throne of Bhopal Act 1947. It may be mentioned that in the
case of Bhopal Art. III of the agreement provided that
although. the then Ruler was to get a sum of Rs. 11 lakhs
per annum free of all taxes, each of his successors with
effect from the date of succession was to be entitled to
receive for his privy purse a sum of Rs. 9 lakhs per annum
free of all taxes.
There was some similar provision in the cases of Mysore and
Hyderabad but it is hardly necessary for the purpose of this
series of petitions to go into the differences. There were
separate agreements with the Nizam of Hyderabad regarding
the privy purse, private property and rights and privileges
entered into on the 25th January 1950. Under Art. I of the
agreement with the Nizam the said Ruler was to be entitled
to receive annually for his privy purse a sum of Rs. 50
lakhs free of all taxes. But with regard to his successors
provision was to be made subsequently by the Government of
India. Under Art. IV the Government of India guaranteed
the succession according to law and custom to the gaddi of
the State. A very similar agreement was entered into with
the Maharaja of Mysore on the 23rd 1 January 1950. The then
Maharaja was to receive Rs. 26 lakhs free of all taxes as
and by way of privy purse per annum but provision was to be
made subsequently by the Government of India with regard to
his successor.
118
For an other instance of integration through Merger Agree-
ment I may refer to the Kutch Merger Agreement dated 4th
May, 1948 between the Governor-General of India and the,
Maharao of Kutch. The preamble shows that the agreement was
being entered into in the best interests of the State of
Kutch as well as of the the Dominion of India to provide for
the administration of said State by or under the authority
of ’the Dominion Government. Under Art. I the, Maharao
ceded to the Dominion Government full and exclusive
authority, jurisdiction and powers for and in relation to
the governance of the State and agreed to transfer the
administration of the State to the Dominion Government on
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the 1st day of June 1948. As from that day the Dommion
Government was to be competent to exercise the said powers,
authority and jurisdiction in such manner and through such
agency as it might think fit. By Art. 2 the Maharao was to
be entitled to continue the same personal rights,
privileges, dignities and titles which he would have enjoyed
had the agreement not been made. Under Art.. 3 the Maharao
was to be entitled with effect from the said day to receive
from the revenues of the State annually for his ,privy purse
the sum of Rs. 8 lakhs free of all taxes. The Government of
India undertook that the said sum of Rs. 8 lakhs would be
paid to the Maharao in four equal installments in advance.
Art 4 provided for the retention by the Maharao of full
ownership, use .and enjoyment of all private properties (as
distinct from State properties). Under Art. 6 the Dominion
Government guaranteed the succession of the State according
to law and custom of the gaddi of the State and to the
Maharao his personal rights, privileges, ,dignities and
titles. As the original Government of India Act 1935 did
not provide for any Merger agreement steps had already been
taken towards-that end. The Extra Provincial Jurisdiction
Act 1947 was passed giving power to the Central Government
to ,exercise extra Provincial jurisdiction over a State only
if it had by a treaty agreement etc. acquired full and
exclusive authority and jurisdiction and power for an in
relation to the governance of the State. The Government of
India Act 1935 was also amended by insertion of section 290-
A and 290-B.
The States’ Merger (Governors’ Provinces) Order, 1949 was
promulgated on the 27th July 1949 under s. 290-A of the
Government of India Act for the administration of the States
specified in the Schedule together with the adjoining
Governors’ Provinces, Under Cl. 3 the States specified in
each of the Schedules were to be administered as from the
appointed day in all respects as if they formed part of the
Provinces specified in the heading of that Schedule and,
accordingly, any reference to an Acceding State, in the
Government of India Act, 1935, or in any Act or Ordinance
made on or after the appointed day was to be construed as
not
119
including a reference to any of the merged States, and any
reference in any such Act or Ordinance as aforesaid to
Provinces specified in that Schedule. Under Cl. 4 all the
law in force in a.,. merged State or in any part thereof
immediately before the appointed day including orders made
under section 3 or section 4 of the Extra-Provincial-
Jurisdiction Act, 1947 was to continue in force until
repealed, modified or amended by a competent Legislature or
other competent authority Under Cl. 5 all property wherever
situate which, immediately before the appointed day was
vested in the Dominion Government for purposes of the
governance of a merged State was as from that date to vest
in the Government of the absorbing Province unless the
purposes for which the property was held immediately before
the appointed daywere central purposes.
Another Order known as the Stages Merger (Chief Commis-
sioners’ Provinces) Order, 1949 was promulgated on the 29th
July 1949. The State of Kutch along with other States was
to be administered by and under this Order in all respects
as if they were a Chief Commissioner’s Province to be known
as the Chief Commissioner’s Province of Kutch.
The unification of India however thus achieved was not as a
result of negotiations across the table nor was it
accomplished overnight in the way ordinary contracts and
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engagements are entered into after some deliberation. Full
credit for the same goes not only to the Ministry of States
led by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel but also to the Rulers of
the hundreds of Indian States who realised that in the
interest of the people of their States as also their
personal interest it was necessary for them to come to terms
with the Government of India. They agreed to part with
their States and the territories so far governed by them on
the basis of the assurances and guarantees given by the
Dominion of India before the commencement of the
Constitution by the Government of India as contained in the
Constitution itself. It will not be out of place to set out
what Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel said in the Constitutent
Assembly on 12th October 1949 in regard to the settlements
with the Rulers. A portion of his speech is quoted as below
"In the past, in most of the States there was
no distinction between the expenditure on the
administration and the Ruler’s privy purse.
Even where the Ruler’s privy purse had been
fixed no effective steps were taken to ensure
that the expenditure expected to be covered by
the privy purse was not, directly or
indirectly charged on the revenues of the
State. Large amounts, therefore, were spent
on the Rulers on the members of the ruling
families . . . . the privy purse settlements
made,
120
by us will reduce the burden of the
expenditure, on the Rulers to at least one-
fourth of the previous figure. Besides, the
States have benefited very considerably from
the process of integration in the form of cash
balances inherited by them from the
Rulers. . . . I shall now come to the
political and moral aspect of the settlements.
In order to view the payments guaranteed by
us’ in their correct perspective, we have to
remember that they are linked with the
momentous developments affecting the most
vital interests of this country. These gua-
rantees form part of the historic settlements
which enshrine in them the consummation of the
great ideal of geographical, political and
economic unification of India, an ideal which
for centuries remained a distant dream and
which appeared as remote and as difficult of
attainment as ever even after the advent of
Indian independence . . . Human memory is
proverbially short. Meeting in October 1949,
we are apt to forget the magnitude of the
problem. which confronted us in August
1947 . . . . the so-called lapse of
paramountcy was a part of the plan announced
on June 3, 1947 which was accepted by the
Congress. We agreed to this arrangement in
the same manner as we agreed to the partition
of India. We accepted it because we had no
option to act otherwise. While there was
recognition in the various announcements of
the British Government of the fundamental fact
that each State should link up its future with
that Dominion with which it was geographically
cotinguous, the Indian Independence Act
released the States from all their obligations
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to the British Crown.......... They (the
British Crown) even conceded that
theoretically the States were free to link
their future with whichever Dominion they
liked, although, in saying so, they referred
to certain geographical compulsions which
could not be evaded. The situation was indeed
fraught with immeasurable potentialities of
disruption, which some of the Rulers did wish
to, exercise their technical right to declare
independence and others to join the
neighboring Dominion. If the Rulers had
exercised their right in such an unpatriotic
manner, they would have found considerable
support from influential elements hostile to
the interests of this country . . . . It was
in this unpropitious background that the
Government of India invited the Rulers of the
States to accede on three subjects of Defence,
External Affairs and Communications. At the
time the proposal was put forward to the
Rulers, an assurance was given to them that
they would retain the status quo except for
accession on these
121
subject. . . . There was nothing to compel or
induce the Rulers to merge the identity of
their States. Any use of force would have not
only been against our professed principles but
would have also caused serious repercussions.
If the, Rulers had elected to stay out, they
would have continued to draw the heavy Civil
Lists which they were drawing before and in a
large number of cases they could have
continued to enjoy unrestricted use of the
State revenues. The minimum which we could
offer to them as quid pro quo for parting with
their ruling powers was to guarantee to them
privy purses and certain privileges on a
reasonable and defined basis. The privy purse
settlements are therefore in the nature of
consideration for the surrender by the Rulers
of all their ruling powers and also for the
dissolution of the States as separate
units . . . . The capacity for mischief and
trouble on the part of the Rulers if the
settlement with them would not have been
reached on a negotiated basis was far greater
than could be imagined at this stage. Let us
do justice to them; let us place ourselves in
their position and then assess the value of
their sacrifice. The Rulers have now
discharged their part of the obligations by
transferring all ruling powers and by agreeing
to the integration of their States.
The main
part of our obligation under these Agreements
is to ensure that the guarantees given by us
in respect of privy purses ire fully
implemented. Our failure to do so would be a
breach of faith and seriously prejudice the
stabilization of the new order."
it may not be out of place to quote from the
debates in the Constituent Assembly which bear
upon the interpretation of Art. ’363. Before
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the Constitution finally took shape in the
draft, this article was numbered as 302-AA and
article 143 was numbered as 119 Shri T. T.
Krishnamachari who moved for the insertion of
Art. 302-AA said in the course of his speech :
" .....it is self explanatory. The idea is
to bar the jurisdiction of the courts
including the Supreme Court in regard to
adjudicating in respect of any disputes that
might arise out of any treaty, agreement,
covenant, engagement, sanad or other similar
instruments that might have been entered into
by the Government of the Dominion of India or
by any predecessor Government. "
Questioned by a member as to who would decide,
T. T. Krishnamachari replied
122
The idea is that the court shall not decide in
this particular matter. It is subject only to
the provisions of Art. 119 by which the
President may refer the matter to the Supreme
Court and ask for its opinion and the Supreme
Court would be bound to communicate its
opinion to the President on any matter so
referred by him. The House will also remember
that there are a few articles in the
Constitution, specifically 302-A (the present
Art. 291) and 267-A (the present Art. 362)
where there are references to these
agreements, covenants, sanads etc. and even
these are precluded from adjudication by any
court. The House will recognise that it is
very necessary that matters like these should
not be made a matter of dispute that goes
before a court and one which would well nigh
probably upset certain arrangements that have
been recommended and agreed to by the
Government of India in determining the rela-
tion between the rulers of States and the
Government of India in the transitory period.
After the Constitution is passed, the position
will be clear. Practically all the States
have come within the scope of Part VI-A and
they will be governed by the provisions of
this Constitution and, excepting so far as
certain commitments are positively mentioned
in the Constitution, and as I said the two
Articles 267-A and 302-A the covenants will by
and large not affect the working of the
Constitution; and it is therefore necessary in
view of the vast powers that have been
conceded in this Constitution to the judiciary
that anything that has occurred before the
passing of this Constitution and which might
incidentally be operatable after the passing
of the Constitution must not be a subject
matter of a dispute in a court of law. I
think that Members of this House will
understand that it is a very necessary
provision so as to save unnecessary disputes
by people which might feel that they have been
affected or injured and who would rush to a
court to make the court recognise such rights
and other similar matters which have been
practically extinguished by the provisions of
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this Constitution excepting in so far as
certain articles of the Constitution preserved
them."
There was also some discussion with regard to the definition
of "Ruler" and "Rajpramukh" which figured in Art. 303 of the
draft Constitution. According to Dr. B. R. Ambedkar the de-
finition of ’Ruler’ was intended only for the limited
purpose of’ making payments out of the privy purse. It had
no other reference at all. He also said that the expression
was deliberately used in order to give the power of
recognition to the President.
123
After referring to the historical background of the
settlement in W.P. No. 376 of 1970 takes note of the attempt
made to amend the Constitution by the Constitution (Twenty
Fourth Amendment), Bill 1970 passed by the Lok Sabha on 2nd
September 1970. It was however rejected by the Rajya Sabha
on the 5th September, 1970. The same night the President
signed an instrument withdrawing recognition of all the
Rulers and orders were issued for and on his behalf to each
and every Ruler in the country. According to The petition
the order of the 6th September violated Articles. 14, 19 (1)
(f), 21 (as per amendment allowed) and 31 (1 ) and. (2) of
the Constitution. The order was dubbed as unconstitutional,
ultra vires, void and inoperative, arbitrary, malafide and a
fraud on the Constitution on various grounds formulated in
paragraph 20, the notable ones being as follows :-
(1) Art. 291 embodied the Constitutional acceptance and re-
cognition of the guarantees or assurances regarding tax-tree
privy purses.,
The privy purse guaranteed by the Government under the
Merger agreements or Covenants were further assured and
guaranteed by the Constitution and charged on the
Consolidated Fund of India. Arts. 291 and 362 themselves
created new and independent rights. The pledge to pay privy
purses and the guarantee regarding privileges etc. are
inseverable from these accessions and mergers. The
obligation to pay privy purses and the said guarantee
regarding privileges etc. which are inseverable from the
accession and merger cannot be abolished by any law, much
less by any executive action.
(ii) (1) The President of India passed the order withdrawing
the recognition of the petitioner and the other Rulers
without applying his mind to the question of legality or
propriety of the Order. The whole and only object of the
Order was to deprive the petitioner and the other Rules of
their privy purses and their personal rights and privileges.
The derecognition of all the Rulers en masse is itself the
clearest possible proof that the whole object is to abolish
the institution of Rulership altogether and all the rights
and. privileges attached thereto.
(iv) Under the agreements executed between the Dominion of
India and the Rulers and the covenants concurred in and gua-
ranteed by the Dominion of India, a Ruler is entitled to
privy purse of a stipulated amount and to rights and
privileges which he enjoyed before the 15th August 1947 and
succession to his ’gaddi" in accordance with the law and
custom of the family was guaranteed. Once the President has
recognised a person as entitled to receive privy purse and
to be accorded rights and privileges due to, him as a Ruler,
there can be no interference with his right to re-
744Sup.CI/71.
124
ceive the privy purse or with his other rights and
privileges. The Constitution contains no substantive
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provision conferring on the President a right to recognise
or not to recognise a Ruler or to withdraw recognition. All
that the Constitution requires is an indication of the
Indian States which are recognised as such under Art.
366(15) and a Ruler with reference to such a State under
Art. 366(22). Arts. 366(22) and 366(15) cast upon him a
power or authority but a constitutional duty to recognise an
existing fact and continue to do so in accordance with the
provisions of the covenants and agreements. The Order being
in clear contravention of Arts. 291, 362 and 366(22) was
also in contravention of Art 53(1) which required that the
executive powers of the Union vesting in the President be
exercised by him in accordance with the provisions of the
Constitution.
(v) The right to receive privy purse and other rights of
Rulers constitute property within the meaning of Art.
19(1)(f) and 31. Deprivation of privy purses and other
rights without authority of law contravenes Art. 31(1) as
the petitioner was to be expropriated of his moneys and his
right to receive money periodically by way of privy without
any compensation.
(vi) The Privy purse was in substance and in reality compen-
sation for the transfer by Rulers of inter alia their
properties.
(vii) There was a duty cast upon the Government of India
to respect and implement the provisions of the Merger
agreements and the Covenants.
The petitioner’s further contentions were that the order
left the Merger agreements and covenants untouched and did
not in any way abrogate or affect any of the assurances,
guarantees and obligations under the agreements and
covenants. According to the petition Art. 363 covered cases
of a dispute arising out of a settlement with a Ruler or a
dispute in respect of a right or obligation founded on a
provision of the Constitution relating to such a settlement
but it did not cover the case of policy embodied in
legislative or administrative action to abolish altogether
the institution of Rulership and its rights and privileges
and of privy purses.
The prayers formulated in the petition were as follows
(a) A writ, direction or order under Art. 32 of the
Constitution declaring-the Order dated 6th September 1970 to
be unconstitutional, ultra vires and void and further to
quash the Order;
(b) a writ, direction or order declaring that the
petitioner continues to be the Ruler and continues to be
entitled to the privy purse and to his personal rights and
privileges as a Ruler;
(c) a writ, direction or order directing the Union of India
to continue to pay the privy purse to the petitioner and to
continue’
125
to recognise the Rulership and the personal rights and
privileges of the petitioner and to implement and observe
the provisions of the covenant/Merger agreement entered into
with the petitioner.
In the forefront of the counter affidavit of the Joint
Secretary to the Government of India in the Ministry of Home
Affairs is the contention that "by reason of the provisions
of Art. 363 of the Constitution this Court has no
jurisdiction to entertain the petition". The main
propositions out forward in the said counter affidavit are
as follows .-
(a) By the petition disputes had been raised which arose
directly out of the provisions of the relevant covenant as
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also his alleged rights accruing under the provisions of the
Constitution.
(b) The covenant was a political agreement among High Con-
tracting Parties and an act of State and as such could not
form the subject matter of any proceeding in any municipal
court. The guarantee given by the Dominion of India was
only a political act and not a legal one.
(c) Neither the covenants nor the Merger agreements nor any
provision of the Constitution relating to the covenants or
the Merger agreements confer any legal right on the
petitioner or on any erstwhile Ruler.
(d) The covenant being a political agreement, the alleged
rights and obligations thereunder could not be and were not
perennial and were inherently temporary in character and
liable, to be varied or repudiated in accordance with State
policy in the interests of the people.
(g) The power of the President to recognise or not to
recognise a person as a Ruler was political in character and
an incident of sovereignty. The power included the power to
recognise and the power to cease to recognise any person as
a Ruler.
(k) The relevant covenant being a political agreement among
High Contracting Parties and an-act of State, the petition
has no legal right to the gaddi or the privy purse or any of
the said privileges and as such neither the gaddi nor the
privy purse or any of the said privileges is property within
the meaning of Art. 19(1)(f) or Art. 31(1) or Art. 31(2) of
the Constitution.
(1) If the State policy changed and the State decided not
to pay such political" pension in future, a dispute arising
from such decision was not justiciable in a municipal court.
(m) Rulership or the succession thereto, the privy purse
and the said privileges were inter alia the subject matter
of an agreement and an agreement could not confer on the
petitioner any fundamental right under the Constitution.
126
(n) Art. 291 of the Constitution did not create any legal
right in a person. It only laid down the source and method
of payment of the privy purse. The article in laying down
that the privy purse shall be charged on and paid out of the
Consolidated Fund of India meant no more than that these
sums would be sums within the meaning of Arts. 112(2)(a) and
113(1) of the Constitution and would not be submitted to the
vote of Parliament. And secondly that such sums would be
exempt from all taxes on income. Even if the article
created a legal right in a person recognised by the
President as a Ruler, to receive payment of privy purse Art.
363 barred the enforcement of such right.
(o) Art. 362 of the Constitution did not create or impose
any legal obligation on Parliament or the Legislature of a
State or the Union executive or the State executive in
respect of the said privileges and even with respect thereto
Art. 363 barred jurisdiction of all courts in India.
(p) The concept of Rulership, the privy purses and the said
privileges unrelated to any current functions and social
purposes have become incompatible with democracy, equality
and social justice in the context of India today. Since the
commencement of the Constitution many things have changed,
many hereditary rights and unearned incomes have been
restricted and many privileges and vested interests have
been done away with. The question continuance of covenants
and Merger agreements had been exercising the minds of the
Congress Party for many years past and the Constitution
(Twenty Fourth Amendment) Bill was introduced with that
object.
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All the grounds set forth in paragraph 20 of the petition
were controverted. In particular it was said
(a) Art. 291 did not cast an obligation on the Government
to pay the privy purse and the obligation, if any; was not a
legal obligation.
(b) The Order of 6th September 1970 did not violate Art.
291 or Art. 362. To recognise or not to recognise any
person as a Ruler was exercise of a political power which
was not dependent on any provision of the Constitution.
(c) The covenants and Merger agreements were and continued
to be political agreements and acts of State which could not
be enforced in a court of law by reason of Art. 363.
(d) Art. 366(22) impliedly conferred a power on the
President to recognise or not to recognise a person as a
Ruler and such a
127
power was a political power. There was no provision in the
Constitution which conferred-on the petitioner or any of the
erstwhile rulers any rights to be recognised as Ruler and
continues to be recognised as such or to privy purse or any
of the privileges.
(e) As neither the petitioner nor any erstwhile Ruler had
or now has any legal right to the privy purse or to any of
the privileges or to any of the alleged other rights
enforceable in a court of law, there could be no question of
the impugned order infringing Art. 19(1)(f), Art. 31(1) or
Art. 31(2) and that in any event Art. 363 barred the
enforcement of any such alleged right.
(f) The Rulers entered into the covenants and Merger agree-
ments by reason of political compulsion and in their own
interests and not on the faith of any undertaking or
guarantee on the part of the then Dominion of India.
Neither the petitioner nor any erstwhile Ruler acted upon
any assurance or guarantee on the part of the Government of
India. On the other hand a fiduciary duty was cast upon the
respondent Government not to continue Feudal institutions
and anachronistic systems against the interests of the
people.
(g) The petitioner has no fundamental right as claimed and
Art. 363 barred adjudication by a court of law with respect
to the rights claimed.
The crucial question in the petition is whether the
petitioner is entitled to a declaration that the order
withdrawing his recognition as a Ruler is beyond the scope
of any executive action of the President. The only
provision in the Constitution in which the recognition of a
person as a Ruler appears is Art. 366(22). The article
being a Code to the meaning of the words used in the Con-
stitution we have to see exactly what it proposes to do and
what it achieves. Unless a ruler can be identified for the
purposes of the Constitution Art. 291, Art. 362 and Art. 363
cannot be applied. Clause (22) fixes the identity of the
Ruler for the purposes of the Constitution as a Prince,
Chief or other person by whom any covenant or agreement as
is referred to in cl. 1 of Art. 291 was entered into.
Obviously before a person can be a Ruler under this limb of
the article he must be a person who had entered into the
kind of agreement just now mentioned. But in order to be a
Ruler for the purpose of the Constitution he is also to be
recognised by the President as a Ruler of a State. This
means that at the commencement of the Constitution claims of
the former Rulers to be recognised as the Rulers of the
respective States had to be considered. Clearly the
Constitution did not contemplate the eventuality of the
President not choosing to recognise anybody as a Ruler or
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choosing only those whom he liked. In the setting in which
the Rulers accepted the Constitution as binding on them and
their States it
128
must have been in their contemplation as also of the
Constitution makers that all of them who were alive at the
commencement of the Constitution would get such recognition.
So much for the time when the Constitution became effective
to start with. But as Rulers are human beings and are not
immortal the Constitution had to provide for the continuity
of the line of Rulers and to lay down who would be a Ruler
after the first set of Rulers was no more. This was done by
providing that the President would recognise someone as a
successor of the Ruler who had departed this life. The
expression "for the time being" was not inserted for the
purpose of giving power to the president to recognise a
person or withdraw recognition from him as his fancy
dictated. It was put in for the purpose of fixing the
identity of the Ruler at a given point of time and to
emphasise the fact that there could be only one Ruler for a
State at any point of time. Read as a whole the clause
proceeds on the assumption that the President had the right,
power or duty or obligation to recognise some person as a
Ruler both at the commencement of the Constitution and ever
afterwards so long as the line of Rulers lasted and so long
as these provisions were in the Constitution. A duty or
power or right or obliation to recognise someone as
successor to the Ruler is also embedded in the clause. If
there were no covenants or agreements to guide him or bind
him, the President could probably recognise and derecognise
or withdraw recognition at his will and pleasure. Clearly
however the grant of such a power was not in the minds of
the Constitution-makers. At the time when they entered into
covenants and agreements, a solemn assurance or guarantee
was given by the Dominion of India that succession to the
gaddi of each Ruler would be according to law and custom of
the State. It would appear that invariably the rule of
lineal male primogeniture coupled with the custom of
adopting a son prevailed in the case of Hindu Rulers who
composed of the bulk of the body. When on the eve of the
Constitution being finally adopted the Rulers with the
exception of two or three accepted the same as binding upon
them and their States, it must follow that they accepted and
adopted the Constitution of India because they thought and
were assured that the provisions in it regarding themselves
and their successors were to their satisfaction and were
binding in nature. They certainly never imagined that they
would be the play-things of the executive Government of the
Union of India to be thrown out like pawns off the chequer
board of politics at any moment when the Government felt
that their presence was irksome or that they were
anachronistic in the democratic set up of India. This
democratic set up was what the Constitution ushered in
albeit with a shadow of the past in the Rulers with
attenuated pomp and pelf. The choice of a person as a Ruler
to succeed another-on his death was certainly not left to
the mere caprice of the President. He had to
129
find out the successor and this he could do not by applying
the ordinary rules of Hindu Law or Mohamedan Law but by the
law and custom attaching to the gaddi of a particular State.
That the Government of India had no doubts about it is
exemplified by several instances where on a question of
disputed succession a reference was made to a very high
judicial officer to find out the rightful successor with the
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help of other Rulers. I may mention only two such
instances, namely, the appointment of Shri H. V. Divatia,
Chief Justice of the Saurashtra High Court and a retired
Judge of the Bombay High Court and their Highnesses the
Maharaja of Jaipur and the Maharao of Kotah as members, to
enquire into and report on the rights of the various
claimants to the gaddi of Sirohi and the validity of the
succession of His Highness Maharao Shri Tejsinghji Bahadur
who was recognised as the Maharao of Sirohi by the Crown
Representative in May 1946 on the death of His Highness Shri
Sarupramsinghji who left no male heir of the body or adopted
son. The insertion in the Gazette of India Extraordinary
under date 7th October 1950 refers to this as also to the
activities of the Committee and its conclusion that there
was no such valid adoption of Shri Tejsinghji into the
Bajawat family as deprived him of his legal status as a
member of the ruling family. The notification ends with the
following :-
"Having carefully considered the report, the
President accepts the findings of the
Committee of Enquiry in their entirety.
Accordingly in exercise of the powers vesting
in him under Art. 366(22) of the Constitution,
the President is pleased to recognise Shri
Abhaisinghji as the Ruler of Sirohi in place
of the present minor Maharao Shri Tejsinghji
Bahadur who shall cease to be recognised as
such with effect from the date of this Order."
This clearly shows that the President, did not act in any
arbitrary manner. The claims were investigated into with
the help of one of the highest judicial officers of the land
and reported on to the President The President thereupon
withdrew recognition from Shri Tejsinghji Bahadur and
recognised Shri Abhaisinghji as the Ruler of Sirohi. To my
mind Art. 360’(22) read with the rules of succession in the
Merger agreements and the covenants was given full effect.
Recognition was given to the person lawfully entitled to be
declared the successor to the gaddi and the same was with-
drawn from a person who was held not entitled to it. The
Act was certainly executive but in nature it was based on a
judicial scrutiny and not on any political consideration or
in an arbitrary fashion.
Another instance of applying the law and custom of
succession is afforded by the case of Dholpur which was
enquired into by Shri
130
K. N. Wanchoo, Chief Justice of the Rajasthan High Court
(as he then was) forming a Committee with two Rulers.
To my mind the Merger agreements and covenants did not be-
come waste paper on the commencement of the Constitution to
be consigned to the record room or any museum. So long as
the above provisions enure in the Constitution a Ruler will
have to be found for a State and such finding must be on the
basis of the law and custom of the State. That is the
assurance which was given to the Rulers when they accepted
the Constitution and I see no reason why the Constitution
should be interpreted in a way to set that .at naught.
In the light of the above, my view is that Art. 366(22)
implied not merely a right or power but a duty or obligation
to recognise a person as a Ruler i.e. a duty or obligation
to do so and the power ,or duty to withdraw recognition must
be confined to cases when the first recognition was not
proper as in the case of the Sirohi succession.
But the learned Attorney-General would interpret the same
differently. He put forward his contention in the following
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propositions :-
(a) Recognition was only for the purpose of fixing the
identity of a person for payment of privy purse and grant of
privileges pursuant to the Constitutional provisions in
Arts. 291 and 362.
In support of this he relied on the Debates in the
Constituent Assembly to which reference has already been
made. He relied on a decision of this Court in Maharaja
Pravir Chandra Bhanj Deo Kakatiya v. The State of Madhya
Pradesh(1). There the appellant was the Ruler of the State
of Bastar and had entered into an agreement with the
Government of India whereby he had ceded the State of Bastar
to the Government of India to be integrated with the Central
Provinces and Berar. He challenged the applicability to him
of Madhya Pradesh Abolition of Proprietary Rights (Estates,
Mahals, Alienated Lands) Act, 1950 (Madhya Pradesh Act I of
1951) meant to provide for the acquisition of the rights of
proprietors in estates, mahals, alienated villages and
alienated lands in Madhya Pradesh which was applicable to a
person described as an ex-Ruler of an Indian State merged
with Madhya Pradesh. The appellant’s contention was that he
was still a sovereign Ruler and absolute owner of the
villages to which the Act was sought to be applied. In the
course of the judgment of this Court there is an observation
at p. 506 reading
(1) [1951] 2 S.C.R. 501
131
"The effect of the Merger Agreement is clearly
one by which factually a Ruler of an Indian
State ceases to be a Ruler but for the purpose
of the Constitution and for the purposes of
the privy purse guaranteed, he is a Ruler as
defined in Art. 366(22) of the Constitution.
There is nothing in the provisions of Art.
366(22) which requires a court to recognise
such a person as a Ruler for the purposes
outside the Constitution."
Earlier in the judgment at page 504 it was
said
"The expression ’Ruler’ as defined in Art.
366(22) of the Constitution applied only for
interpreting the provisions of the
Constitution."
In my view these observations do not advance
the contention of the Respondent as the Court
was not there concerned with the question of
power to recognise or withdraw recognition
from a Ruler. The only question before the
Court was whether the appellant was an ex-
Ruler for the purposes of the Act.,
Reference may be usefully made to paragraph
241(3) at page 129 of the White Paper on
Indian States under the heading "Recognition
of Rulers" reading :
"The Rulers of the merged and integrated
States have been guaranteed succession
according to law and custom. In the Covenants
and some of the Agreements of Merger,
provision has been made for the procedure to
be observed for the, settlement of the cases
of disputed succession. In the case of Rulers
of States forming Unions, every question of
disputed succession is to be decided by the
Council of Rulers after referring to the High
Court of Union and in accordance with the opi-
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nion of that Court."
The above is followed by the quotation of Art.
366(22) and according to the White Paper "it
is expected that in according recognition to
Rulers, the President will show due regard to
the provisions of the Covenants and Agreements
of Merger in respect of the cases to which
these provisions apply."
(b) The learned Attorney-General then
submitted that the power of recognition was a
political power in the paramountcy field to
which the Dominion Government and thereafter
the Union Government under the Constitution
succeeded and for this he referred to White
Paper, paragraph 266 at p. 143 reading:
"In spite of the declaration regarding the
lapse of paramountcy, the fundamentals on
which it rested remained. The essential
defence and security requirements of the
country and the compulsions of geography
132
did not cease to be operative with the end of
British rule in India. If anything, in the
context of world events, they have become more
imperative. The Central Government in India
which succeeded the British was unquestionably
the paramount power in India both de facto
and, de jure and that Government, alone was
the only completely independent sovereign in
India."
To my mind the British Crown was the paramount power in
India because of the might of its power. Its power was so
great compared to,that of the Rulers of the Indian States
that it could annex any territory at any time and bring
under subjugation all the Rulers by compulsion or subsidiary
alliances. There was no sanction of (International law
behind it. Paramountcy after the British had come to be the
foremost power in the. country was one of their own
creation. In strict legal theory whatever paramountcy there
was before the 15th August 1947 in the British Government
lapsed with the passing of the Indian Independence Act.
Thereafter the Dominion of India was free to do what it
liked subject to world opinion and their own conscience.
Paramountcy de facto there undoubtedly, was but speaking for
myself I cannot ascribe any legal sanction to such
paramountcy. The Rulers of Indian States submitted or
agreed to the cession of their territory and the government
of their people by the Government of the States with which
they merged and ultimately *the Government of the Union of
India because they felt that it was in the best interests of
their people and also of themselves.
(c)The learned Attorney-General argued that paramountcy
continued and the advent of the Constitution did not put an
end to it and the debates of the Constituent Assembly with
regard to Art. 302-AA (present article 363) that the
disputes covered by the said article were beyond the pale of
adjudication of courts of law only recognised the same.
According to him the old concept of paramountcy was
virtually- inherited by the Dominion of India before January
1950 by reason of the Instruments of Accession, Covenants
and Merger agreements : the recognition of a Ruler which was
the gift of Paramount power was not the matter of a legal
right and was exercised as an act of paramountcy and
retained the same character. He cited various decisions of
this Court to show that covenants,and Merger agreements have
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always been so interpreted, e.g. Virendra Singh & others v.
State of U.P.(1), Dalmia Dadri Cement Co. Ltd. v.
Commissioner of Income Tax(2) and a number of other cases.
He argued further that a plea which was available to the
Dominion of India can now be put forward by its, successor
government and in support of his contention relied on, the
cases of Secretary of State V.
(1) [1955] 1 S. C.R. 4 5 at 429
(2) [1959] S.C.R. 729 at 744
133
Kamachee Boys Sahaba(1), Doss v. Secretary of State(2),
Solmon v. Secretary of State (3) and several others. In the
first case the British Government acting as sovereign power
had seized the whole of the Raj of Tanjore as an escheat on
the ground that the dignity of Rajah was extinct for want of
male heir and this being on act of State the Supreme Court
of Madras had no jurisdiction. In Doss’s case (Supra) what
was sought to ’be enforced was the liability of an ex-Ruler
of Oudh which was annexed by the Government of India in 1856
on inter alia the ground that the claim was a charge upon
the revenues of Oudh. The plaintiffs who filed the Bill in
the English Court of Chancery sought to rely upon a
statement of Lord Stanley, President of the Board of Cotrol
in the House of Commons that "the transfer of the revenues
of the Kingdom of Oudh carried with it a liability for such
debts on the former government and were justly contracted".
The plea in, demurer that the seizure of the property was
an, act of State and that it was not liable to any review by
a court of law or equity was upheld. The above and cases of
the type to my mind are easily distinguishable. Once the
Rulers ceded their territory and accepted the Constitution
of India as the Constitution of their States they became
citizens of India on the commencement of the Constitution
and the plea of continuance of an act of State as against
them cannot be accepted. The Rulers became citizens of
India like millions of others but in recognition of the past
the Constitution gave them certain special rights like privy
purses and assured them of continuance of personal
privileges in terms of articles 291 and 362.
(d) The learned Attorney-General submitted that the recog-
nition of Rulership was an exercise of political power
vested in the President on the strength of certain
observations in Kunwar Shri Vir Rajendra Singh v. Union of
India (4) In that case the petitioner claimed to be entitled
to the private properties left by Maharaja Rana Udaibhan
Singh of Dholpur on the basis that it was an impartible
estate and he was entitled thereto according up the law and
custom of lineal primogeniture. There was a WI-it petition
to this court as also an appeal from a judgment of the High
Court which were dealt with by a common judgment of this
Court. The last Ruler of Dholpur died in 1954 leaving him
surviving no direct male heir but he had left his daughter
who was married to the Maharaja of Nabha. His widow adopted
a grandson, viz., one of the sons of the daughter and thus
arose a controversy as to who was entitled to the Rulership
of Dholpur and the Government of India by notification dated
December 22,.
(1) 7 M.I.A. 476 (2) L.R. 19 Equity 509
(3) [1906] 1 K.B. 613 (4) [1970] 2 S.C.R. 631
134
1954 constituted a Committee, as already mentioned, to
examine the contentions of various claimants and no the
basis of the report of that Committee, the President
recognised His Highness Maharaja Rana Shri Hemant Singh as
the Ruler of Dholpur from 22nd October, 1954. The
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contentions put forward on behalf of the petitioner, the
appellant to this Court were
(1) The handing over or authorising the taking over of pri-
vate properties was by executive flat and was ex facie bad
as infringing Art. 19 (1) (g) and Art. 31 of the
Constitution; (2) that the recognition of a Ruler even if it
was an instance of exercise of political power was itself an
insignia of property and therefore it could only be by
authority of law and would have to yield to fundamental
rights. (3) After the commencement of the Constitution
recognition of the Ruler was not an exercise of political
power and that such recognition under cl. (22) meant
recognising a fact that a person was a Ruler and the clause
did not empower the President to create a fact of bringing
into effect a Ruler by recognising a person as a Ruler. (4)
If there was any power to recognise the Ruler it was an
arbitrary and unguided power and infringing the fundamental
right to property, and (5) As there was no dispute regarding
the covenant inasmuch as succession did not arise out of the
covenant Art. 363 of the Constitution was not attracted.
The right to succession to private property was said to be
independant of any covenant. The above contentions were
turned down by this Court. Referring to the notification
published in the Gazette of India on 22nd December 1956 the
Court said that it did not state that the Ruler thereby
became entitled to private properties of the late Ruler. It
was observed :
"The recognition of the Ruler is a right to
succeed to the gaddi of the Ruler. This
recognition of Rulership by the President is
an exercise of political power voted in the
President and is thus an instance of purely
executive jurisdiction of the President. The
act of recognition of Rulership is not, as far
as the President is concerned, associated with
any act of recognition of right to private
properties."
It was also said :
"The words ’is recognised by the President’
indicate beyond any doubt that the power of
the President to recognise a Ruler is embedded
and inherent in the clause itself. Again,
the words "for the time being" indicate that
the President has power not only to recognise
but also the withdraw recognition whenever
occasion arises . . . . . . . . . .
135
The recognition of Rulership is one of
’personal status. It cannot be said that
claim to recognition of Rulership is either
purely a matter of inheritance or a matter of
descent by devolution. Nor can claim to re-
cognition of Rulership be based only on
covenants and treaties. ;That is why Article
363 of the Constitution constitutes a bar to
interference by Courts in a dispute arising
out of treaties and agreements. No claim to
recognition of Rulership by virtue of a
Covenant is justiciable in a Court of law.
The Constitution, therefore, provided-for the
act of recognition of the Rulership by the
President ’as a political power."
Some of the above observations undoubtedly sustain the
contention of the learned Attorney-General but they must be
limited to the facts of the case. The petitioner-cum-
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appellant before this Court did not claim any right to the
gaddi. He only claimed to, be entitled to the private
properties of the deceased Ruler according to law and custom
of lineal primogeniture. His complaint against the
notification under cl. (22) of Art. 366 was not accepted
mainly because the notification made no reference to the
private properties of the late Ruler. The Court held that
the petitioner had not been able to establish any claim to
any private property belonging to the last Ruler.
There have ’however been instances where the President did
not act strictly in accordance with what conceive to be his
power, duty or obligation to recognise or to withdraw
recognition to a Ruler. A notable instance of this occurred
soon after the commencement of the Constitution when
recognition was withdrawn from Sir Pratap Singh, the Ruler
of Baroda and his eldest son Yuvaraj Fatehsingh was
purported to be recognised as the Ruler of Baroda under the
powers conferred by Art. 366(22). The order was served on
Sir Pratap Singh on April 12, 1951. The trouble in this
case originated with Sir Pratap Singh’s attempt to foment
trouble against the Union of India and his design to
challege the merger of Baroda. Full details of this episode
are given in Mr. Menon’s book from page 403 onwards. Some
instances where there was no recognition of any successor to
an erstwhile Ruler occurred in the case of Baudhraj of
Orissa, Nandgaon of Madhya Pradesh and Delath of Himachal
Pradesh. In the first case the widow of the Raja was
informed in May 1958 that "after consideration of the report
submitted by Shri B. C. Das the President has decided not to
recognise any successor to the late Raja Narayan Prasad
Roy". There was no statement that the Rulership had lapsed.
In the other two cases Rulership was said to have lapsed.
136
(e) The learned Attorney-General also argued that the
rights .given by Art. 291 and Art. 362 at best were
imperfect obligations not enforceable in a court of law. In
view of my conclusion on article 363 I do not think it
necessary to examine the, decisions cited by him or make any
pronouncement on his contention.
(f) The learned Attorney-General next submitted that assum-
ing Art. 366(22) gave a right to be recognised as a Ruler
and obligation to recognise, the enforcement of such right
or obligation was barred by Art. 363. According to him,
claim to recognition arose from the covenant and not from
Art. 366(22). The covenant was signed by the Ruler as Ruler
and it was guaranteed by the Government of India. I have
already dealt with the scope and content of Art. 366(22) and
held that it is inextricably linked with the covenants,
Merger agreements etc.
On the basis of the above contentions it cannot be said that
the Government of India has not raised a dispute with regard
to the right, power, obligation or duty to recognise and a
co-related power or duty etc., to withdraw recognition.
However, in the light of historical facts i.e. the events
preceding the Constitution, the covenants and the Merger
agreements entered into by the Rulers uniformly providing
for succession to the gaddi by the law and custom of the
particular State, the guarantee thereof by the Government of
the Dominion of India and the provisions of the Constitution
perpetuating the payment of privy purses and mandate of the
regard to the personal rights and privileges of the Rulers,
the contention of the learned Attorney-General cannot find
favour in a court of law. The covenants and Merger
Agreements were undoubtedly political acts entered into by
High Contracting Parties and as such-they could not be en-
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forced in a court of law. But once the Constitution of
India took the field and the Rulers became citizens of India
there could be no acts of State as against such citizens
living in India.
The question however remains as to whether these are matters
which can be adjudicated upon by the municipal courts in
India.
This point would fall to be considered under ’Art. 363 but
before that one must refer to Art. 291 which is the prop and
pillar to the claim of privy purse. This ’article places
the payment of privy purse on a constitutional foundation.
It expressly refers to the covenants or agreements entered
into by a Ruler of an Indian State before the commencement
of the Constitution and provides for the disbursement
thereof by directing that the sums shall be charged on and
paid out of the Consolidated ’Fund of India. In effect it
means that the guarantee given by the Government of India
for the payment of sums free of taxes by way of
137
privy purse under convenants or agreements etc., is to be
worked out and discharged by ensuring that the said sums
shall be charged on and paid out of the Consolidated Fund.
According to Mr. Palkhivala.
(1) Art. 291 is mandatory. It creates new and independent
rights and obligations by being engraved in the Constitution
and as such beyond the reach of the Legislature and the
Executive. This new and independent right makes the article
a self-ordaining and self-sustaining one. In cases where
there is no dispute about the amount of the privy purse no
question of any reference to the covenant arises.
(2) The amounts of privy purse guaranteed by Art. 291 are
the same as mentioned in the covenants but in other vital
respects the provisions of Art. 291 constitute a marked
departure from the provisions of the covenants.
(3) First, whereas the liability under the covenant was
that of the relevant State or the United State, it is made a
liability of the Central Government under Art. 291;
secondly, the amounts of privy purses are charged on the
Consolidated Fund of India for the first time; thirdly, the
amounts are guaranteed to be exempt from all taxes on income
whereas under the covenants the amounts were to be free of
all taxes whether imposed by the Government of the United
State or Government of India.
(4) The covenants are referred to in the article only for
the limited purpose of identifying the privy purses which
are the subject matter of Art. 291. The article cannot be
said to elate to convenants merely because it refers to them
for the limited purpose of identifying the privy purses.
(5) Once Art. 291 is held to be mandatory there can be no
dispute as to whether the privy purse will or will not be
paid. In other words Art. 363 only refers to bonafide
disputes and not disputes which would merely amount to a
mockery of the Constitution.
(6) The principle of harmonious construction would have to
be applied. Art. 363 cannot be so construed as to violate
the effect and mandate of articles 112, 113, 114, 291 and
366(22). Article 366(22) would be violated because one of
the main legal effects of recognition under that article is
to entitle the recognised Ruler to the privy purse and
denial of the privy purse would stultify one of the main
objects of recognition.
(7) The second limb of Art. 363 read along with the first
makes it clear that the whole object is to prevent disputes
arising from covenants being raised in the garb of enforcing
a right
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138
conferred by a provision of the Constitution. In the
present series of cases Art. 363 does not apply since there
is no dispute as to rights arising from the covenant and the
constitutional provisions merely guarantee that right.
(8) In any view of the matter any decision to repudiate the
obligations under Art. 291 would be malafide and ultra
vires. The power or jurisdiction cannot avail an authority
to make an order or decision which is malafide and ultra
vires because such an order or decision is a nullity and
the-bar of jurisdiction under Art. 363 cannot be pleaded to
protect a nullity.
The submissions of the learned Attorney-General were
(a) The right to privy purse which accrues under Art. 291
clearly relates to a covanant : hence Art. 363 bars any
dispute in respect of such a right or recognition. The
Constituent Assembly Debates go to show that this article
was meant to give constitutional recognition to guarantees
given by the Government of India and provided for the
expenditure being charged on the Central revenues subject to
such recoveries as might be made from time to time from the
Provinces and States in respect of these payments. It did
not create any new and independent right unrelated to the
covenant.
(b) The second limb of Art. 363 bars any dispute under Art.
291 as would be apparent from the correspondence between
Shri V. P. Menon, the Secretary to the Ministry of States
and S. N. Mukherjee.
(c) Art. 291 which gave constitutional guarantee to those
demands embodied constitutional sanction for the due
fulfilment of the Government of India’s guarantees and
assurances in respect of privy purses.
(d) The covenant was an act of State and any violation of
its terms cannot form the subject of any action in any
municipal courts. The guarantee given by the Government of
India was in the nature of a treaty obligation contracted
with the sovereign Rulers of independent States and cannot
be enforced by action in municipal courts; its sanction is
political and not legal; on the coming into force of the
Constitution of India the guarantee for payment of
periodical sums as privy purse is continued by Art. 291 of
the Constitution but its essential political character is
preserved by Art. 363 of the Constitution. Art. 363 in
effect recreated paramountcy and barred the adjudication of
any dispute which had its seed in act-% of State by any
court of law.
139
(e) A charge on the Consolidated Fund of India only means
that it shall not be submitted to the vote of Parliament as
provided in Art. 113(1). It does not by itself create an
independent right in the recipient.
(f) Art. 291 arose out of an act of State to give
constitutional recognition to a right which was previously
unenforceable.
(g) Assuming that Art. 291 by itself created a new right
and a new obligation the article related to a covenant on
the face of it and as such is barred by Art. 363.
In my view, it is not necessary to examine all the
contentions raised for and against the petitioner for the
final conclusion to be arrived at. There can be no doubt
that the provision of Art. 291 was not a mere declaration of
pious intention which the executive could disregard at its
whim or pleasure. So long as it finds a place in the
Constitution it was meant to be acted upon. It was meant to
assure the. Rulers that the privy purses which were con-
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tained in the covenants and agreements guaranteed by the
Government of the Dominion of India were to be fully
honoured and not cast away on a false morass of public
opinion or buried under acts of State. No doubt the
covenants or Merger agreements were acts of State but when
the framers of the Constitution came to provide for the
Rulers by giving them assurance of continuance of the
payment of privy purse and regard to their personal rights
and privileges by enshrining them in the Constitution, in my
view they never contemplated that the same was to be the
play-thing of the executive. It was by the incorporation of
Arts. 291 and 362 that the Constitution-makers were able to
get the willing consent and co-operation of the Rulers to be
brought within the fold of the Constitution. As observed by
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel the settlements with the Rulers
were overall settlements taking all the pros and cons of the
situation into consideration the aspirations and ambitions
of the people of the States, their wish and desire to get
independence of the same type which their brethren in the
erstwhile British India had obtained, their right and
determination to have a voice in the administration of the
country through their elected representatives, their zeal
for getting out of the arbitrariness of some of the Rulers,
no less than the wish and desire of the Rulers to honour and
accept the desires and ambitions of their people coupled
with a desire, to live in peace at least with a part of
their denuded status, their decimated right to property and
a fraction of the personal privileges to which they were
previously entitled. As Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel put it :
"The privy purses and the guarantee as to
personal rights and privileges was the quid
pro quo for the parting of their powers and
their huge States by the Rulers and was the
minimum which could be afforded to them."
10-L744 Sup CI/71
140
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel speaking in 1949 said that human
memory was proverbially short and that in October 1949
people might not remember what had taken place in the years
preceding, namely, the tremendous upheaval in the country
since 1946 and the possibility of the Rulers taking sides
with States or peoples not favourably disposed towards
India. Only twenty years have passed since then-too short a
period to sweep overboard all that took place during the
memorable years preceding the commencement of the
Constitution. The old order must change yielding place to
new but the change should not be cataclysmic. at the
sacrifice of the interests of fairly large number of persons
who had helped to consolidate India in a manner far
different from anything that had taken place in the past.
However that may be we are only concerned with the legal
aspect, the morals being for the country at large through
their elected representatives to decide.
Article 291 was undoubtedly meant to put the guarantee as to
payment of privy purses contained in the covenants and
agreements on a firm and sure footing. But it was not
completely dissociated from the covenants. It has a link
with the covenants which were partially-projected into the
Constitution. This article has its base in the covenants.
Its object was to give a lasting and permanent setting to
the term in the covenants as to payment of privy purses. I
find myself unable to hold that the article does not relate
to a covenant. ’In my view it deals with a portion-the main
portion of the entire stream of the covenant and makes it
flow along a particular and well-defined channel--a channel
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which is not only well-defined but with a solid foundation
and sides.
Counsel on both sides were at pains to show what the effect
of the expression ’charged on and paid out of the
Consolidated Fund or India’ meant. According to the learned
Attorney-General and Mr. Mohan Kumara Mangalam who followed
him, the expression "charged on" was only a form of
expression used for the purpose of financial estimates and
Appropriation Bills. It was meant to distinguish certain
items in the Appropriation Bills from grants which were
votable at the will of Parliament and the further direction
for paying out thereafter did not advance matters. Ac-
cording to Mr. Palkhivala who referred to some of the
financial provisions in the Constitution, a security was
created thereby on, the Consolidated Fund, that there was
something akin to a pledge of it for the payment of the
privy purse giving rise to a new right.. in my view whatever
the nature of their right it- is related to the covenants
and as such within the fold of Art. 363.
Before referring to any decisions on the point it may be
useful to make an attempt to define the scope of Art. 363 as
if it was a case of first impression. The article purports
to over-ride all
141
other provisions of the Constitution excepting Article 143.
in respect of recourse to any court of law for settlement of
any disputes. covered by it. Article 143 is a provision
enabling the President of India to obtain the opinion of
this Court by a reference on any question of law or fact of
such public importance as merits a scrutiny by the highest
court of the land. Article 143 is only anenabling provision
but its scope, is so wide that on any question, of public
importance-be it one of law or fact-the President may. refer
to this Court for its opinion. Save for the power of the
President to refer a matter to this Court for its opinion
under Art. 143, Art. 363 imposes an absolute bar on the
jurisdiction of all courts to adjudicate upon disputes
covered by it. of necessity,, the bar must apply to Art. 32
also. Under the last mentioned article the Constitution
reserves to everybody entitled to any right. covered by Part
III i.e. the fundamental rights, to move this Court., The
amplitude of the right and the kind of directions which may
be issued to enforce that right are contained in various
clauses of the article. None of these clauses over-ride the
all-embracing, provision of Art. 363. Rights, be they
fundamental or otherwise which form the subject of any
dispute covered by this article must, alike come under its
bar.
The disputes which fall within this bar may be of two
kinds., Under the first limb of the article any dispute
arising out of any provision of a treaty, engagement,
covenant, sanad or other similar’ instrument which was
entered into or executed before the 26th January 1950 by any
Ruler of an Indian State and to which the Dominion of the
Government of India or any of its predecessor Governments
was a party and which is or has been continued in operation
after the said date, are not to be the subject matter of any
judicial proceedings.
Clearly, therefore, any one seeking to have his rights
adjudicated upon on the basis of a covenant or agreement or
Merger agreement or Instrument of Accession would be
debarred from coming to court and ventilate his grievance
about any violation of. his right.
Under the second limb of the article fall disputes in
respect- of-. any right accruing under or any liability or
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obligation arising out. of any provisions of the
Constitution relating to any treaty, agreement etc. To see
whether any dispute falls within this limb one must examine
the content of the right or the limit of the liability or
obligation arising out of any constitutional provision which
provision in its turn must relate to any treaty, agreement
etc. Dispute means any contradiction or controversy.
Whenever a person asserts or claims a right in respect of a
subject matter and another person contradicts it or denies
it, there is a dispute. Disputes may
142
be many and of various kinds. it may relate to a question of
fact ,or a question of law which again may be a very simple
or a complicated one. A question of law may arise about the
interpretation of a contract; equally it may arise, about
the interpretation of the provisions of the Constitution.
But whatever be the quality or the nature of the controversy
it would be a dispute short of somebody trying to raise a
contention which was absurd on the face of it e.g., ,that
’black means white.
The right, liability or obligation in dispute must arise out
of the provisions of the Constitution which has any bearing
on any treaty, agreement, covenant, engagement etc. The
expression " relating to" means inter alia "stand in some
relation, to have bearing or concern, to pertain, to refer,
to bring into association with or connection with."
In my view Art. 291 is undoubtedly a provision of the
Constitution relating to covenant, agreement etc. As I have
already indicated Art. 291 is not merely a provision for
finding out the .amount of the liability of the Dominion of
India by way of privy purse to a Ruler. It expressly refers
to covenants or agreements ,entered into by the Ruler under
which payment of sums free of tax had been guaranteed or
assured by the Government of the Dominion of India as privy purse
and gives the term as to privy purse a new shape and
form Article 291 not refers to the covenant, engagement etc.
but certainly has a bearing on or concern with the same and
is brought into association or connection with the same.
As already indicated, the article seeks to instill life and
vigour into the term for payment of privy purse in the
covenant by creating a new channel leading out of the
guarantee of the Government of the Dominion of India which
was no longer in existence and making it flow along a
constitutional course by putting the liability of the Union
of India for payment of the sums beyond any controversy.
The article places the payment beyond the reach of voting by
Parliament and expressly directs that the moneys shall be
paid out of the Consolidated Fund of India and that the sums
so paid shall be exempt from all taxes of income. I find
myself unable to accept the argument of Mr. Palkhivala that
for the purpose of Art. 29.1 a reference to the covenants is
only called for to find out the amount of privy purse. If
that was the sole object of the article it might well have
been achieved by using the following words or words to the
like effect
"all sums om money mentioned as privy purse of
Rulers of Indian States in any engagements
entered into by them and to which the
Government of the Domi-
143
nion of India was a party, shall be charged on
and paid out of the Consolidated Fund of
India."
If one was asked whether and if so, how the Constitution had
dealt with the rights of the Rulers of Privy purses
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contained in the covenants and Merger agreements guaranteed
by the Government of India, the answer would have to be that
the same has been recognised and perpetuated in Art. 291
making assurance doubly sure by directing the charging of
the Consolidated Fund with the amounts thereof and payment
thereout without deduction of income-tax. So considered
Art. 291 must be held to be an, article of the Constitution
relating to covenants or Merger agreements and any dispute
as to payment of privy purse would come, under the bar of
Article 363.
Article 363 has come up for consideration before this Court
in a number of cases and reference has been made to this
article quite frequently in several decision.
In one of the earliest decisions of this Court in State of
Seraikella & others v. Union of India & another(1) the Court
had to consider whether a suit filed on the 15th January
1950 (before the commencement of the Constitution) under the
Original, Jurisdiction of the Federal Court for a
declaration that the various orders under which the State of
Seraikella came to be administered as a part of Bihar and
the laws under which those orders were made were ultra vires
and the Province of Bihar had no authority to carry on the
administration of the State, was dismissed by a majority of
the Judges of this Court as being barred by Art. 363. Among
the contentions urged there was one that the suit which was
filed before the 26th January 1950, stood transferred to
Supreme Court under Art. 372(2) of the Constitution and that
the Bar of Art. 363 was only prospective and of
retrospective. Kania, C.J. observed that the all embracing
opening words of Art. 363 over-rode the operation of Art.
374(2). The learned Chief Justice also said
"If the plaintiff contends that that agreement
(agreement of 15th December 1947) is not
binding on it, it cannot enforce its rights
under the original jurisdiction of the Court.
If the plaintiff has a grievance and a right
to a relief which the defendants contend it
has not, the forum to seek redress is not the
Supreme Court exercising its original
jurisdiction on the transfer of the suit from
the Federal Court."
(1) 1951 S.C.R. 174
144
In Sudhansu Shekhar Singh Deo v. The State of
Orissa(1) the Ruler of the erstwhile State of
Sonepur in orissa which had merged with Orissa
complained of a violation of his rights and
privileges by the inclusive definition of a
"person’ in s. 2(i) of the Orissa
Agricultural Income Tax Act, 1947 (Orissa Act
24 of 1947). His case in substance was that
as a Ruler of a State he had been immune from
payment of agricultural income-tax when it was
imposed in 1947 and by articles IV and V of
the Merger agreement executed by, him, the
Dominion of India had guaranteed to him all
his personal rights, privileges etc. a
nd so the
attempt to tax his private property violated
that guarantee. In dismising his appeal this
Court referred to Art. 362 ’and observed :
"If despite the recommendation that due regard
shall be had to the guarantee or assurance
given under the covenant or agreement, the
Parliament or the Legislature of a State makes
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laws inconsistent with the personal rights,
privileges and dignities of the Ruler of an
Indian State, the exercise of the legislative
authority cannot, relying upon the agreement
or covenant, be questioned in any court, and
that is so expressly provided by Art. 363 of
the Constitution.".
Nawab Usmanali Khan v. Sagarmal (2 ) was a case where the
respondent had taken execution on proceedings in enforcement
,of an award and a prohibitory order under Or. 21 r. 46
Civil Procedure Code was passed in respect of the sums
payable to the appellant by the Central Government on
account of privy purse. One of the contentions urged on
behalf of the appellant was the the privy purse was a
political pension within the meaning of s. 60 ( 1 ) (g) of
the Civil Procedure Code and as such protected from the
execution proceedings. Relying upon the decisions of the
Judicial Committee in Bishambar Nath v. Nawab Imdad Ali
Khan(3) and Nawab Bahadur of Murshidabad v. Karnani
Industrial Bank Ltd.(4) the Court came to the conclusion
that privy purses were political pensions. That Court also
referred to Arts. 291--and 363 of the Constitution and ob-
served that "the covenant entered into by the Rulers of
Madhya Bharat State was a treaty entered into by the Rulers
of independent States by which they gave up their
sovereignty over. their respective territories and vested it
in the new United State of Madhya Bharat. The covenant was
an act of State, and any violation of its terms cannot form
the subject of any action in any municipal courts. The
guarantee given by the Government
(1) [1961] 1 S.C.R. 779.
(2) [1965] 3 S.C.R.,201
<3) 17 I.A. 181
(4) 58 I.A. 215
145
of India was in the nature of I treaty obligation contracted
with the sovereign Rulers of Indian States and cannot be
enforced by action in municipal courts. Its sanction is
political and not legal. On the coming into force of the
Constitution of India, the guarantee for payment of
periodical sums as privy purse is continued by Art. 291 of
the Constitution, but its essential political character is
preserved by Art. 363 of the Constitution and the obligation
under this guarantee cannot be enforced in any municipal
court." With all respect, it appears to me that all the
above was not strictly necessary for the decision of the
case and it would have been enough to say that privy purse
was a pension--a word which according to the Oxford Dic-
tionary means, "a periodical payment made specially by a Go-
vernment, company, employer etc."-which was political in
nature because it was based on a political settlement.
However it was not the expression of opinion of only one
learned Judge but the unanimous view of three learned Judges
of this Court. In Kanwar Shri Vir Rajendra Singh v. Union of
India(1) a Bench of another five learned Judges of this
Court have pronounced on the non-enforceability of the
provision for payment of ’privy purse under Art. 291 by
resort to legal proceedings. In my view, on the reasoning
already given by me it must be held that the payment of
privy purse although placed on a pedestal which defies
annihilation or fragmentation as long as the abovementioned
constitutional provisions enure is still subject to the
constitutional bar of non-justiciability and cannot be
upheld or secured by adjudication in a court of law
including this Court.
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Mr. Palkhivala however tried to cut across the argument of
the learned Attorney-General that a dispute which fell under
either limb of Art. 363 of the Constitution was not
justiciable by urging that if the act complained of was
ultra vires or a nullity, the jurisdiction of the courts of
law would not be excluded and this would apply with greater
force to denial of a petitioner’s right to the property of
privy purse i.e. a fundamental right and the solemn duty of
this Court to uphold the same. To support this plea under
this,, head he referred to a fairly large number of
decisions of this Court where it had been held that than an
order which was a nullity or which was malafide or ultra
vires would not stand in the way of the exercise of juris-
diction of a court of law to strike it down. The notable
decisions of this Court are- the following : Pratap Singh v.
The State of Punlab(2), Makhan Singh v. State of Punjab (3),
R. M. Lohia v. State(4) , Ram Swarup v. Shikar Chand(5),
Sadanandan v. Kerala
(1) [1970] 2 S C.R. 631.
(2) [1964] 4 S.C.R. 773
(3) [1964] 4 S.C.R. 797.
(4) [1966] 1 S.C.R. 709.
(5) [1966] 2 S.C.R. 553.
146
State(1), Jaichand Lal v. West Bengal(2), Raja Anand v. U.P.
State(3), Dhulabhai v. Madhya Pradesh(4). He also relied on
several English decisions, namely, The General Assembly of
Free Chaurch of Scotland v. Lord Over Town(5), R. v.
Bryant(6) and Anismiminic Ltd. v. Foreign Compensation
Commission and another (7) .
The first case S. Pratap Singh v. The State of Punjab(8) was
one where the appellant who was a civil surgeon in the
employment of the State of Punjab challenged the legality of
the orders of suspension, revocation of leave, retention in
service after the date of superannuation and institution of
the departmental enquiry against him inter alia on the
ground that the same were mala fide passed at the instance
of the Chief Minister who was personally hostile to him in
order to wreak vengeance on him. The power exercised the
Government in that case rested on service rules the proper
application of which is always subject to scrutiny by courts
of law. Examining the content of the power vested in the
Government to pass the impugned orders the Court observed
that "the use of that power for achieving an alien purpose-
wreaking the ministers vengeance on the officer would be
mala fide and a colourable exercise of that power, and would
therefore be struck down by the Courts". The second case
Makhan Singh v. State of Punjab(9) was one where the
appellants contended that sections 3 (2) (15) (1) and 40 of
the Defence of India Act, 1962 and r. 30(1) (b) of the
Defence of India Rules were unconstitutional and invalid as
they contravened the fundamental rights of the appellants
inter alia under Arts. 14, 21 and 22. The petitions had
been dismissed by the High Court on the ground that the
Presidential Order which had been issued under Art. 359 of
the Constitution created a bar which precluded them from
moving the High Court under s. 491 (1) (b) of the Cr.P.C.
This Court held (p. 827) :
"If in challenging the validity of this
detention order, the detenu is pleading any
right outside the rights specified in the
Order, his right to move any court in that
behalf is not suspended because it is outside
Art. 359(1) and consequently outside the
Presidential Order itself."
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(1) [1966] 3 S.C.R. 590
(2) [1966] Supp. S.C.R. 464
(3) [1967] 1 S.C.R. 373
(4) [1968] 3 S.C.R. 662
(5) [1904] A.C. 515
(6) [1956] 1 A.E.R. 341
(7) [1969] 1 A.E.R. 208
(8) [1964] 4 S.C.R. 773
(9) [1964] 4 S.C.R. 797
147
The observation amounts to saying that the
Presidential Order suspending the right to
move a court of law can only apply within the
proper ambit of the President’s power and the
same cannot be used by the executive as a
cloak to shield any misuse of that power.
With regard to the allegation of malafides it
was observed that
It is hardly necessary to emphasise that the
exercise of a power malafide is wholly outside
the scope of the Act conferring the power and
can always be successfully challenged."
The third case R. M. Lohta v. State(1) was one
in which the petitioner moved this Court under
Art. 32 of the Constitution challenging the
order of a District Magistrate and asking for
his release on various ground, inter alia that
though an order of detention could be made to
prevent acts prejudicial to the maintenance of
public order it could not be made to prevent-
acts which were only prejudicial to law and
order as distinct from public order. It was.
there observed by our present Chief Justice
that :
"where statutory powers are conferred to take
drastic action against the life and liberty of
a citizen, those who exercise it may not
depart from the purpose. Vast powers in the
public interest are granted but under strict
conditions. If a person, under colour of
exercising the statutory power, acts from some
improper or ulterior motive, he acts in bad
faith. The action of the authority is capable
of being viewed in two ways. Where power is
misused but there is good faith the act is
only ultra vires but where the misuse of power
is in ’bad faith there is added to the ultra
vires character of the act, another vitiating
circumstance. Courts have always acted to
restrain a misuse of statutory power and the
more readily when improper motives underlie
The provision of law which came up for consideration there
was the Defence of India Rules and his Lordship laid down
that powers given by such rules could be used only within
the limits prescribed. Lala Ram Swarup v. Shikar Chand (2)
was a case in which the appellants complained of refusal of
permission to sue their tenants by the District Magistrate
under s. 3(1) of the U.P. Act 3 of 1947. The said section
provided that
(1) [1964] 1 S.C.R. 709
(2) [1966] 2 S.C.R. 553
148
.lm15
"Subject to any order passed under sub-section (3) no suit
shall, without the permission of’ the District Magistrate,
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be filed in any Civil Court against a tenant for his
eviction from any accommodation, except on one or more of
the following grounds."
Sub-section (2) enabled the party aggrieved by the order of
the District Magistrate to go up in revision to the
Commissioner and section 7-E provided for revisional powers
to the State Government n very wide terms. Section 16 of
the Act in terms provided that the order made under the Act
to which S. 3(4) applied was not to be called in question in
any court. There it was observed:
"but the exclusion of the jurisdiction of the civil courts
must be made by a. statutory provision which expressly
provides for it, or Which necessarily and invariably leads
to that inference. In other words, the jurisdiction of the
civil courts can be excluded by a statutory provision which
is either express in that behalf or which inevitably leads
to that inference."
The bar of jurisdiction of the court of law came up for
consideration in two notable cases decided by the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council. Secretary of State v. Mask
& Co.(1) was a case in which a suit was filed by the
respondent to recover the excess amount collected from them-
, under protest, by levying duty upon a tariff and not an ad
valorem basis. The main question for determination in the
appeal was whether the order passed by the Collector of
Customs under the provisions of S. 183 of the Sea Customs
Act, 1878 against the assessment of duty by the officer of
Customs and which was subsequently affirmed on revision
under the provisions of s. 191 of the Act, constituted a
final adjudication or whether the civil courts had
jurisdiction to entertain the suit of the respondents.
Section 188 provided that :
" every order passed in appeal under this section shall,
subject to the power of revision conferred by section 191,
be final’.
While rejecting the respondents’ contention including inter
alia that an exclusion of the subject’s right of resort to
the civil courts would be ultra vires of the Indian
Legislature in view of the provision of S. 32 of the
Government of India Act 1915 the Board referred to the well
known principle of law laid down in
(1) 67 I.A. 222
149
Wolverhampton New Waterworks Co. v. Hawkesford(1) approved
by the House of Lords in Neville v. London "Express"
Newspaper, Ltd.(2) and adopted on the basis of these
decisions the dictum that
"Where a liability not existing at common law
is created by ’a statute which at the same
time gives a special and particular remedy for
enforcing it".
the party must adopt the form of remedy given
by the statute. It was also
observed :
"It is settled law that the exclusion of the
jurisdiction of the civil courts is not to be
readily inferred, but that such exclusion must
be either by explicitly expressed or clearly
implied. It is also well settled that even
if jurisdiction is so excluded, the civil
courts have jurisdiction to examine into cases
where the provisions of the Act have not beep
complied with, or the statutory tribunal has
not acted in conformity with the fundamental
principles of judicial procedure."
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In Raleigh Investment Co. Ltd. v. Governor-
General in Council(1) the bar of jurisdiction
of civil courts in regard to income-tax
proceedings was contained in s., 67 of the
Indian Income-tax Act, 1922 providing
"no suit shall be brought in ’any civil court
to set aside or modify any assessment made
under this Act, and no prosecution suit or
other proceeding shall lie against any officer
of the Crown for anything in good faith done
or intended to be done under this Act."
The argument for the appellant was that an
’assessment was not "made under the Act" if it
gave effect to a provision which was ultra
vires the Indian Legislature and that in law
such a provision was ’a nullity and non-
existent. The Board held that there was ample
provision in the Income-tax Act by which an
assessee could question the validity of any
taxing provision in the statute which provided
effective and proper machinery for review on
grounds of law of any assessment. Further
according to the Board
" . . assessment made under this Act" is an
assessment finding its origin in an activity
of the assessing officer acting as such. The
circumstance that the assessing officer has
taken into account an ultra vires I provision
of the Act is in this view immaterial in
deter-
(1) [1859]6 C.B. (N.S.) 336
(2) [1919] A.C. 368
(3) 741.A. 50.
150
mining whether the assessment is "made under
this
Act ".......... Jurisdiction to question the
assessment otherwise than by the use of the
machinery expressly provided by the Act would
appear to be inconsistent with the statutory
obligation to pay arising by virtue of the
assessment."
It may be noted that this authority has not
found favour with this Court.
Most of the other decisions which were cited
by Mr. Palkhivala were cases where liability
under various Sales Tax Acts was questioned.
I do not find it necessary to examine these
cases in any detail because of the lucid
exposition of the law on the subject in
Dhulabhai v. Madhya Pradesh(1), a case arising
out of the Madhya Pradesh Sales Tax Act 30 of
1950 which by s. 17 provided that
"Save as is provided in s. 13, no assessment
made and no order passed under this Act, or
the rules made hereunder by the assessing
authority, appellate authority or the
Commissioner shall be called in question in
any Court and gave as is provided in sections
11 and 12 no appeal or application for
revision shall lie against any such assessment
or order."
In the unanimous judgment of this Court it was
observed:
" . . jurisdiction of the civil court is all embra
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cing except to the extent it is excluded expressly by clear
intendment
arising from such law."
Referring to Mask & Co.’s case (supra) and
Raleigh Investment Co.’s case (supra) it was
said that :
"Both these cases thus appear to be decided on
the basis of provisions in the relevant Acts
for the correction, modification and setting
aside of assessments and the express bar of
the jurisdiction of the civil courts. The
presence of a section barring the jurisdiction
was the main reason and the existence of an
adequate machinery for the same relief was the
supplementary reason."
Referring to the dicta in Circo’s Coffee Co.
v. State of Mysore(1) and C. T. Santhulnathan
Chettiar v. Madras(s) the learned Chief
Justice observed
the question of validity of the taxing
laws is always open to the civil courts for it
cannot be
(1) [1968] 3 S.C.R. 662
(2) 19 S.T.C. 66
(3) C.A. 1045 of 1966 decided on 20th July,
1967
151
the implication of any provision to make such
a decision final or that even void or invalid
laws must be enforced without any remedy."
The result of the enquiry into the views expressed by this
Court in ,a large number of cases was summed up at pages
682-683 in seven propositions. It is not necessary to set
out the propositions as they all relate to exclusion of
jurisdiction of the civil court by express provisions of law
or clear implications therefrom.
But a constitutional provision of the kind of Art. 363 tran-
scends this kind of consideration. All that the Court has
to see is whether the dispute falls within either limb of
the article. If the dispute is so covered the court is
precluded from examining whether the contention of the party
asserting a right was genuine or of real substance. Equally
the bar will apply where a party denying the right asserted
or contesting the claim put forward is guilty of action
which on the face of things appears to be arbitrary if there
be some scope for raising the plea in denial or contradic-
tion. I have taken the view that the President’s power or
right or duty or obligation to recognise a person as a Ruler
arises not merely out of the provisions in Art. 366(22) but
also the covenants, Merger agreements or Instruments of
Accession the dispute is one which arises out of a provision
of the Constitution relating to a treaty, agreement,
covenant etc. in terms of Art. 363 of the Constitution. A
dispute as to right to privy purse, as already examined,
attracts the same bar.
With regard to Art. 366(22) read with Art. 363 it may be
safely asserted that it could have never crossed the minds
of the makers of the Constitution that in devising a key for
the recognition of the Rulers and at the same time
protecting them and the Government of India from disputes
based on or about pre-Constitution covenants, agreements
etc. they were forging a weapon with which the Government of
the day could destroy them all and seek shelter be-hind a
total embargo on litigation to vindicate their rights. The
debates of the Constituent Assembly to which reference has
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already been made show that Art. 363 was inserted for the
Purpose of giving a quietus to any dispute which anyone
might seek to raise on the basis of covenants and Merger
agreements or rights flowing therefrom. In my opinion, the
object was, as much to save the Rulers who had entered into
covenants or agreements etc. from their rivals or kinsmen
coming to court to upset the Covenants, agreements etc. as
to shield the Government of India from attempts on the part
of rulers to rip open the covenants. agreements or to seek
recourse to law for establishing their rights.
152
I also take the opportunity of remarking that if ever there
was an occasion for the President to make a reference to
this Court the present was eminently suited to the purpose.
Notwithstanding the wide sweep of the provision for ousting
the jurisdiction of courts as regards disputes covered by it
Art. 363 gave express power to the President to have the
opinion of this Court to guide himself by and when disputes
of such public importance were agitating the minds ’of
members of Parliament and of the Cabinet it was not only his
right but his duty to consult this Court.
I do not think it necessary to express any opinion on the
rights or privileges covered by Art. 362 of the Constitution
because prima facie they are relatable to the guarantees or
assurances given under the covenants or agreements referred
to in Art. 291. How much regard Parliament or Legislature
of States are to pay to such guarantees or assurances is for
the appropriate Legislatures to consider. I may only add
that the Constitution makers could not have contemplated
exemption from the impositions such as those under the
Wealth Tax Act and the Gift Tax Act inasmuch as such taxing
provisions probably were not contemplated at the time. The
Government of India in its graciousness saw fit to exempt
the Rulers from the operation of these and many other
statutes which are still on the statute book. The occasion
for considering such statutes has not arisen yet and they
may be left for future consideration.
Mr. Patkhivala’s plea that the act of the President resulted
in the destruction of the institution of Rulers and as such
was invalid does not bear scrutiny. The orders if valid
would operate in the case of each Ruler and have been
challenged by the petitioning Rulers in their individual
capacity. No body of persons known to law can be called an
institution of Rulers According to the figures given by Mr.
Palkhivala himself Rulership of. over one hundred States has
lapsed during the last twenty years ’and the process may go
on till no Rulers are left. In this case we are concerned
with the rights of individual Rulers and not of them as a
class.
In the result I have to hold that this series of petitions
is not maintainable remarking, at the same time, that the
action of the President appears to be unjustified. The
President may, if he, chooses, guide himself by the
exposition of the law as made above. What a stroke of the
pen has done may be undone by another stroke of it.
"Because right is right", the President it is hoped, would
"follow right" as "wisdom in the scorn of consequence". I
would leave the parties to bear their own costs.
153
Hegde, J. These petitions under Art. 32 of the Constitution
present for decision common questions of law. In each of
these petitions the petitioner therein prays for the
following reliefs
(1) a writ, direction or order declaring the
order of the President dated the 6th
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September, 1970 to be unconstitutional, ultra
vires and void and further to quash the same;
(2) a writ, direction or order declaring
that the petitioner continues to be the Ruler
and as such continues to be entitled to the
Privy Purse and to his personal rights and
privileges as a Ruler;
(3) a writ, direction or order directing the
Union of India to continue to pay to the
petitioner the privy purse to which the
petitioner is entitled and to continue to
recognize his Rulership and the personal
rights and privileges and to implement and
observe the provisions of the Covenant/ Merger
Agreement entered into between the Ruler of
Gwalior and the Government of India; and
(4) such other further orders as the nature and
circumstances of the case may require.
For pronouncing on the questions arising for decision it is
sufficient if I refer to the facts pleaded in any one of the
cases. Hence I shall deal with the facts and pleas put
forward in Writ Petition No. 376 of 1970. Therein the
petitioner’s case is as follows
His father was the Ruler of Gwalior prior to August 15,
1947. He signed the Instrument of Accession on August 15,
1947. The same was accepted by the Governor General of
India on August’ 16, 1947. Under the Instrument of
Accession, he made over to the Dominion of India. three
subjects viz. Defence, External Affairs and Communications.
On April 24, 1948, he signed a Covenant with several other
Rulers as a result of which the State of Madhya Bharat came
to be formed on June 15, 1948. Thereafter Madhya Bharat
merged with the Union of India. After the Constitution of
India came into force, the President recognised the father
of the petitioner under Art. 366(22) of the Constitution as
the Ruler of Gwalior. After the death of the petitioner’s
father, the petitioner succeeded to the Gaddi on July 16,
1961 and thereafter he was duly recognised by the President
under Art. 366(22). Ever since the merger of the State with
the Union of India, the petitioner’s father and later on the
petitioner was being paid the privy purse guaranteed
154
under Art. 291 of the Constitution. The petitioner is
entitled to a ,privy purse of Rs. 10 lacs per year. He is
also entitled to other rights and privileges arising from
the Covenants.
Prior to August 15, 1947, the Ruler of Gwalior was a
Sovereign though his sovereignty was subject to the
paramountcy of the British Crown; but that paramountcy
lapsed on August 15, 1947 as a result of the Indian
Independence Act, 1947. Consequently the Ruler ,of Gwalior
as well as other Rulers became absolute Sovereigns. In law
they were free to accede to either of the two Dominions of
India and Pakistan or to remain independent. But by stages
the Indian States adjoining the Dominion of India merged in
the Dominion of India. After their merger the Rulers of
those States had ,no ruling powers. They had only such
rights and privileges as were recognized or created under
the Covenants entered into by them with the Government of
India and those embodied in the Constitution. On the coming
into force of the Constitution all the former Rulers of the
Indian States that had merged with the Dominion of, India as
well as their quantum subjects became citizens of India
having all the rights and duties of citizens of this
country. From about 1967, there was a move in the ruling
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party to abolish the privy purses guaranteed to the Rulers
under the Constitution as well as the privileges guaranteed
to them under the Covenants and agreements and recognised in
Art. 362. Consequently the Government moved in the Lok
Sabha on September 2, 1970, the Constitution (Twenty fourth)
Amendment Bill, 1970 to delete certain provisions of the
Constitution relating to the guarantees given to the Rulers
about their privy purses as well as privileges. That bill
was passed in the Lok Sabha but it failed to get the
requisite majority in the Rajya Sabha. The motion for
consideration of the bill was rejected at about 4-30 p.m. on
September 5, 1970. The same evening the Union Cabinet met
and decided to advise the President to withdraw the
recognition of the Rulers so that the privy purses and
privileges guaranteed to the Rulers may be abolished. On
the same night, the President purporting to act under
cl .(22) of Art. 366 of the Constitution signed in his Camp
at Hyderabad an Instruments withdrawing recognition of all
the Rulers. After obtaining his signatures, the concerned
document or documents were flown back to Delhi the same
night and the impugned orders issued on September 6, 1970.
On the strength of these orders, the Government of India
asserts that all the Rulers in India had been derecognized
and consequently none of them is entitled to the rights and
privileges to which they were entitled as Rulers.
It is contended on behalf of the petitioners that in
exercise of his powers under Art. 366(22) of the
Constitution, the President is not competent to abolish
Rulers as a class and therefore the impugned orders are
nullity. The farther contention of the peti-
155
tioners is that the rights conferred on them under Arts. 291
and 362 of the Constitution as well as under various
statutory provisions or rules having the force of law are
fundamental rights and as such they cannot be abolished by
an executive order. It is said the impugned orders
contravene Axts. 19(1) (f), 21, 31 (1), 31(2), 51(3) and
73(1) of the Constitution. According to the petitioners
Arts. 291 is a mandatory provision and it is not open to the
Government to refuse to obey the mandate of the
Constitution. The petitioners also complain that in making
the impugned orders, the President not only acted outside
the scope of Art. 366 (22) of the Constitution but he also
thereby violated Art. 53 (1), 60, 73(1), 362, 291, 112 to
114 of the Constitution. The petitioners’ further grievance
is that under various statutes as well as under the Merger
Covenants they are entitled to certain privileges; the
President by purporting to take away those privileges has
contravened Arts. 14 and 21 of the Constitution. It is also
said that the Council of Ministers were guilty of mala fides
in advising the President for making the impugned orders for
collateral reasons and for the, sake of political
exigencies. According to the petitioners, Art. 363 of’ the
Constitution does not bar the jurisdiction of the Court in
granting the reliefs prayed for by them.
The respondent in its reply does not deny that the object of
the impugned orders was to abolish the Rulers as a class.
It contends that the present policy of the Government is not
to have any Rulers in this country or to allow them any
rights or privileges as Rulers. It is contended that the
respondent has right to abolish Rulership in exercise of its
power under Art. .366(22) which power_according to it is a
sovereign power; the decision of the Government to abolish
Rulership is a political decision and as such the same is
not open to be questioned in municipal courts; the rights
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conferred under the relevant Covenants are not perennial and
are inherently temporary in character and are liable to be
varied or repudiated in accordance with the State Policy in
the interests of the people. It is further pleaded that a
fiduciary duty is cast upon the Government not to continue
feudal institutions and anachronistic systems against the
interests of the people; to respect and give effect to the
needs and wishes of the people and to the will of the
representatives of the people, the impugned orders have been
passed. According to the respondent this Court is precluded
from going into the validity of the impugned orders in view
of Art.363. As regards Art.291 the plea taken by the
respondent is; that it confers no legal right on the Rulers.
That Article merely lays down the source and method of
payment of the privy purses. The respondent takes the stand
that this Court cannot go into the scope or effect of Art.
291, in view of Art. 363. So far as the Covenants and
Agreements are concerned it is urged on its behalf that the
rights, liabilities or obligations arising therefrom are
outside the ’jurisdiction of this Court firstly
11-L744SUP.CI/71
156
because they arise from political agreements between High
Contracting Parties and secondly because of the bar under
Art.363. It is next contended on behalf of the respondent
that neither under the Covenants nor under any of the
provisions of the Constitution any fundamental right was
conferred on any Ruler and hence the, petition under Art. 32
is not maintainable. It is ’also urged on, behalf of the
respondent that Art. 362 of the Constitution does not confer
any right on the Rulers and any failure to obey the direc-
tion given in that Art. does not lead to any violation of
the: provision of the Constitution.
From the pleadings, the following issues arise
for decision
(1) What is the scope of Cl. (22) of Art.
366 ? Does it confer on the President power to
abolish Rulership ? Are the impugned orders
invalid for any of the reasons mentioned in
the Writ Petitions ?
(2) Does Art. 291 impose any mandatory duty
on the Government and confers corresponding
rights on the Rulers ?
(3) What is the scope of Art. 362 ?
(4) Does Art. 363 exclude the jurisdiction
of this Court from considering whether the
impugned
orders are ultra vires the powers of the
President and- whether there has been any
violation of Arts. 291 and 362 of the
Constitution ?
(5) Are these petitions under Art. 32 of the
Constitution maintainable ? What fundamental
rights of the petitioners, if any, have been
infringed and
(6) What relief, if any, the petitioners are
entitled to in these petitions ?
Before proceeding to consider and pronounce on the issues
formulated above, it would be useful to briefly refer to the
historical background leading to the merger of the Indian
States in the Indian Union as both the petitioners and the
respondent have laid great stress on the same. During the
time of the British rule. there were over 500 Indian States
possessing varying degrees of sovereignty. In the matter of
internal administration, most of the Rulers had complete
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freedom. But their sovereignty was subject to the treaties,
engagements and sanads entered into by them with the British
Crown and also the paramountcy of the British Crown.
Paramountcy was an undefined concept. It was an all
pervading power. The Butler Committee declined to define
its scope but
157
said that "paramoutcy was paramount’. Paramountcy meant
just what the British Government choose, it to mean. It was
a convenient fiction devised by the imperial power to
further its imperial interest. Paramountcy did not flow
from treaties or international law. The sanction behind it
was the British military strength. Subject to the Imperial
needs the Rulers of Indian States were left free to govern
their ’States as they thought best though in few cases, when
the Rulers were guilty of gross atrocities the paramount
power intervened even in their internal administration.
Government of India Act, 1935 visualised a Federation
consisting of provinces as well as Indian States. The
States were expected to accede to the Federation on limited
number of subjects retaining their sovereignty in respect of
other subjects. But the States were so jealous of their
rights that it was not possible to persuade them to join the
Federation. Hence, the Federal part of the Constitution
visualised by the Government of India Act, 1935 did not come
into being. After World War 11 when it became inevitable
for the British Government to grant freedom to this country,
the question as to the future relationship of the Indian
States with the Dominion of India assumed importance. As
there was no agreement between the concerned parties, the
British Government under the Independence Act, 1947 divided
the then British India into two parts, India and Pakistan.
So far as the Indian States were concerned, it allowed its
paramountcy to lapse and those States were asked, if they so
choose, to enter the new relationship with one or the other
of the Dominions or remain independent. The paramountcy of
the British Crown was not inherited either by India or by.
Pakistan. It was allowed to lapse. This situation created a
crisis. There was an imminent threat to the unity of India,
politically as well as economically. The situation called
for the highest degree of. statesmanship on the part of our
leaders. Naturally the Rulers of the Indian States were
anxious to remain as independent sovereigns but they could
not have been oblivious of the internal and external dangers
to their authority. It was a highly explosive situation.
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel with his political sagacity and
pragmatic approach, availing himself. of the co-operation of
Lord Mountbatten and the assistance of his energetic and
tactful Secretary, V. P. Menon first persuaded practically
all the Rulers to accede to India on three subjects viz.
Defence, External Affairs and Communications and thereafter
stage by stage drew them closer to the Dominion of India and
finally persuaded them to merge with the Dominion of India.
All this was done in the course of about two years, a feat
unparalled in history. The saga of the integration of the
Indian States into the Dominion of India will remain the
most exciting and most glorious chapter in the history of
our country. This mighty achievement could not have been had
peacefully but
158
for the patriotism and farsightedness of many of the Rulers
of the Indian States. Sardar Patel told the Constituent
Assembly that the Rulers of the Indian States were the co-
architects of India’s unity.
But it was said on behalf of the respondent that the Rulers
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merged, their States in the Dominion out of sheer necessity
and not out of any patriotism, they were not in a position
to resist the compulsion of geography and pressure of their
subjects in favour of self Government and therefore they
merely made a virtue of necessity. It may be that they
acted in self-interest. But there can be ,no doubt that it
was enlightened self-interest. Sardar Patel told the
Constituent Assembly on October 12, 1949 : "There was
nothing to compel or induce the Rulers to merge the identity
of their States. Any use of force would have not only been
against our professed principle but would have also caused
serious repercussions. If the Rulers had elected to stay
out, they would have continued to draw the heavy civil list
which they were drawing before and in large, number of,
cases. they could have continued to. enjoy unrestricted use
of the State revenues. The minimum which %ye could offer to
them. as quid pro quo for parting with their ruling powers
was to guarantee to them _privy purses an certain
privileges on a reasonable and defined basis." Proceeding
further the Sardar exhorted the Constituent Assembly. "The
capacity for mischief and trouble on the part of the Rulers
if the settlement with them would not have been reached on a
negotiated basis was far, greater than could be imagined at
this stage. Let us do justice to them, let us place
ourselves in their position ’and then assess the, value of
their sacrifice. The Rulers have now discharged their part
of the obligations by transferring all the ruling powers and
by agreeing to the integration of their States. I The main
part of our obligation under these Agreements is to ensure
that-the guarantees given by us in respect of privy purses
are fully implemented. Our failure to do so would be a
breach of faith and and seriously prejudice the
stabilisation of the new order". Even quite recently, both
our President and the ’Home Minister acknowledged with
gratitude the sacrifice made by, the ’Indian Rulers. But it
was argued onbehalf of the respondent that we should not
take those utterances at their face value. It was
indirectly suggested that those expressions were platitudes
intended to achieve some political purposes. If that be so,
all that one can say is, mysterious are the ways of
politics.
The respondent in its counter-affidavit has taken the stand
that the people of this country having become conscious of
their social. and economic rights would not tolerate any
longer the concept of Rulership or the privy purse or any of
the privileges
159
incorporated in the Covenants and Merger Agreements. There-
fore it was the duty of the Government to give effect to the
will of the people. It has also taken the stand that the
concept of Rulership, privy purse and the privileges
guaranteed to, the Rulers without any relatable function and
responsibility have become incompatible with democracy,
equity and social justice in the context- of India of today.
These contentions raise political issues. This Court is not
the forum for going into these issues nor is it concerned
with the political passions surrounding the issues arising
for decision in this case. Our primary function in this
case. is to interpret the relevant provision of the
Constitution and to see. whether the complaint of the
petitioners that some of their fundamental rights have been
infringed is correct.
It is also not for this Court, except to the extent it bears
on the question of interpretation of the Constitution, to go
into the historical background of any constitutional
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provision. If the meaning of a provision is plain and
unambiguous, its historical background becomes irrelevant.
But if there is any ambiguity, ’in interpreting the same, it
is. permissible, for the Court to take into consideration
the object intended to be achieved by that provision as well
as the surrounding circumstances which may bring out the
intention of the Constituent Assembly.
The respondent, though in a somewhat vague way, has raised
the plea of State policy. That plea appears to me to be
irrelevant in the context of this case. If the Constitution
has laid down a policy, as is contended on behalf of the
petitioners, with respect to matters with which we are
concerned, that policy cannot be departed from either by the
legislature or by the executive. Neither the legislature
nor the executive can have a policy which runs counter to
the policy laid down by the Constitution. In this country
the voice of the Constitution is paramount. On matters on
which the Constitution speaks, no one else can speak, Every
organ of the State in this country has to function within
the limits prescribed by the Constitution.It has no power
dehors that derived from the Constitution. Its powers are
only those
The learned Attorney-General in the course of his arguments,
time and again, tried to impress on us that the will of the
people has to be respected and as it is the desire of the
people that Rulership should be abolished, it had become
imperative for the Government to advise the President to
make the impugned orders. The petitioners deny that there is
any such public opinion. We are not in a position to go
into this controversy. Our duty is to obey the
Constitution. The question of public opinion is not
relevant for our purpose. Many of the safeguards provided
in
160
the Constitution are for the benefit of the minorities. The
Government might have acted with the best of intentions.
But the real question is whether it has acted within the
powers conferred on it by the Constitution. In this
connection it would be worthwhile to borrow and adapt some
(1) the observations of Chief Justice Patanjali Sastri in
State of Madras v. V. G. Row(1). If the courts in this
country face up to, important and none too easy task of
declaring void any of the important policy decisions taken
by the Government it is not out of any desire to tilt at
executive authority in a crusader’s spirit, but in the
discharge of a duty plainly laid upon them by the
Constitution. This is especially true as regards the
fundamental rights, as to which this Court has been assigned
the role of a sentinel on the quivive. In these cases as in
other cases we do not seek to sit in judgment on Govern-
ment’s policies. They are the concern of the legislative
and the executive organs of the State. But the Constitution
has imposed a special duty on this Court to preserve and
protect the Constitution--we, only seek to discharge that
duty.
Now coming to the scope of cl. (22) of Art. 366, it is
necessary to notice that Art. 366 is an article which
defines 30, expressions appearing in one or more of the
articles in the Constitution. That article starts by saying
that "In this Constitution, unless the context otherwise
requires, the following expressions have the meanings hereby
respectively assigned to them.......".
From this it is clear that the meaning given to the
expressions mentioned in that article are only for the
purpose of the Constitution and not for any other purpose as he
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ld by this Court in Maharaja Pravir Chandra Bhanj Deo
Kakatiya v. State of Madhya Pradesh (2 ). Clause (15) of
Art. 366 defines an "Indian State" as meaning "any territory
which the Government of the Dominion of India recognised ’as
such a State". It may be noted that no "Indian State" as
such exists after the Constitution came into force. But yet
as that expression has been used in the Constitution in some
places for certain purposes, it became necessary to define,
that expression and not because that there is an Indian
State now. Similarly Rulers of Indian States disappeared as s
oon as their territories were merged in India and all
those quandum Rulers became citizens of India-see Bhanj
Deo’s case (supra) and H. H. Maharaja of Udaipur v. State of
Rajasthan and ors.(3) The Rulers referred to in Art. 366(22)
have no kingdom or subjects to rule. They have no ruling
power. They do not have dual capacity firstly ’as citizens
of India and secondly as Rulers. Their rulership is merely
a status entitling them to privy purse and
(1) [1952] S.C.R. 597 at p. 605.
(3) [1964] 5, S.C.R. I
(2) [1961] 2, S.C.R, 501.
161
certain privileges. As Arts. 291, 362, 366(21)(a) and (b)
(before its deletion) as well as Entry 34 of List I of Sch.
VII refer to Rulers, it became necessary to define that
expression.
Art. 366(22) defines "Ruler" thus:
"Ruler" in relation to an Indian State means
the Prince, Chief or other person by whom any
such covenant or agreement as is referred to
in clause (1) of Art. 291 was entered into and
who for the time being is recognised by the
President as the Ruler of the State and
include any person who for the time being is
recognised by the President as the successor
of such Ruler.
" This clause has two parts namely :
(1) the Prince, Chief or other person of an
Indian State who had entered into any Covenant
or Agreement as is referred to in cl. (1) of
Art. 291 and who is for the time being
recognised by the President as the Ruler of
the State; and
(2) any person who for the time being is
recognised by the President as the successor
of such a Ruler namely the Ruler who entered
into the Covenant or Agreement referred to
earlier and recognised by the President.
The words "other person" in the first part of Art. 366(22)
means someone analogous to a Prince or Chief of a former
Indian State who had entered into the Covenant or Agreement
referred to in that clause. It cannot be some third person
because, no person other than a ruler of an Indian State had
entered into any Covenant or Agreement with the Dominion of
India. The words "other person" should be read ajusidem
genesis with the words "other person" should be read
ejusidem genesis with the words were known by various names
such as Maharana,, Maharaos, Maharaja, Nizam etc. To avoid
listing all those names in Art. 366(22), the draftsman has
used the words "other person" but the, meaning of those
words has been made clear by the words accompanying the
words "other person’ viz. by whom any such agreemeat as is
referred to in cl. (1) of Art. 291 was entered into and who
for the time being is recognised by the President as Ruler.
Now coming to the second part of that clause, ’here again
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the words "any person" refers to the person who at the
relevant time is the successor of the person who entered
into the Covenant or Agreement. This is made clear by the
expression "for the time being is recognised by the
President as the successor of such Ruler", such Ruler being
the Ruler referred to in the first limb of the clause.
Art. 366(22) contemplates two classes of persons who are to
be recognised by the President as Rulers. The first group
162
consists of those persons who entered into the Covenant with
the Dominion of India and the second group their successors.
Coming to the first group, the President has no power to
recognise any one other than who had entered into the
Covenant or Agreement and so, far as the second group is
concerned, he can only recognise the successor of the person
who had entered into the Covenant or the Agreement.
"Successor" is a term of law. Succession is regulated by
law or custom. It, is no doubt true that it "or the
President to decide as to who is the, successor for the time
being ,of the person who had entered into the Covenant or
Agreement. The President cannot create a successor. He can
only recognise the successor. His power is only to find out
who is the successor at the relevant time of the Ruler who
entered into the Covenant ,or Agreement. Recognition is not
the same thing as appointment. Recognition means the power
to locate and not a power to create. Hence the power
conferred on the President under the second part of Art.
366(22) is a very limited power. That power is no doubt an
executive power but the same has to be exercised in
accordance with law. In other words it has to be exercised
as a ,quasi-judicial power. SD far as the first part is
concerned, the President has no power to recognise any
person other than the Ruler who entered into the Covenant or
Agreement with the Dominion of India. We shall presently
see that he has a constitutional duty to recognise, the
Ruler of an Indian State. Hence the words ",for the time
being" in the first part of Art. 366 can only come into play
if there was any error in locating the person who entered
into the Covenant or Agreement, the condition for, the
recognition being that the person recognised must be the
person who entered into the Covenant or Agreement. So far
as the second part is concerned the expression "for the time
being" is relevant as the question of recognition of a new
Ruler arises on the death of each Ruler. On each of those
occasions, the President has to find out as to who is the
successor according to law and in the absence of law,
according to custom, of the Ruler who ,entered into the
Covenant or Agreement. The procedure of recognition of
Rulers appears to have been intended as a status symbol and
also to avoid the necessity of hunting up Covenants and
Agreements at the time of payment of privy purses and while affor
ding other privileges and rights.
Art. 366(22) contemplates that for each Indian State, there
shall be a Ruler at any given point of time. That Article
does not say that the, President may recognise a Ruler. On
the other hand it speaks of the Ruler who "for the time
being is recognised by the President", an expression which
contemplates the continuity of Rulership and not merely of
its possible existence. A Rulership of an Indian State can
only disappear if both the original, Ruler who entered into
the Covenant or Agreement as well his success ors
163
cease to exist as in that case President cannot recognise
any one as the Ruler of that State. From the above
discussion it follows that the power of the President under
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Art. 366(22) is fully regulated.
In this context we may refer to the definition of the
"Ruler" in s. 311 (1) of the Government of India Act, 1935
which says ""Ruler" in relation to an Indian State means the
Prince, Chief or other person recoginised by His Majesty as
the Ruler of the State". The power to recognise given to
His Majesty,under this section is blanket power. It is
subject to no limitation. Under that section Any one could
have been recognised as the Ruler of an Indian State. No
such power is conferred on: the President under Art..
366(22).
I shall now proceed to consider whether the President has
power to say that he will not recognise a Ruler for an
Indian State. It was urged on behalf of the respondent that
a power to recognise includes a power not to recognise.
Evidently this contention is based on s. 21 of the General,
Clauses Act which Says
"Where, by any Central Act or Regulation, a
power to issue notifications, orders, rules or
bye-laws is conferred, then that power
includes a power, exercisable ’in the like
manner and subject to the like sanction and
conditions if any, to add to, amend, vary or
rescind any notifications, orders, rules or
bye-laws so issued."
In view of Art. 367 of the Constitution unless the
context .otherwise requires, the General Clauses Act,
subject to any adaptations and modifications made therein
under Art. 372 applies for the interpretation of the
Constitution as it applies for the interpretation of an Act
of the legislature of the Dominion of India. I have not
thought it necessary to go into the question whether the
recognition referred to in Art. 366(22) can be considered as
a power to issue notifications or orders as in my opinion
that clause imposes a constitutional duty on the President.
No discretion. is left to the President to recognise or not
to recognise the Ruler of an Indian State. In that view, s.
21 of the General Clauses Act, 1897 is irrelevant. We have
already. seen that Art. 366(22) contemplates that each
Indian State must have a Ruler, at all times so long as the
Ruler who entered into the Covenant or Agreement or a
successor of his is in existence otherwise Arts.- 291 and
362 will become meaningless. They will be empty shells if
"Ruler" referred to in Art. 291 (b) Art. 362 and Entry 34 of
List I of the Seventh Schedule must ,necessarily be that
person who is recognised as Ruler by the President under
Art. 366(22). If the President fails to or declines to
discharge his function under Art. 366(22),
164
Arts. 291 and 362 would become inoperative. In effect the
benefit conferred bythose Arts. will be denied to the person
entitled to be recognised as a Ruler of a particular Indian
State. Further the legislative power given under Entry 34
of List I of the Seventh Schedule would disappear. It is to
give meaning to Arts. 291, 362 and Entry 34 of List I of the
Seventh Schedule, a duty is imposed on the President to
recognise the Ruler of each Indian State. In my opinion
Art. 366(22) imposes a constitutional duty on the President.
To enable him to discharge that duty, certain limited powers
are; conferred on him. While discharging his duty under the
first part of Art. 366(22), he has to locate the person who
according to law can be said to have entered into the
Covenants or Agreements and under the second limb his duty
is to find out the successor of the Ruler coming within the
scope of the first limb. As mentioned earlier the
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recognition of the Ruler who executed the Covenant or
Agreement is a mere formality. So far as the recognition of
the successor of that Ruler is concerned, in case of
dispute, it becomes the duty of the President to decide as
to who is the successor of the Ruler who executed the
Covenant or Agreement at the relevant- time. Evidently the
Constitution makers were of the opinion that any dispute as
to who is the "Ruler" for the purpose of the Constitution
should not be left to be decided by courts of law because
such a procedure would involve years of delay in determining
the person who is entitled to the benefit of the privy purse
and the privileges. Hence that question was left to the
exclusive decision of., the President. Despite the fact
that exclusive power was given to the President to
recognise the successor of the original Ruler, the procedure
that invariably adopted in case of disputed succession was
to act on the basis of the recommendation of either of ’a
High Court judge who had inquired into the matter or of a
committee presided over by a High Court judge, set up for
that purpose. That is what happened when disputes arose as
to the succession to the Rulers of the States, of Sirohi and
Dholpur. In my opinion Art. 366 (22) imposes a duty on the
President and for that purpose has conferred on him certain
powers. In other words the power conferred on the President
under that provision is one coupled with duty. There are
similar powers conferred on the President under the
Constitution. Under Chap. XVI of the Constitution certain
special provisions were made for the benefit of the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Seats were reserved
for them both in the Parliament as well as in the State
Assemblies. Certain other benefits were also secured to
them in the matter of appointments to services and posts in
connection with the affairs of the Union or of a State. But
the Constitution did not specify which castes were Scheduled
Castes and which Tribes were Scheduled Tribes. Under Arts.
341 (1) and 342(1) of the Constitu-
165
tion, the President was given power to specify the castes
which he considered to be Scheduled Castes and the Tribes
which he considered to be Scheduled Tribes. Though both the
Articles say the President "may" specify the Castes which he
considers as Scheduled and Tribes which he considers
Scheduled, it is clear that a constitutional duty was
imposed on him to specify which castes were Scheduled Castes
and which Tribes were Scheduled Tribes for the purpose of
the Constitution. The word "may" in those clauses must be
read as "must" because if he had failed or declined to.
specify the Castes and Tribes, Arts. 330, 332, 334, 335, 338
and 340 would have become inoperative and the constitutional
guarantees given to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes would have become meaningless. At this stage it may
be noted that under Art. 366(24) and (25) Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes are defined as such Castes, races,
tribes, tribal communities or their parts or groups within
them as are deemed under Art 341 and 342 respectively.
Again under ’cl. (7) of Art. 366, the President is given
power to determine for the purpose of the Constitution the
"corresponding Provinces" "corresponding Indian State" or
"corresponding State" in case of doubt. This, again is a
duty imposed on the President. He cannot refuse to
discharge that duty.
Now coming to the contention that power to recognise the:
Rulers includes power not to recognise, we shall test the
correctness of that contention with reference to some other
Articles in the Constitution which deal with certain
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constitutional duties of the President. The power to
appoint the Election Commission is that of the President.
The Election Commission alone can hold the elections of the
President, Vice-President, members of that Parliament and
the State legislatures. The President cannot decline to
appoint the Election Commissioners. It is not in the power
of the cabinet to advise the President not to appoint one or
more of Election Commissioners even if some future cabinet
should think that the elections are trappings of feudalism.
Similarly the cabinet cannot advise the President not to
appoint a Governor and thus destroy the federal structure of
our Constitution or not to appoint the Chief Justice of
Supreme Court or of the High Courts and’ thereby remove
those courts and thus make a mockery of the fundamental
rights. The President cannot do indirectly, what the
legislature cannot do directly. It is wrong to mistake a
duty for a right. Ruler as referred to in some of the
Provisions of the Constitution is an entity created by the
Constitution to further certain, purposes recognised by the
Constitution. That entity cannot be abolished either by the
executive or by the legislature. Therefore the argument
advanced on behalf of the respondent that the power to
recognise the Ruler includes within itself the Power not to
recognise is clearly a fallacious one. It is not necessary
for our
166
present purpose to go into the question whether a Ruler once
recognised can be de-recognised by the President and if so
under what circumstances. We were told that there was one
instance of derecognition of a recognised Ruler namely that
of the former Ruler of Baroda. That derecognition was not
challenged before any court. Hence its validity remains
undecided. In this case we are concerned not with
derecognition of one or more Rulers for some reason or.
other but of the abolition of Rulership. For the reasons
mentioned earlier, it is not possible to spell out a power
to abolish the Rulership under Art. 3 66 (22).
It was strenuously argued by the learned Attorney General
that the power of recognition of the Rulers found in Art.
366(22) is a facet of the paramountcy enjoyed by the British
Crown before the 15th August, 1947. No such plea was taken
in the counteraffidavit. The argument of the learned
Attorney General on this point was somewhat indefinite. He
was hesitant to call the power embodied in Art. 366(22) as a
paramount power but yet he was repeatedly asserting that it
contains certain aspects of paramountcy. It is strange that
the learned Attorney General representing the Union of India
should have claimed that the Government of India inherited
any aspects of the paramountcy exercised by the British
Crown. Paramountcy as claimed by the British Rulers was one
of the manifestation of imperialism. It is surprising that
the Government of this country whose people had fought
imperialism for years and who are even today supporting both
morally as well as materially the countries which are
fighting imperialism should claim to have inherited even a
fraction of impeperialism should claim to have inherited
even a fraction of impemountcy is the very antithesis of
rule of law. It was a power exercised by a superior
sovereign over the subordinate sovereigns. I fail to see
how the Government of India can consider itself as a
superior power in its relationship with the citizens of this
country. The doctrine of paramountcy even during the days
of the Imperial rule had nothing to do with the British
Government’s relationship with its subjects. Herein we are
concerned with the power exercisable by the President under
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a provision of the Constitution. Nature and scope of that
power must be spelled out from the language of the provision
and from the purpose intended to be served by that
provision. it is an insult to our Constitutionl to say that
any facet of imperialism has crept into it. One should have
thought that paramountcy so far as this country was con-
cerned was dead and was deeply buried as far back as on the
15th August 1947. Its resurrection in any form is repugnant
to our ’Constitution. It is true that even after August,
1947, on some occasions some of our leaders, referred to the
existence of paramountcy. But that reference is not to the
paramountcy which was the insignia of imperialism but the
paramountcy of geographical
167
compulsions, economic compulsions, the compulsions, of
public opinion and need for common defence, all operating in
favour of the unity of India. The effect of these forces
was pithly described, as a sort of paramountcy. But that
paramountcy has nothing to do with paramountcy claimed by
the British.
The impugned orders are also unconstitutional for the reason
that the power conferred under Art 366(22) is exercised for
a collateral purpose. As seen earlier, power to recognise
Rulers was conferred for the purpose of implementing some of
the provisions of the Constitution and not for denuding the
contents of those provisions. We have earlier seen how the
impugned orders came to be made. The Government of India
sought to amend the Constitution by deleting Arts. 291, 362
and clause 22 of Art. 366. But as the bill seeking the
amendment of the Constitution failed to get the required
majority in the Rajya Sabha, that attempt failed. Within
hours after the said bill was rejected, the cabinet met and
advised the President to pass the impugned orders. This is
clearly an, attempt to do indirectly what the Government
could not do directly. Such an exercise of power is
impermeable under Art. 366(22). Exercise of a
constitutional power for collateral’ reasons has been
considered by this Court in several decisions as a fraud on
that power-see Balaji v. State of Mysore(-). Breach of any
of the Constitutional provisions even if made to further a
popular cause is bound to be dangerous precedent.
Disrespect to, the Constitution is bound to be broadened
from precedent to precedent and before long the entire
Constitution may be treated with contempt and held up to
ridicule. That is what happened to the Weimar,
Constitution. If the Constitution or any of its provisions
have ceased to serve the needs of the people, ways must be
found to change them but it is impermissible to by-pass the
Constitutions its provisions. Every contravention of the
letter or the spirit of the Constitution is bound to have
chain reaction. For that reason, also the impugned orders
must be held to be ultra vires Art. 366(22).
The impugned orders also violate Art. 53 (1 ) of the Consti-
tution which directs the President that the executive power
of the Union shall be exercised by him either directly or
through the, officers subordinate to him in :accordance with
the Constitution. Further Art. 73(1) prescribes that the
executive power-of the Union must be exercised subject to
the provisions of the Constitution. The executive is bound
to obey this mandate. It, has no, competence to exercise
the executive power in violation of the mandates given by the C
onstitution. Art. 291 gives a mandate to the executive to pay the
privy purses guaranteed to the Rulers
exempt from all taxes on income. Art. 366 (22)
(1) (1963). Suppl. 1. S.C.R. 439.
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168
imposes a constitutional duty on the President to recognise
the Rulers of the Indian States. Art. 362 requires the
executive that due regard should be given to the guarantees
and assurances given under the Agreements or Covenants
entered into with the former Rulers of the Indian States.
The President on the advice of the cabinet has disregarded
the mandate of Arts. 53(1), 73(1), 291,362 and 366(22).
That being so his order must be held to be ultra vires the
Constitution, hence a nullity.
It was urged on behalf of the petitioners that the members
of the cabinet who advised the President to issue the
impugned orders were bound by their oath to bear true faith
and allegiance to the Constitution; but they have shown
scant respect for their oath, treating the same as a mere
formality; they have thereby not only broken their oath but
have damaged the Constitution as well. It is not necessary
to pronounce on this contention.
In my opinion it is not open to, the executive or for that
matter to any of the organs of the State to disregard the
provisions ,of the Constitution merely because those
provisions do not accord ,with its views. The mandate of
every provision of the Constitution is a binding mandate.
No one has power to depart from that mandate or circumvent
it, whatever his views about the appropriateness of the
mandates may be. If the Constitution or any part of it has
now become out of tune with the present day society of ours,
appropriate steps may be taken to alter the Constitution.
It is no virtue to uphold the Constitution when it suits vs.
What is important, nay necessary, is to uphold it even when it is
inconvenient to do so.
It was contended on behalf of the respondent that the im-
pugned orders were made in exercise of the political power
of the State which according to it, is an incident of the
sovereignty. In support of that contention reliance was
placed on the decision of this Court in Kunwar Shri Vir
Rajendra Singh v. Union of India and Ors. (1) The facts of
that case are :
After the death of the previous Ruler of Dholpur who had been
recognised by the President under Art. 366(22), there
was dispute as regards his successor. That dispute was
inquired into by a committee presided over by the Chief
Justice of the Rajasthan High Court. On the recommendation
of that committee, the President was pleased to recognise
Maharaja Rana Shri Hemant Singh as the successor of the
previous Ruler. Kr. Shri Vir Rajendra Singh challenged
that decision by means of a .writ petition under Art. 226 of
the Constitution.’ That petition was dismissed by the High
Court. In appeal this Court affirmed-
(1) [1970] 2, S.C.R. 631
169
the decision of the High Court. I was a party to that
decision. In that decision, it was held that the
recognition granted by the President under Art. 366(22)
could not be challenged in court of law. The only point in
dispute in that case was as to who was ;the successor to the
deceased Ruler. This Court came to the conclusion that
under the circumstances of that case the decision of the
President was not open to challenge. In the course of the
judgment it was observed :
’The recognition of the Ruler is a right to succeed to the
gaddi of the Ruler. This recognition of Rulership by the
President is an exercise of political power vested in the
President and is thus an instance of purely executive
jurisdiction of the President.’
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What is said in that case is that the President while acting
under Art. 366(22) is exercising his executive jurisdiction
and that jurisdiction was described as "political power".
That expression may be inappropriate but that is not the
ratio of the decision. It was a casual observation. There
is nothing like a political power under our Constitution in
the matter of relationship between the executive and the
citizens. Our Constitution recognises only three powers
viz. the legislative power, the, judicial power and the
executive power. It does not recognize any other power. In
our country the executive cannot exercise any ’sovereignty
over the citiznes. The legal sovereignty in this country
vests with the Constitution and the political sovereignty is
with the people of this country. The executive possesses no
sovereignty. There is no analogy between our President and
the British Crown. The President is a creature of the
Constitution. He can only act in accordance with the
Constitution. It is true that some aspect of the executive
power of the Government is for the sake of convenience
called political power but it is nonetheless an executive
power derived from the Constitution.
It was next urged that we cannot go into the validity of the
impugned orders or even as to the scope of Art. 366(22) in
view of Art. 363. We shall, while examining the ambit of
Art. 363 see the hollowness of this contention.
Earlier, I have in a general way, referred to some of the
political events that took place in the years 1947 to 1949.
In order to consider some of the contentions raised by the
Counsel for the parties, relating to the scope and effect of
Art. 291, it is now necessary to refer in some detail to
some aspects of those events. I have earlier referred to
the instruments of Accession executed by various Rulers of
Indian States. By means of those Instruments, the concerned
Indian States became federating units of the Dominion of
India though under those Instruments, powers were con-
170
ferred on the Dominion legislature, executive and judiciary
only in respect of three subjects viz. Defence, External
Affairs and Communications. But nonetheless as a result of
the accession, the concerned Indian States became parts of
the Dominion of India. At the time those Instruments were
executed, no question of either guaranteeing the privy
purses to Rulers or preserving their privileges arose.
Hence those Instruments did not refer to any rights and
privileges of the Rulers. Very soon after the execution of
the Instruments of Accession other developments took place
in quick I succession. Most of the small Indian States
fully merged in the Dominion of India. Under the merger
Agreements the privileges then enjoyed by the Rulers, their
right to get the, privy purses fixed under the agreement as
well as some of the rights of the third parties referred to
in the agreements were guaranteed. Excepting in the case of
Bhopal, the privy purses to be paid to the Rulers were to be
paid from out of the revenues of their former States. Under
the Merger Agreement entered into between the Governor-
General and the Nawab of Bhopal, the Nawab was entitled to
receive the privy purse stipulated therein from the
Government of India. It is not stated in the agreement that
the same has to come out from the revenues of Bhopal State.
The privy purses payable to all those Rulers were free of
all taxes. In some of the Merger Agreements rights were
also created in favour of the third parties, such as
guaranteeing the continuity of the services of the permanent
members of the Public Service of those States as well as the
payment of pensions due to the retired civil servants. In
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several of the Merger Agreements it is provided that if
there was any dispute as to whether a particular item of
property is the private property of the Ruler or the
property of the State, that dispute was to be decided by an
authority to be appointed as provided in those agreements.
In most of those agreements, it is provided that the
succession to the Rulership should be according to law and
custom. That provision was a redundant provision as
succession means succession according to law or custom. No
one can succeed to a deceased person excepting according to
law or custom. Those agreements also provide that no
enquiry should be made by or under the authority of the
Government of India and no proceedings should be taken in
any court in their former States in respect of anything
done or omitted to be done by the Rulers or under their
authority, whether in a personal capacity or otherwise
during the period of their administration of their States.
In those agreements, it is further provided that no suit
should be brought against the Rulers of the merged States in
any of the Courts in the Dominion except with the previous
sanction of the Government of India.
Under the Merger Agreement executed by the Ruler of Bilas-
pur, the Ruler was entitled to a privy purse of Rs.
7,0,000/- per year
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but that included a sum of Rs. 10,000/- as allowance to the
Yuvraj. Under the Merger Agreement executed by the Nawab of
Bhopal, the State of Bhopal was merged into the Dominion of
India for a period of five years only. Art. IV of the
Merger Agreement provided that the income derived annually
from the share of the Nawab in the original investment by
Qudsia Begum in the Bhopal State Railway, which share was
agreed to be Rupees five lakhs and fifty-five thousand,
shall be treated as the personal income of the Nawab and
shall be paid by the Government of India to the Nawab, and
his successors. Article VII of the Agreement provided that
the succession to the Throne of Bhopal State shall be
governed by and regulated in accordance with the provisions
of the Act known as ’the Succession to the Throne of Bhopal
Act of 1947’ which was in force in the State at the time of
the agreement. Under the Merger Agreement entered into by
the Maharaja of Manipur, he was given a right to the use of
the Residences known as ’Redlands’ and ’Les Chatalettes’ in
Shillong and the property in the town of Gauhati known as
"Manipuri Basti" though all those properties were considered
as the State properties. Then came the States Merger
(Governors’ Provinces) Order 1949, an order made under s.
290(A) of the Government of India Act, 1935. Under this
Order, several of the States that had merged in the Dominion
of India were added on to one or the other of the Provinces.
Thereafter those States became a part of those Provinces.
Section 7(1) of that Order provides
"All liabilites in respect of such loans,
guarantees and other financial obligations of
the Dominion Government as arise out of the
governance of a merged State, including in
particular the liability for the payment of
any sums to the Ruler of the merged State on
account of his privy purse or to other persons
in the merged State on account of political
pensions and the like, shall as from the
appointed day, be liabilities of the absorbing
province, unless the loan, guarantee or other
financial obligation is relatable to central
purposes."
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This Order was made on July 27, 1949. Under this Order
fifty-five Indian States merged in the Bombay Province,
three in Madras, two in Bihar, fifteen in Central Provinces
and Berar, three in East Punjab and twenty-four in Orissa.
It was not disputed that the Merger Order is a legislative
measure. Its validity was not challenged before us. In
view of that Order, the liability to pay the privy purses of
the Rulers whose former States had been added to any
particular Province, became the liability of that Province,-
a liability imposed by law. Whatever might have been the
nature of the liability undertaken by the Govern-
-L744 Sup. CI/71
172
ment of the Dominion of India under the various Merger
Agreements those liabilities came to be recognised by law
and made a part of the Municipal law and thereafter they
became enforceable as against the concerned Province. It
may be noted that this Order was made long before the
Constitution came into force. This Order was subsequently
amended and a few more Indian States were included in one or
the other of the Provinces. From the foregoing, it is seen
that before the Constitution came into force, the liability
to pay the privy purses to several of the Rulers whose
States had directly merged with the Dominion of India became
that of some of the Provinces and ceased to be that of the
Dominion of India. Under the Merger Agreements excepting in
the case of Bhopal, the privy purses to the former Rulers
were payable from the revenues of their former States. But
after the Merger Order they became payable from the revenues
of the concerned provinces. At this stage we may also note
that under the Merger Agreements, the privy purses payable
to the Rulers were free of all taxes. We may further note
that under the Merger Agreements, there were several other
rights created either in favour of the concerned Rulers or
in favour of the third parties. The Merger Order is silent
about those rights.
Now we come to those States which formed unions. There were
five such unions namely
1. United States of Kathiawar;
2. United States of Gwalior, Indore and Malwa (Madhya
Bharat).
3. Patiala and East Punjab States Union.
4. United States of Rajasthan and
5. United States of Travancore and Cochin.
Those unions were formed on regional basis. Various Indian
States in a particular region merged together and formed a
union. The concerned States entered into a Covenant under
which the union was formed. To those Covenants, the
Dominion of India was not a party. Under those covenants,
the covenanting States agreed to entrust to the Constituent
Assembly to be formed in accordance with the provisions of
the covenant the work of framing a Constitution for the
union. Each of those unions were to have a Rajpramukh who
was to be the head of the union.’ There were provisions in
those covenants for the formation of a Council of Ministers
to aid and advise the Rajpramukh in the exercise of some of
his functions. Under those covenants, the Ruler of each of
the covenanting State was entitled to receive a fixed privy
purse annually from
173
the revenues of the concerned union. That amount was to be
free of all taxes, whether imposed by the Government of the
concerned union or by the Government of India. In the
matter of raising, maintaining and administering the
military force of the concerned union, the Rajpramukh was to
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act subject to any directions and instructions that may from
time to time be given by the Government of India. The
covenants provided that the Rulers of the covenanting States
as also the members of their families should continue to be
entitled to all their personal privileges, dignities and
titles enjoyed by them. The succession to the Gaddis was to
take place according to law and custom. Questions of
disputed succession in regard to covenanting Salute State
were to be decided by the Council of Rulers on the re-
commendation of a Judicial Tribunal to be constituted in
accordance with the provisions of the covenants. The
Secretary, Ministry of States on behalf of the Government of
India concuffed to the covenants and guaranteed to all its
provisions. The concurrence of the Government of India to
the covenants was necessary as, the covenanting States had
earlier acceded to the Dominion of India. In view of the
formation of unions, in the place of old Indian States new
units were to come into existence and therefore it was
necessary for them to execute fresh Instruments of Accession
and that could be done only with consent of the Dominion of
India. So far as the guaranteeing of these covenants is
concerned it could only mean a political guarantee and not a
guarantee in the sense of undertaking any financial
obligations. What the Dominion of India guaranteed was the
provisions of the covenant which included provision relating
to the formation of the Constituent Assembly, the
appointment of Council of Ministers etc. Under the
covenants the liability to pay the privy purses of the
covenanting Rulers was that of the concerned union and not
that of the Dominion of India. Further the privy purses to
be paid to the Rulers were to be paid free of all taxes.
From these it is seen that before Arts. 291,362, 363 and
366(22) came into force, the Dominion Government had no
liability in the matter of payment of privy purses to Rulers
of the covenanting States. Even in the matter of deciding
any dispute as regards succession, the Dominion of India had
no responsibility. That had to be decided by the agencies
created under the covenants. Under some of the covenants
some of the covenanting Rulers were given special rights
e.g. under Art. XVIII of the covenant under which Madhya
Bharat union was formed, it was provided
"Notwithstanding anything in the preceding
provisions of this covenant, the Rulers of
Gwalior and Indore shall continue to have and
exercise their present ,powers of suspension,
remission or commutation of
174
death sentences in respect of any person who
may have been or is hereinafter, sentenced to
death for a capital offence committed within
the territories of Gwalior or of Indore, as
the case may be."
Under Art. VIII of the covenant entered into by the Rulers
of Travancore and Cochin forming the United State of Travan-
core and Cochin, it was provided that the obligation of the
covenanting State of Travancore to contribute from its
general revenue a sum of Rs. 50 lakhs every year to the
Devaswom fund shall from the appointed day be the obligation
of the United State and the said amounts shall be payable
therefrom and the Rajpramukh shall cause the said amount to
be paid every year to the Travancore Devaswom Board and the
Executive Officer referred to in sub-clause (b) of that
article respectively.
In respect of the administration of Padamanahhaswamy Temple
the right of the Ruler of Travancore was preserved under
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Art. VIII(b) of the covenant. Similarly the existing
rights of the Rulers of Travancore and Cochin as regards the
management of certain temples and funds were preserved.
They were also given a right to nominate some members to
some of the statutory Boards. From the foraging it is seen
that under the various covenants, several rights in addition
to the right of receiving privy purses had been created in
favour of the Rulers of some of the covenanting States.
In the draft Constitution, there were no articles similar to
Arts. 291, 362, 363 and 366(22). Sometime before October
14, 1949 the Ministry of States, which was instrumental in
bringing about the merger of the States with the Union of
India wrote to the drafting committee that the guarantees
given to the Rulers in regard to privy purses should be
given constitutional section. Further it desired that so
far as the privileges and other rights of the Rulers are
concerned, the same must find recognition in the
Constitution though it may not be possible to give any
constitutional guarantee in respect of them. It is in
pursuance of this request the drafting committee introduced
Art. 267(A) (present Art. 291), Art. 302-A (present Art.
362) on October 13, 1949 Art. 303(1) (present Art, 366) (22)
on October 14, 1949 and Art. 302(A) (present Art. 363) on
October 16, 1949 into the draft Constitution.
Art. 291 of the Constitution as it now stands after its
amendment by the 7th Amendment Act reads :
"Where under any covenant or agreement entered
into by the Ruler of any Indian State before
the commencement of this Constitution, the
payment of any
175
sums, free of tax, has been guaranteed or
assured by the Government of the Dominion of
India to any Ruler of such State as privy
purse--
(a) such sums shall be charged on and paid
out of the Consolidated Fund of India; and
(b) the sums so paid to any Ruler shall be
exempt from all taxes on income."
Dealing with Art. 291, this is what the White
Paper says in paragraph 238 :
"Art. 291, thus, embodies constitutional
sanction for the due fulfilment of the
Government of India’s guarantees and
assurances in respect of privy purses and
provides for the necessary adjustments in
respect of privy purse payments necessitated
by changed conditions."
Art. 291, has four principal ingredients
namely
(1) the conditions giving rise to the
liability to pay the privy purses;
(2) charging of the privy purses payable on
the Consolidated Fund of India;
(3) the payment of the same from out of the
Consolidated Fund; and
(4) the sums so paid to any Ruler to be
exempt from all taxes on income.
According to Mr. Palkhiwala, learned Counsel for some of the
petitioners, Art. 291, guarantees the payment of privy
purses referred to in various Merger Agreements and
Covenants to the concerned Rulers, charges the same on the
Consolidated Fund of India and makes them payable out of
that fund to the Rulers, exempt from all taxes on income.
He contended that Art. 291 confers a legal right on a Ruler
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to claim the privy purse to which he is entitled to, from
the Dominion of India. He asserts that the right created in
favour of the Rulers, is enforceable in court of law. But
according to the learned Attorney-General, Art. 291 does not
create any legal right in favour of the Rulers. That Art.
merely gives a moral assurance to the Rulers that the privy
purses guaranteed under the Covenants and Agreements will be
paid by the Union of India. He further contended that Art.
291 merely recognizes the obligation undertaken by the
Dominion of India either under the Merger Agreements or
under the Covenants and it does not create any new right or
obligation. According to him the expression that "such fund
shall be charged on the Consolidated Fund of India" does
not mean that a lien
176
on the Consolidated Fund is created for the payment of privy
purses; it only means that the amount payable as privy
purses is not votable. He asserted that the expression
"paid out of" in cl. (b) of Art. 291 merely refers to the
Fund out of which the payment is to be made and not that it
should be paid to any person. Clause (b) of Art. 291 does
not according to him give any direction to the Union
Government to pay to the Rulers the agreed privy purse but
it merely says that the privy purse, if and when paid to any
Ruler will be exempt from all taxes on income.
In my opinion the contentions advanced by the learned At-
torney-General are falacious. The liability undertaken
under Art. 291 is a new liability and not an affirmation of
an existing liability. As seen earlier, the liability to
pay the privy purses of most of the Rulers who merged their
States with the Dominion of India had been transfered to one
or the other provinces. The liability to pay privy purses
to the Rulers who entered into Covenants for forming unions
was that of the concerned union and not that of the Dominion
of India. In the case of most of the Rulers of States which
merged in the Dominion of India until Art. 291 came into
force, the Dominion of India had no liability to pay the
privy purses.
For the first time after Art. 291 came into force, the privy
purses were made payable from out of the Consolidated Fund
of India. Till then they were payable firstly out of the
revenues of the concerned State which merged into the
Dominion of India and later on by one or the other provinces
from out of its revenues and in the case of the covenanting
States, the privy purses payable to the covenanting Rulers
were payable from out of the revenues of the concerned
union. As seen earlier, the privy purses payable either to
the Rulers of the merged States or to those of the
covenanting States, were free of all taxes. But the privy
purses payable under Art. 291 are only exempt from all taxes
on income and riot all taxes. To summarize, under Art. 291,
the Union of Indian for the first time undertook the
liability to pay the privy purses in respect of most of the
Rulers of the Indian States. The fund from which the privy
purses are made payable under Art. 291 is different from
those from which they were payable earlier. The terms of
payment, to some extent are also different inasmuch as the
privy purses provided under the Merger Agreements and
Covenants were free of all taxes but the privy purses
guaranteed under Art. 291 are exempt only from tax on
income.
In support of his contention that the liability undertaken
under Art. 291, is merely a continuation of the earlier
liability the learned Attorney-General strongly relied on
the first part of Art. 291 which says :
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177
"Where under any covenant or agreement entered
into by the Ruler of any Indian State before
the commencement of this Constitution, the
payment of any sums, free of tax, has been
guaranteed or assured by the Government of the
Dominion of India to any Ruler of such State
as privy pure........"
From this he wants us to conclude that the liability under-
taken under Art. 291 is nothing but a continuation of the
liability arising under the Covenants and Agreements. Here
again the learned Attorney-General is not correct. That
part of Art. 291 does not create any liability. It is only
a legislation by incorporation. That part of the Article
points out the person who is entitled to the privy purse and
the amount payable to him. It was a legislative device
adopted for the convenience of drafting. It would have been
a cumbersome process to list all the names of the Rulers who
are entitled to privy purses and the amount payable to each
of them. To avoid that difficulty, relevant portions of
Agreements and Covenants were bodily lifed from those
documents and incorporated into Art. 291. This is a well
known drafting device. Art. 291 is no way linked with the
Agreements and Covenants. The Convenants and Agreements
only continue as evidence as to matters mentioned in the
first part of Art. 291. After Art. 291 came into force,
there is no legal relationship between the Covenants and
Agreements and that Article. That Article read with Article
366(22) constitute a self-contained code in the matter of
payment of privy purses. Those Articles operate on their
own force. In several provisions of the Constitutions, the
device of legislating by incorporation has been adopted-see
Art. 105(3), Art. 106, cls. 2, 3, 7, 8, 9(5) and 12(3) of
the second Schedule.
I am also unable to accept the contention of the learned
Attorney-General that the expression "charged on........ the
Consolidated Fund of India" in Art. 291 merely means that
the amounts payable as privy purse are not votable and that
expression neither creates a right in favour of the person
in whose benefit the charge is created nor is the
Consolidated Fund pledged for the payment of the privy
purse. The Constitution does not define the word "charge".
Therefore we must understand that word as it is understood
in law. According to law the creation of a charge over a
fund in respect of an item of payment to a person means a
conferment of a legal right on that person to get the amount
in question on the pledge of the fund. If an item of
expenditure charged on the consolidated fund merely means
that that expenditure is non-votable then there was no need
to provide in Art. 113 that "so much of the estimate as
relates to expenditure charged upon the Consolidated Fund of
India shall not be submitted to the vote of Parliament."
That part of Art.
178
113(1) was evidently enacted to make effective the statutory
lien over the Consolidated Fund created in favour of the
person to whom the payment has to be made. It emphasises
the fact that the pledge created in favour of the person for
whose benefit the charge is created by the Constitution
cannot be taken away even by the Parliament.
The learned Attorney-General and Mr. Mohan Kumaramangalam
read to us passages from May’s Parliamentary Practice and
other treatises on Parliamentary Practice and Procedure to
show how the practice of charging certain items of
expenditure on the Consolidated Fund of England came into
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being. They also invited our attention to some of the
statutes passed by the British Parliament. Neither the
treatises on which they relied nor any of the statutes to
which they referred show that the charging of an item of
expenditure on the Consolidated Fund in favour of a person
does not create a legal right in him to get that amount or
that the same does not pledge the Consolidated fund for the
payment of that amount. In fact some of the Statutes
referred to by them do show that some of the items of
expenditure charged on the Consolidated fund were required
to be paid in preference to the other items. On the other
hand Mr. Palkhiwala referred to us to the Dictionary of
English law by Earl Jowitt (1959 Ed) Vol. 1, page 459,
wherein the meaning of the expression ’charged on the
consolidated fund’ is explained thus
"Consolidated Fund, a repository of public
money which now comprises the produce of
custom, excise stamps and several other taxes,
and some small receipts from the royal
hereditary revenue, surrendered to the public
use. It constitutes almost the whole of the
public income of the United Kingdom
(Consolidated Fund Act, 1816). This fund is
pledged for the payment of the whole of the
interest of the national debt of Great Britain
and Northern Ireland (National Debt Act, 1870-
s. 6); and besides this, is liable to several
other specific charges imposed upo
n it at
various periods by Act of Parliament, such as
the civil list, and the salaries of the judges
and ambassadors and other high official
persons; after payment of which the surplus is
to be indiscriminately applied to the service
of the United Kingdom under the direction of
Parliament"
Section 6 of the National Debt Act, 1870 reads
"6. Stock Charged an consolidated fund.--The
annuities and dividends aforesaid shall
continue to be charged on and payable out of
the consolidated fund."
179
The language of this section is similar to that of Art. 291
so far as the creation of "charge’ ’is concerned. Section 6
of the National Debt Act, 1870 is according to Earl Jowitt
pledges the consolidated fund of Great Britain and Northern
Ireland for the payment of the whole of the interest of the
national debt of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. If
that is the true effect of s.6 of the National Debt Act,
1870 the same must be the position under Art. 291. From the
passage quoted above from the Dictionary of English law by
Earl Jowitt, it is seen that as soon as an item of
expenditure is charged on the consolidated fund, the said
act creates a legal obligation to pay out of the
consolidated fund that item of expenditure to the person for
whose benefit the charge is created. Secondly that item has
to be paid before paying the non-charged item of
expenditure. And lastly the charge created, pledges
the consolidated fund for the payment of that item of
expenditure. The practice of creating charges on the
consolidated fund was started for the first time in this
country under the Government of India Act, 1935 which Act
was passed by the British Parliament evidently following the
British practice. Arts. 112 to 115 of the Constitution are
similar to the corresponding Sections in the Government of
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India Act, 1935.
The contention of the learned Attorney General that the ex-
pression "paid out of" in cl. (a) of Art. 291 refers to the
fund out of which it is to be paid out and not to the
person to whom it is payable is also not correct. Under
Art. 291 as it now stands, there is only one fund and that
is the Consolidated fund of India. Therefore there is no
question of pointing out the fund from out of which the
payment is to be made. If some amount is required to be
paid out of the Consolidated Fund of India, it must be paid
out to somebody. There cannot be any paying out in
abstract. To whom that payment is to be made is made clear
by cl. (b) of Art. 291. it is to be paid to the Ruler as
defined in Art. 366(22).
Even before Art. 291(2) was deleted the privy purses were to
be paid out of the Consolidated fund of India though some of
the States had a liability to reimburse the Union to a
certain extent. According to the learned Attorney-General
on the date when Art. 291 came into force, no Ruler had been
recognised under Art. 366(22). Therefore we cannot spell
out any commitment under Art. 291. We have earlier seen
while discussing the scope of Art. 366(22) that the
President has a constitutional duty to recognise a Ruler.
Art. 291 proceeds on the basis that President has to
recognise a Ruler to each one of the Indian States
contemplated by Art. 366(15). By recognising the President
merely locates the Ruler. He does not appoint or create a
Ruler. No sooner the President recognizes the Ruler of an
Indian State,
180
he becomes entitled to the privy purse guaranteed under Art.
291 from the date the Constitution came into force. We are
told that as a fact most of the Rulers who entered into the
Covenants and Agreements were recognised only in the year
1952 but yet they were being paid the amounts agreed to be
paid as privy purses ever since the Constitution came into
force and the privileges guaranteed to them were also
extended to them even before they were recognised.
Similarly, we were told that in the case of successors of
the Rulers when there was no dispute as to succession, they
were treated as Rulers for all purposes though they were
recognised several months after they succeeded to the Gaddi.
This shows that the recognition under Art. 366(22) was
considered as a mere formality except in the case of
disputed succession.
To my mind Art. 291 is plain and unambiguous. It says in
the clearest possible language that the privy purses payable
to the Rulers under the Merger Agreements as well as under
the Covenants are charged on the Consolidated fund of India
and that they shall be paid out to the Rulers exempt from
all taxes on income. No provision of a statute much less a
provision of a constitutional statute should be read in a
pedantic way. Nor is it justifiable to hair split the
clauses in a provision and quibble about their words. A
constitutional provision is not to be interpreted by taking
words of the provisions in the one hand and the dictionary
in the other or by taking the meaning given in a decision to
a word in different setting. Each provision must be read as
a whole and its meaning understood.
We have earlier seen that under the Merger Agreements and
Covenants, various rights, liabilities and obligations mere
created. What the Constituent Assembly did was to separate
two obligations out of them and give those obligations
constitutional sanction or guarantee. As seen earlier,
under the Convenants entered into by the Rulers of
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Travancore and Cochin certain contribution was to be made
every year to the Devaswom Fund. This payment is guaranteed
under Art. 290 (A). , Under Art. 291 the payment of the
privy purses is similarly guaranteed Arts. 290(A) and 291
are more or less similarly worded.
If the mandate contained in Art. 291 is an unenforceable
mandate, similar would be the position so far as Art. 290(A)
is concerned. If the mandates contained in these Articles
are unenforceable these Articles can only have ornamental
value. It is difficult to believe that the Constituent
Assembly would have indulged in an exercise in futility. We
repeatedly asked the learned Attorney General that if Art.
291 did not create a legal
181,
right, what purpose that Article was intended to serve and
why did the Constituent Assembly put that article, in the
Constitution. His answer was that under Art. 291 while the
payment of privy purse received a constitutional sanction,
it received no, constitutional guarantee. This distinction
to my mind appears, to be a distinction without difference.
Every constitutional sanction for payment is necessarily a
mandate to pay if that sanction relates to the discharge of
an obligation. It is an enforceable mandate. As seen
earlier that a fair reading of Art. 291 shows that there is
a direction to pay the privy purses to the’Rulers. The
contention of learned Attorney General was that by Art. 291
the Constituent Assembly merely wanted to give some sort of
assurance to the Rulers about the payment of privy purses to
them in future so as, to allay their apprehensions that may
not be paid privy purses in future but in reality, no legal
right was created in favour of the Rulers nor any binding
obligation imposed on the Union of India. It is difficult
to understand this Argument. It will be an uncharitable
insinuation to make against the founding fathers that all
that they wanted was to, create an illusion in the mind of
the Rulers while in reality giving them no guarantee as
regards the future payment of the privy purses. If all that
the Constituent Assembly desired was to, give some assurance
about the payment of privy purses in the future then Art.
362 would have served that purpose. In a general sense the
words "personal rights" include privy purse. Even if the
Constituent Assembly wanted to make things clear they could
have easily said in Art. 362 "personal rights including
privy purse" instead of wasting a whole article. Further
there was nor purpose in charging the privy purses on the
Consolidated fund or giving a constitutional exemption from
payment of all taxes on income in respect of privy purse.
No word in the Constitution can be considered as
superfluous.
During the hearing some the members of the Bench felt that
it may not be necessary to go into the scope and effect of
Art. 191 in the present proceedings. It was felt that if
the Court came to the conclusion that the impugned orders
are valid orders then there is an end of the matter. If on
the other hand, the Court came to the conclusion that those
orders are violative of the Constitution then status quo
ante would be restored. But both the learned Attorney
General and Mr. Palkhiwala insisted that we should pronounce
on the scope and effect of Art. 291, each one for his own
reason. The learned Attorney General repeatedly made it
plain to us that even if we come to the, conclusion that the
impugned orders are invalid, the privy purses will not be
paid by the Government, unless we hold that the right given
to the Rulers under Art. 291 is an enforceable one. This,
182
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is a strange stand particularly in view of the fact that
even according to him the Constitution has recognised the
liability to pay the privy purses to the Rulers and the
obligation in question has received constitutional sanction.
It is clear from the stand taken by him that the Government
will not respect the mandate of the Constitution if that
mandate is not enforceable by law.
We have to proceed on the basis that the learned Attorney
General made that submission on the strength of the
instructions received by him from the respondent. But yet,
it is difficult to believe that the executive which is a
creture of the Constitution, whose head (the President) and
the members of the cabinet had taken the oath of allegiance
to the Constitution would take the stand that they will not
respect a mandate of the Constitution unless that mandate is
enforceable in a court of law. The enforceability of a
constitutional mandate is one thing, the existence of such a
mandate is another. Whether a particular constitutional
mandate is enforceable or not, it is all the same binding on
all the organs of the State. No organ of the State can
choose to disregard any of the mandates of the Constitution.
There are many mandates in the Constitution which are not
enforceable through courts of law. If the executive or the
legislature or the judiciary refuse to comply with those
mandates they will be not only breaking the oath taken by
them but they will be breaking the Constitution itself. I
doubt whether the grave implications of the stand taken on
behalf of the Government have been realised.
I shall now proceed to Art. 362. That Article
reads
"In the exercise of the power of Parliament or
of the legislature of a State to make laws or
in the exercise of the executive power of the
Union or of a State, due regard shall be had
to the guarantee or assurance given under any
such covenant or agreement as is referred to
in article 291 with respect to the personal
rights, privileges and dignities of the Ruler
of an Indian State."
This article clearly links itself with the
Agreements and Covnants. It has no
independent exercise apart from the Agreement
and Covenants. Mr. Palkhiwala conceded that
Art. 362 is a provision of the Constitution
relating to the Agreements and Covenants.
Therefore, it follows that if any dispute
arises in respect of anyright accruing under
or any liability or obligation arising out of
Art. 362 then the same would be covered by the
second .part of Art. 363. But Mr. Palkiwala
sought to place his own interpretation on the
word "dispute" found in Art. 363. it is
183
not necessary for us in this case to decide
what controversy relating to Art. 362 can be
considered as a "dispute" under Art. 363. At
present we have no concrete complaint before
us relating to the contravention of Art. 362.
It is not proper to decide the scope of an
article in the Constitution in abstract. The
scope of Art. 362 as well as the meaning of
the expression "dispute" in Art. 363 can be
best considered when a proper case comes up
for decision. In this view, I have not
thought it necessary to go into the scope of
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Art., 362.
This takes me to Art. 363(1). That Article
reads
"Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution
but subject to the provisions of article 143,
neither the Supreme Court nor any other court
shall have jurisdiction in any dispute arising
out of any provision of a treaty, agreement,
covenant, engagement, sanad or other similar
instrument which was entered into or executed
before the commencement of this Constitution
by any Ruler of an Indian State and to which
the Government of the Dominion of India or any
of its predecessor Governments was a party and
which has or has been continued in operation
after such commencement, or in any dispute in
respect of any right accruing under or any
liability or obligation arising out of any of
the provisions of this Constitution relating
to any such treaty, agreement, covenant,
engagement, sanad or other similar
instrument."
Under cl. (2) of that Article "Indian State"
is defined for the purpose of that article as
meaning any territory recognised before the
commencement of the Constitution by His
Majesty or the Government of the Dominion of
India as being such a State, and the "Ruler"
for the purpose of that article is defined
thus
" "Ruler" includes the Prince, Chief or other
person recognised before such commencement by
His Majesty or the Government of the Dominion
of India as the Ruler of any Indian State."
Art. 363 has two parts : the first part deals with disputes
arising out of any provisions of a treaty, agreement or
covenant etc., and the second part with dispute in respect
of any right accruing under or any liability or obligation
arising out of any of the provisions of the Constitution,
relating to any such treaty, agreement, covenant,
engagement, sanad or other similar instrument.
184
Dealing with Art. 362 and 363 this is what the White Paper
says in paragraph 240 (at p. 125)
"Guarantees regarding rights and privileges.-
Guarantees have been given to the Rulers under
the various Agreements and Covenants for the
continuation of their rights, dignities and
privileges. The rights enjoyed by the Rulers
vary from State to State and are exercisable
both within and without the States. They
cover a variety of matters ranging from the
use of the red plates on cars to immunity from
Civil and Criminal jurisdiction and exemptions
from customs duties etc. Even in the past it
was neither considered desirable nor
practicable to draw up an exhaustive list of
all these rights. During the negotiations
following introduction of the scheme embodied
in the Government ,of India Act, 1935. The
Crown Department had taken the position that
no more could be done in respect of the rights
and privileges enjoyed by the Rulers than a
general assurance of the intention of the
Government of India to continue them.
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Obviously, it would have been a source of
perpetual regret if all these matters had been
made as justiciable. Article 363 has, there-
fore been embodied in the Constitution which
excludes specifically the Agreements of Merger
and the Covenants from the jurisdiction of
Courts except in cases which may be refered to
the Supreme Court by the President. At the
same time, the Government of India considered
it necessary that constitutional recognition
should be given to the guarantees and
assurances which the Government of India have
given in respect of the rights and privileges
of Rulers. This is contained in Art. 362,
which provides that in the exercise of their
legislative and executive authority, the
legislative and executive organs of the Union
and States will have due regard to the
guarantees given to the Rulers with respect to
their personal rights, privileges and
dignities."
From the above passage, it is clear that according to the
Government’s understanding of Art. 363, that article merely
deals with matters coming under Art. 362. That is also the
contention of the petitioners. But according to the learned
Attorney ’General that article excludes from the
jurisdiction of all courts including this Court not merely
those matters that fall within the ’scope of Art. 362 but
also the right arising from Art. 291. It
185
was urged by him that Art. 291 also protects only. a
personal right. Therefore it is a matter that falls within
the scope of Art. 362, Consequently any dispute relating
thereto is excluded from the jurisdiction of this Court
under Art. 363. Privy purse was taken out for special
treatment by the Constitution under Art. 291. Therefore it
is excluded from the general provision in Art. 362. Arts.
291 and 362 have to be construed harmoniously. It is a well
known rule of construction that a special provision excludes
the general provision. Hence I have to reject the
contention that Art. 363 includes the right to get privy
purses because it also comes within the scope of Art. 362.
If it is otherwise, there was no need to enact Art. 291.
Further there was no purpose in guaranteeing the payment of
privy purses under Art. 291 and then taking away the right
to recover them under Art. 363. We have earlier seen that
in the case of most of the Rulers, the right to receive
privy purse was an enforceable right even before Art. 291
came into force. it is not easy to accept the contention
that what was an enforceable right was made unenforceable
under the Constitution. If the contention advanced on
behalf of the respondent is correct the, purpose of Art. 291
was to take away an existing enforceable right, at any rate
in the case of several Rulers and substitute the same by a
recognition, devoid of all legal contents. To say that is
to be cynical about the august body i.e. the Constituent
Assembly. the Constituent Assembly could not have enacted
Art 291 to show its contempt for the Rulers of Indian States
as well as for the recommendation of States Ministry headed
by Sardar Patel, the maker of modern India. If two or more
provisions in the Constitution deal with one group of
topics, those provisions have to be read together and
interpretted harmoniously. It is not proper to say that the
Constitution is speaking in two voices, as the learned
Attorney General wants us to do or that it takes away by the
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right hand what is gave by the left hand. Therefore we have
to read Art. 363 harmoniously with Art. 291. That is equal-
ly true of Arts. 363 and 366(22). The rule of harmonious
construction is a well known rule. If the aforementioned
articles are harmoniously interpretted then the position
becomes clear. The purpose of Art. 363 is made clear in the
White Paper. Under the Merger Agreements as well as under
the Covenants, various rights were conferred and privileges
assured to the Rulers. Some of the agreements entered into
between the former Rulers and His Majesty’s Government or
the Dominion of India are undoubtedly acts of State. So far
as the Covenants ,are concerned, the question whether they
were acts of State or constitutional documents is a highly
debatable question. Rights accruing as well as liabilities
and obligations arising under acts of State were not
enforceable in the municipal courts unless
186
they were recognised by the new sovereign. For the purpose
of giving necessary direction to the Union and State
executives as well as to the State and Union legislatures,
the Constitution recognised the rights accruing and
liabilities and obligations arising under various Agreements
and Covenants which recognition made. those rights,
liabilitie and obligations enforceable. But the Constituent
Assembly did not want to open up the Pandora’s box. Without
Art. 363,Art. 362 would have opened the flood gates of
litigation. The Constituent Assembly evidently wanted to
avoid that situation. That appears to have been the main
reason for enacting Art. 363. Evidently there were other
reasons also for enacting Art. 363. Some of the Rulers who
had entered into Merger Agreements were challenging the
validity of those agreements, even before the draft of the
Constitution was finalised. Some of them were contending
that the agreements were taken from them by intimidation;
some others were contending that there were blanks in the
agreements signed by them and those blanks had been filled
in without their knowledge and to their prejudice. The
merger process went on hurriedly. The Constitution makers
could not have ignored the possibility of future challenge
to the validity of the Merger Agreements. Naturally they
would have been anxious to avoid challenge to various
provisions in the Constitution which are directly linked
with the Merger Agreements.
As seen earlier Art. 363 has two parts. The first part
relates to disputes arising out of Agreements and Covenants
etc. The jurisdiction of this Court as well as of other
courts is clearly barred in respect of disputes falling
within that part. Then comes the second part of Art. 363
which refers to disputes in respect of any right accruing
under or any liability or obligation arising out of any of
the provisions of the Constitution relating to any
agreement, covenant etc. We are concerned with this part
of Art. 363. Before a dispute can be held to come within
the scope of that part, that dispute must be in respect of a
right accruing under or liability or obligation arising out
of a Provision of the Constitution and that provision of the
Constitution must relate to agreements, Covenants etc.
The principal dispute with which we are concerned in these
cases is whether the President has the power to abolish all
Rulers under Art. 366(22). Quite plainly this dispute
cannot be held to be dispute in respect of a right accruing
or a liability or obligation arising under any provision of
the Constitution. Herein we are not concerned with any
right, liability or obligation. We are concerned with
powers of the President under Art. 3 66 (22). What is in
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dispute is the true scope of the power of the President
under Art. 366(22). That dispute does not fall within Art.
363.
187
Power is not the same thing as right. Power is an authority
whereas a right in the context in which it is used in Art.
363, signifies property. The fact that the court’s decision
about the scope of the power of the President under Art.
366(22) may incidentally bear on certain rights does not
make the dispute, a dispute relating to any right accruing
under any provision of the Constitution. A dispute as
regards the interpretation of a provision of the
Constitution is not a dispute within the contemplation of
the second part of Art. 363 as it is not a dispute in
respect of any right, liability or obligation. The
contention of the petitioners is that the impugned orders
are ultra vires the powers of the President, hence null and
void. Such a dispute does not come within Art. 363.
It cannot be said that Art. 366(22) is a provision relating
to Merger Agreements and Covenants. The word ’relating to’
is a word of wide import but in the context in which it is
used in Art. 363 it must receive a narrower meaning
otherwise all rights accruing or liabilities and obligations
arising under one of other of the provisions of the
Constitution to the former Rulers of Indian States as well
as to their subjects has to be held to come within the
mischief of Art. 363 because they became Indian citizens as
a result of the merger of the Indian States in the Dominion
of India in pursuance of Merger Agreements. Nothing so
startling could have been intended by the Constituent
Assembly. If it is otherwise, the life, liberty and
property of that section of our citizens would be under the
mercy of our Government because if they complain against any
high handedness on the part of the Government, the
Government can seek shelter under Art. 36. The word
’relating’ in Art. 363, in my judgment means "to bring into
relation" or "establish relation between". In other words
the provision of the Constitution in question must be linked
with the Merger Agreements or Covenants directly and
immediately. It must have no independent existence. That
is not the position under Art. 366(22). It is an
independent provision. It has nothing to do with the
Agreements and Covenants. It does not take any strength
from the Covenants and Agreements. The power to recognise
the Rulers is a new power conferred on the President by the
Constitution. There was no such power under the Agreements
and Covenants. Between 1947 and 25th of January, 1950 there
was no question of recognising the Rulers of Indian States.
In respect of several of the Indian States, the Dominion of
India had no right to decide the question of successorship.
The provision in the Merger Agreements that succession will
be according to law and custom is merely a statement of the
legal position. The same cannot be considered as a part of
the
13-L744 Sup CI/71
188
Agreement. The reference to Agreements and Covenants
through Art. 291 is a convenient drafting device. Even if
all the Agreements and the Covenants are abrogated the
provision will stand intact.
Mr. Mohan Kumaramangalam, appearing on behalf of the
respondent contended that Arts. 291, 362 and 363 should be
considered as one group of Arts. which group together
relates to Agreements and Covenants; Art. 3 66 (22) was
enacted to effectuate Arts. 291 and 362; Articles 291 and
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362 are related to Agreements and Covenants; therefore Art.
366(22) must also be held to be related to Agreements and
Covenants. I have earlier considered the meaning of the
word ’relating’ in Art. 363. Further I have held that Art.
291 is not related to Art. 363 as it not linked with the
Agreements and Covenants; it is an independent provision. I
have also held that the definition of "Ruler" in Art.
366(22) is not merely for the purpose of Art. 291 and Art.
362 but also for the purpose of supplying contents for the
legislative ,entry 34 of of List I of Sch. VII of the
Constitution. Hence the group relation theory ingenuously
advanced by Mr. Mohan Kumaramangalam cannot be accepted.
Art. 363 speaks of "any provision of the Constitution
relating" to Agreement and Covenants. If the contention of
Mr. Mohan Kumaramangalam is analysed, it means that at Art.
366(22) is related to the Agreements and Covenants through
Art. 2912 and 362. In other words that Art. is a relation
of the relations of the Agreements and Covenants. That is
the type or relationship contemplated by Art. 363. That
article contemplates direct relationship between the
concerned articles and the Agreements and Covenants. The
further contention of Mr. Mohan Kumaramangalam that in
finding out whether an article is related to Agreements and
Covenants, we should look to its origin or genesis, is not
correct. If it is otherwise it must be held that all the
articles of the Constitution in so far as hey deal with the
former Rulers of Indian States and their subjects are con-
cerned are related to Agreements and Covenants as they had
their origin or genesis in the Agreements and Covenants. If
that is so Art. 363 becomes all pervasive. We have earlier
noticed the far reaching implications of such conclusion.
The petitioners contend that the plea of the respondent that
Art. 291 does not confer a legal right on the Rulers to get
privy purses cannot be considered as raising a genuine
dispute and that contention is a mere manoeuvre to oust the
jurisdiction of this Court and hence the same cannot be
considered as dispute within Art. 363. According to the
petitioner the said plea of the respondent is a mere
pretence and not a dispute because dispute in law means a
triable issue and not an assertion which is ex-
189
facie untenable. It is not necessary to examine these
contentions.
The basic issue arising for decision in these cases is of
far greater significance than it appears at first sight.
The question whether the Rulers can be derecognised by the
President is of secondary importance. What is of utmost
importance for the future of our democracy is whether the
executive in this country can flout the mandates of the
Constitution and set at night legislative enactments at its
discretion. If it is held that it can then our hitherto
held assumption that in this country we are ruled by laws
and not by men must be given up as erroneous.
Before, proceeding to consider the decisions relied on by
the learned Attorney General and Mr. Kumaramangalam in
support of their contention that the disputes with which we
are concerned in these cases are disputes falling within the
ambit of Art. 363, it is necessary to mention at the very
outset that the question whether the orders similar to the
impugned orders are within the powers of the President under
Art. 366(22) did never come before these Court for decision.
No such orders had been passed by the President in the past.
There was just one derecognition in the past i.e. that of
the former Ruler of Baroda. That matter did, not come
before courts. Hence there was no occasion for this Court
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or for that matter any court in this country to consider the
scope of Art. 366(22). The observations made by this Court
in Rajendra Singh’s case (supra) had been considered by me
earlier. Even the scope of Art. 291 had not directly arisen
for consideration in any of the decisions of this Court. It
is true that there are a few observations in some of the
decisions to which I shall presently refer about the nature
of the right guaranteed under that Art. 291 and the impact
of Art. 363 on that right.
Let me now consider the decisions relied on by the learned
Attorney General. The first decision relied on by him is
State of Seraikella v. Union of India and anr. etc.(1).
Therein certain States which had acceded to the Dominion of
India and which had merged in the Province of Bihar and
administered as part of that Province instituted suits in
the Federal Court of India ’before the 26th January 1950 for
a declaration that various orders under which States came
to be administered as part of Bihar and the laws under
which those orders were made were ultra vires and void and
the Province of Bihar had accordingly no authority to carry
on the administration of the States. Those suits stood
transferred to the Supreme Court of India under Art. 374(2)
of the Constitution after the Constitution came ino force.
(1) [1951] S.C.R.474
190
In those suits the principal question that fell for decision
was whether the dispute as regards the validity of the
merger could be gone into by this Court in view of Art. 363
of the Constitution. This Court held that as the suits were
really to enforce the plaintiffs’ right under the
Instruments of accession and the dispute between the parties
really arose out of those instruments, in view of Art.
363(1) is court had no jurisdiction to hear the suits. The
principal controversy in that case came squarely, within the
ambit of the first part of Art. 363(1). Hence that decision
is not relevant for our present purpose.
The next case referred to is Visweshwar Rao v. The State of
Madhya Pradesh(1). Therein the dispute was about the
validity ,of some of the Provisions of the Madhya Pradesh
Abolition of Proprietory Rights (Estates Mahals, Alienated
Lands) Act (1 of 1951). One of the contentions advanced on
behalf of the petitioner in that case was that by the terms
of the Merger Agreement, the properties concerned in that
case were declared as the, petitioner’s private properties
and were protected from State legislation by the guarantee
given under Art. 363 of the Constitution and hence the
impugned Act was bad as that contravenes the provisions of
that Art. The Court rejected that contention with these
observations :
"It is true that by the covenant of merger the
properties of the petitioner became his
private properties as distinguished from
properties of the State but in respect of them
he is in no better position than any other
owner possessing private property. Article
362 does not prohibit the acquisition of
properties declared as private properties by
the covenant of merger and does not guarantee
their perpetual existence. The guarantee
contained in the article is of a limited
extent only. It assures that the, Rulers
properties declared as their private
properties will not be claimed as State
properties. The guarantee has no greater
scope than this. That guarantee has been
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fully respected by the impugned statute, as it
treats those properties as their private pro-
perties and seeks to acquire them on that
assumption. Moreover it seems to me that in
view of the comprehensive language of article
363 this issue is not justiciable."
From this it is clear that the decision in
question does not bear on the points in
controversy in these cases.
The learned Attorney-General next relied on
the decision in Sri Sudhansu Shekhar Singh Deo
v. The State of Orissa and
(1) [1962] S.C.R. 1020.
191
Anr.(1). Therein a former Ruler of an Indian State
challenged the levy of agricultural income-tax on his
agricultural properties under the Orissa Agricultural
Income-Tax Act, 1947 (Orissa Act 24 of 1947). He contended
that in view of the guarantees given to him under cls. (4)
and (5) of the merger agreement entered into between him and
the Dominion of India, no agricultural income-tax can be
levied on the income from his private agricultural
properties. That contention was repelled by this Court
holding that the privileges granted under cls. (4) and (5)
of the Agreements of Merger were his personal privileges as
an ex-Ruler and those privileges did not extend to his
private properties and that the claim made by him of
immunity from taxation relying upon the Agreement of Merger
was not justiciable. The ratio of that decision is of no
assistance in these cases. But the learned Attorney-General
relied on the observations found at pp. 785 and 786 of the
Report. Those observations are :
"Even though Art. 362 is not restricted in its
recommendation to agreements relating to the
privy purse and covers all agreements and
covenants entered into by the Rulers of Indian
States before the commencement of the
Constitution whereby the personal rights,
privileges and dignities of the Ruler of an
Indian State were guaranteed, it does not
import any legal obligation enforceable at the
instance of the erstwhile Ruler of a former
Indian State. If, despite the recommendation
that due regard shall be had to the guarantee
or assurance given under the covenant or
agreement, the Parliament or the Legislature
of a State makes laws inconsistent with the
personal rights, privileges and dignities of
the Ruler of an Indian State the exercise of
the legislative authority cannot, relying upon
the agreement or covenant, be questioned in
any court and that is so expressly provided by
Art. 363 of the Constitution."
The only remark in the above observation relevant for the
purpose of the present cases is : "Even though Art. 362 is
not restricted in its recommendation to agreements relating
to the privy purse" thereby meaning that guarantee as
regards the privy purse also comes within the scope of Art.
362. This is a casual remark. In that case the Court had
no occasion to consider the scope of Art. 291 or Art. 362.
The decision of this Court in (’H. H. The Maharana Sahib
Shri Bhagwat Singh Bahadur of Udaipur v. State of Rajasthan
and Ors., referred to by the learned Attorney-General during
the
(1) [1961] 1, S.C.R. 779
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(1) [1964] 5 S.C.R. 1.
192
course of his arguments does not in the least bear on the
point under consideration. Therein Shah, J. speaking for
the Court merely set out the arguments of the parties as to
the scope of Arts. 291, 362 and 363 but declined to go into
them as those Arts had not been relied on in the High Court.
The next decision relied on by the learned Attorney-General
is the decision of this Court in State of Gujarat v. Vora
Fiddali Badruddin Mitniberwala(1). The material facts of
that case were that the Ruler of the, State of Sant had
issued a Tharao dated 12th March, 1948 granting full right
and authority to the jagirdars over the forest in their
respective villages. Pursuant to the agreement dated March
19, 1948 the. State of Sant merged with the Dominion of
India. At the time of the merger, it was expressly agreed
that no order passed or action taken by the Maharana before
the day of April 1, 1948 would be questioned but after the
merger the Government of Bombay in which province the former
State of Sant had merged in consultation with the Government
of India cancelled the Tharao in question holding that it
was not a bona fide grant. The jagirdars challenged the
validity of that order and in support of their case they
relied on the relevant clauses in the Merger Agreement.
This Court held that the guarantees given under the Merger
Agreements cannot be relied on by the Municipal Courts in
view of Art. 363.
The last case relied on by the learned Attorney-General is
Nawab Usmanali Khan v. Sagermal (2 ). In that case a
creditor of a former Ruler sought to attach the privy purse
payable to the Ruler under Art. 291. The Ruler objected to
the same on the ground that attachment is invalid in view of
cl. (g) to the Proviso of s.60(1), C.P.C, which provision
says that political pensions are not liable to be attached.
The word "pension" in s.60(1) (g) implies periodical payment
of money by the Government to the pensioners-see Nawab
Bahadur of Murshidabad v. Karnani Industrial Bank Ltd. (3).
In Bishambhar Nath v. Nawab Imdad Ali Khan(4), Lord Fatson
observed
"A pension which the Government of India has
given a guarantee that it will pay, be a
treaty obligation contracted with another
sovereign power, appears to their Lordships to
be, in the strictest sense a political
pension. The obligation to pay as well as the
actual payment of the pension, must in such
circumstances, be ascribed to reasons of State
Policy.
(1) [1964] 6, S.C.R. 461
(2) [1965] 3, S.C.R. 201.
(3) [58] 1. A. 215;
(4) [1890] L.A. XVII 18.
193
Relying on these decisions and taking into consideration the
nature of the liability in relation to the payment ’of privy
purse, this Court held that Privy Purse is a political
pension and as such, the same is not liable to be attached.
This, in short is the ratio of the decision. If the
decision had said nothing more it would not have advanced
the case of the respondent. But in the course of the
judgment Bachawat J. who spoke for the Court after
summarising Arts. 291, 362 and 363 observed as follows
"On the coming into force of the Constitution
of India the guarantee for the payment of
periodical sums, as privy purse is continued
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by Art. 291 of the Constitution but its
essential political character is preserved by
Art. 363 of the Constitution, and the
obligation under this guarantee cannot be
enforced in any municipal court. Moreover, if
the President refuses to recognise the person
by whom the covenant was entered into as the
Ruler of the State, he would not be entitled
to the amount payable as privy purse under
Art. 291. Now, the. periodical payment of
money by the Government ,to a Ruler of a
former Indian State as privy purse on
political considerations and under political
sanctions and not under a right legally
enforceable in any municipal court is strictly
a political pension within the meaning of
s.60(1) (g) of the Code of Civil Procedure."
But these observations are obiter. The
learned judges in that case had no occasion to
consider nor did they go into the scope of
Art. 291 or Art. 363. Every observation of
this Court is no doubt, entitled to weight but
an obiter, cannot take the place of the ratio.
Judges are not oracles. In the very nature of
things, it is not possible to give the same
attention to incidental matters as is given to
the actual issues arising for decision. Fur-
ther much depends on the way the case is
presented to them.
In the State of Orissa v. Sudhansu Sekhar
Misra and Ors.(1) dealing with the question as
to the importance to be attached to the
observations found in the judgments of this
Court. this is what this Court observed
"A decision is only an authority for what it
actually decides. What is of the essence in a
decision is its ratio and not every
observation found therein nor what logically
follows from the various observations made in
it. On this topic this is what Early of
Halsbury LC said in Quinn v. Leathem (1901)
A.C 495 :
"Now before discussing the case of Allen v.
Flood 1898) A:C.1 and what was decided
therein, there are
(1) [1968] 2, S.C.R. 154.
194
two observations of a general character which
I wish to make, and one is to repeat what I
have very often said before; that every
judgment must be read as applicable to the
particular facts proved or assumed to be
proved, since the generality of the
expressions which may be found there are not
intended to be expositions of the whole law,
but governed and qualified by the particular
facts of the case in which such expressions
are to be found. The other is that a case is
only an authority for what it actually
decides. I entirely deny that it can be
quoted for a proposition that may seem to
follow logically from it. Such a mode of
reasoning assumes that the law is necessarily
a logical code, whereas every lawyer must
acknowledge that the law is not always logical
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at all."
It is not a protable task to extract a sentence here and
there from a judgment and to build upon it.
In my opinion none of the questions of law arising for deci-
sion excepting that relating to the petitioners’ right to
move this Court under Art. 32 is res Integra.
The only question remaining for consideration is whether the
petitioners have been able to establish any construction of
their fundamental rights in order to entitle them to move
this Court under Art. 32. This question need not detain us
for long. The petitioners have complained that the rights
under Arts. 14, 19, 21 and 31 have been contravened. As I
am satisfied that the rights under Arts. 31 and 19 (1) (f)
have been contravened it is not necessary to examine the
alleged contravention of other rights.
I have earlier come to the conclusion that the right to get
the privy purse under Art. 291 is a legal right. From that
it follows that it is a right enforceable through the courts
of law. Thai right is undoubtedly a property. A right to
receive cash grants annually has been considered by this
Court to be a property-see State of M.P. v. Ranojirao Shide
and Anr(1). Even if it is considered as a pension as the
same is payable under law namely Art. 291, the same is
property-see Madhaorao Phalke v. State of Madhya Bharat(2).
We have also earlier seen that certain benefits have been
conferred on the Rulers under the Wealth Tax Act. As a
result of the impugned orders, all those benefits are
purported to have
(1) [1968] 3, S.C.R. 489
(2) (1961) 1, S.C.R. 957
195
been taken away. The denial of those benefits which had
been afforded to the Rulers under law is again a
contravention of the petitioners’ fundamental right to
property. It was conceded by the learned Attorney General
that an illegal deprivation of any pecuniary benefit to
which a person is entitled under any law is. a deprivation
of his fundamental right. In view of this concession it is
not necessary to refer to decided cases.
For the reasons mentioned above, I allow these petitions
with costs, quash the impugned orders which means that the
status quo ante is restored. The declaration asked for in
relief No. 2 is unnecessary. There is no need at present to
go into the, other reliefs asked for.
Ray, J. These are eight petitions. The petitioners are des-
cribed as Rulers of Gwalior, Udaipur, Nabha, Nalagarh,
Kutch, Dhrangadhra, Patna and Benaras.
On 6 September, 1970 in exercise of the powers vested in the
President under Article 366(22) of the Constitution, the
President directed that with effect from the date of the
said order His Highness Maharajdhiraja Madhav Rao Jiwaji Rao
Scindia Bahadur do cease to be recognised as a Ruler of
Gwalior.
Similar orders were made by the President in regard to the
other seven petitioners.
All the petitions are in substance the same. It will not,
there fore, be necessary to refer to all the petitions
separately. The case of the petitioner in Writ Petition No.
376 of 1970 can be arbitrary, malafide and a fraud on the
Constitution.
The petitioner challenges the aforementioned order (herein-
after referred to as the order) as violative of Articles 14,
19(1) (f) and 31(1) and (2) of the Constitution. The order
is also challenged to be unconstitutional,. ultra vires,
void, inoperative,, arbitrary, malafide and a fraud on the
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Constitution.
The grounds for challenge alleged in the petition are these
First, the privy purses have been guaranteed under Merger
Agreements and Covenants. Merger Agreements and Covenants
are inextricably linked up with Instrument of Accession.
There pledge to pay privy purses and the guarantee regarding
privileges are inseparable from accession and merger. The
obligation to, pay privy purse and the guarantee regarding
privileges cannot be abolished by an executive order. The
whole purpose of the order is to deprive the petitioner of
privy purse and privileges, guaranteed under the Covenants
and Merger Agreements and also guaranteed and asured by
Articles 291 and 362 of the Constitution. The whole object
of the order is to override and overrule
196
the Constitution on the point of Rulers rights, privileges
and privy purses after the rejection of the Constitution
(24th Amendment) Bill by the Rajya Sabha.
Secondly, derecognition of all the Rulers en masse is
itself .the clearest possible proof that the whole object is
to abolish the institution of Rulership altogether and the
rights and privileges .attached thereto including the right
to privy purse. Under-the Merger Agrements and Covenants a
Ruler is entitled to privy purse, rights and privileges
enjoyed before 15 August, 1947 and succession to the gaddi
in accordance with the law and custom of the family. The
Government of India in discharge of the obligation to ensure
the fulfilment of these rights has been recognising
successors to Rulers and paying privy purses to the Rulers
and to their successors. ’The procedure of recognition of
the persons, so entitled by the President for the purpose of
Articles 291 and 362 has to be read with the contractual
obligation which still survived between the Union of India
and the Ruler. Once the President has recognised a person
who is entitled to receive privy purse and to be accorded
rights and privileges as a Ruler, there can be no
interference with the right to receive privy purse.
Thirdly, there is no substantive provision in the
Constitution .conferring on the President a right to
recognise or not to recognise a Ruler or to withdraw
recognition. Once the procedure of recognition has been
exhausted the President becomes functus officio and has no
further authority to withdraw the recognition which he has
accorded. In recognising a Ruler the President has to
,conform to the fact of a certain person being Ruler or to
the fact of succession in accordance with the position under
the Covenants and Merger Agreements and in accordance with
law and custom of the family. Article 366(22) imposes a
constitutional duty on the President to recognise an
existing fact in accordance with the provisions of the
Covenants and Merger Agreements and the President has no
power or authority independent of such facts. The President
is bound by contractual obligations in the Covenants and
Merger Agreements and by the Constitutional duty imposed
upon him to recognise a person entitled to receive privy
purse. The order derecognising Ruler en masse brings the
institution of Rulership to an end. The order is in
contravention of Articles 291, 362, 366(22) and 53(1).
Fourthly, the order violates Article 14, because it singles
out the Rulers for hostile discrimination and deprives them
of their valuable rights to property without compensation
and violates solemn agreements and the express provisions of
the Constitution. ’There is deliberate defiance of the
Constitution by wilful repudiation of contractual
obligations against a class of citizens.
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197
Fifthly, the right to receive privy purse and other rights
constitutes property within Articles 19 ( 1 ) (f ) and 31
and the order seeks to deprive the petitioner of his right
to privy purse and other rights in violation of Article
19(1) (f). The right to taxfree privy purse and other
rights are properties of the petitioner and the petitioner
is deprived of the same without authority of law in
violation of Article 31(1). The privy purse is in substance
and in reality compensation for the transfer by Rulers of
inter alia their properties and it is not competent to the
Government to abolish the right without compensation in the
form of privy purse.
Sixthly, the Rulers, it is alleged, acted on the faith of
the undertakings and guarantee given by the Government of
India regarding privy purses and preservation of Rulership
and of personal rights and privileges. The Rulers acted to
their detriment by giving away vast properties. The
Government is, therefore, estopped by the doctrine of
promissory estoppel from refusing to pay the privy purse. A
fiduciary duty is cast on the Government of India to respect
and implement the provisions of the Merger Agreements and
the Covenants: The Government is bound by its pledged words
to pay privy purse and to recognise Rulership.
Alternatively, the order leaves the Merger Agreements and
Covenants untouched and the Union is bound to pay privy
purse and to recognise the personal rights and privileges
and to discharge all obligations under the Covenants and
Merger Agreements and the Constitution.
Finally, the petitioner alleged that Article 363 does not
cover the case of a policy to abolish the institution of
Rulership and rights and privileges and privy purses of
Rulers. The questions whether en masse derecognition of
Rulers is ultra vires Article and whether the Government by
executive action can abolish the institution of Rulership
and wipe out Articles 291 and 362 by policy decisions are
said to be outside Article 362.
On these allegations in the petition the petitioner seeks
three declarations; First that the order is ultra vires,
secondly, that the petitioner continues to be a Ruler and
continues to be entitled to privy purse and privileges, and
thirdly, a. writ ’under Article 32 directing the Government
to pay privy purse, recognise Rulership and pay
compensation.
The respondent denies that the petitioner is legally
entitled to privy purse and privileges or that the
Government is bound to pay privy purse and accord the
privileges by reason of the Covenants or Merger Agreements.
The Government denies that the petitioner is entitled to
privy purse or to privileges or that the Government is bound
to pay privy purse or accord privileges under Arti-
198
cles 291 and 362 respectively. The Government denies that
the alleged obligation to pay privy purse or the alleged
guarantee regarding privileges cannot be abolished by
executive order. The Government denies that independently
of Article 366(22) the petitioner is entitled to privy purse
or to privileges. The Government denies that the President
is bound by contractual obligations or constitutional duty
to recognise a person to be entitled to privy purse. The
Government denies that the Government has no right to refuse
to pay privy purse or to derecognise Rulers. The Government
denies that the order violates Articles 19 and 31 or that
the petitioner has been deprived of privy purse or
privileges because of the grounds alleged. The Government
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denies that Article 366(22) imposes any duty on the
President to recognise any existing fact in accordance with
the Covenants or that any existing Ruler is an existing fact
for recognition.
The Government denies that the order is ultra vires or there
is any institution of Rulership. Finally, the Government
denies that derecognition is outside Article 363 or that
questions of abolition of Rulership or wiping out Articles
291 and 362 are outside Article 363.
The Attorney General raised the plea of the bar of
jurisdiction of this Court under Article 363 at the
threshold. Article 363 is as follows :
"363. (1) Notwithstanding anything in this
Constitution but subject to the provisions of
Article 143, neither the Supreme Court nor any
other court shall have jurisdiction in any
dispute arising out of any provision of a
treaty agreement, covenant, engagement, sanad
or other similar instrument which was entered
into or executed before the commencement of
this Constitution by any Ruler of an Indian
State and to which the Government of the
Dominion of India or any of its predessor
Governments was a party and which has or has
been continued in operation after such
commencement or in any dispute in respect of
any right accruing under or any liability or
obligation arising out of any of the
provisions of this Constitution relating to
any such treaty,, agreement, covenant,
engagement, sanad or other similar instrument.
(2) In this Article-
(a) "Indian State means any territory
recognised before the commencement of this
Constitution by His Majesty or the Government
of the Dominion of India as being such a
State; and
199
(b) "Ruler" includes the Prince, Chief or
other person recognised before such
commencement by His Majesty or the Government
of the Dominion of India as the Ruler of any
Indian State".
The first bar is in any dispute arising out of any provision
of a treaty, agreement, covenant entered into before the
commencement of the Constitution and which has continued in
operation after such commencement. The second bar is in any
dispute in respect of any right accruing under or any
liability or obligation arising out of any provision of the
Constitution relating to any treaty, agreement, covenant,
engagement, sanad and other similar instruments.
It is, therefore, vitally necessary to ascertain first
whether there are disputes; secondly, as to what those
disputes are; and, thirdly, whether the disputes fall within
Article 363.
The reason why I referred to the rival allegations is to
indicate the nature and character of disputes. Mr.
Palkhivala on behalf of the petitioner contended that there
was no dispute as to privy purse or to recognition of a
Ruler and the only contention was that the order of the
President was a nullity. It is indisputable that no one
comes to a court of law unless disputes have arisen. When
the petitioner alleges that the order is a nullity and the
Government alleges that the order is valid a dispute arises
at once.
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Mr. Palkhivala contended that the first limb of Article 363
was clearly not applicable because there is no dispute
arising out of any Covenant or Merger Agreement and the bar
under the second limb was not attracted for four reasons.
First, rights, liabilities and obligations are not to be
confused with powers or jurisdiction or limits of
legislative or executive powers or jurisdiction. Any
executive or legislative action which goes beyond the scope
of Article 366(22) or violates Article 291 or Article 362
would raise a question as to the limits of executive or
legislative competence and it cannot be said to raise a
dispute as to any right, liability or obligation. It was
emphasised that the only dispute is whether the President’s
order is a nullity and it is a dispute as to the limits of
the President’s jurisdiction and not a dispute in respect of
any right, liability or obligation. Secondly, it was said
that Articles 291 and 362 are mandatory Articles and if the
Government chose to raise disputes about those Articles it
would amount to saying that the Government was disputing the
very obligation enacted by those Articles in the
Constitution. Dispute in Article 363 was said not to cover
a dispute the raising of which was expressly prohibited by
the other provisions of the Constitution. Thirdly, any
executive action in violation of Arti-
200
cles 291 and 362 or beyond the ambit of Article 366 (22)
would be a violation of Articles 53 and 73 of the
Constitution and the latter Articles did not at all relate
to Covenants or Merger Agreements. The refusal to pay privy
purse was said to be in viola 4 of Articles 112, 113 and
114. Again it was said that if a law was passed in
violation of Articles 291 or Article 362 it would be a
breach of Articles 245 and 246 which Articles were not
related to Covenants or Merger Agreements at all.
Fourthly,, an executive action which is ultra vires or mala
fide is a nullity and the bar of jurisdiction under Article
363 would apply only where the action is bona fide and
cannot apply where the order is ultra vires and nullity.
Article 363 bars the jurisdiction of all courts in respect
of any dispute covered by the Article. It is seriously
challenged and controverted by the Government that Articles
291 and 362 have any mandatory character as alleged by the
petitioner. It is disputed that the order is a nullity. It
is. equally disputed that there cannot be any dispute as to
rights or liabilities or obligations under the Articles
aforesaid. If both parties say that an order is bona fide
there can be no dispute. It is only when one party alleges
the order to be a nullity and the other party affirms the
order to be valid that parties will have a dispute. The
petitioner’s contentions bristle with disputes which in the
ultimate analysis resolve into keenly debated disputes as to
rights of Rulership and Privy Purse. The dispute as to
jurisdiction of the President under Article 366(22) is not
in vacuo but is a dispute as to rights of recognition of
Ruler for the purposes of payment of Privy Purse and
enjoyment of rights and privileges. Mr. Palkhivala
submitted that he did not want any relief as to Privy Purse
now and if the petitioner succeeded in getting a declaration
that the order is nullity and if the Government thereafter
did not pay Privy Purse the petitioner would then apply for
that relief. This position indicates beyond any doubt that
the heart of the matter is dispute as to Privy Purse which
is stopped by the Order of the President. The order is for
purposes of payment of Privy Purse and that is what the
petitioner is seeking to enforce.
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In order to appreciate the true scope and content of Article
363 it is necessary to find out as to why this Article and
Articles 291, 362, 366(22) (hereinafter referred to
collectively as the allied Articles) found place in the
Constitution. These allied Articles deal with privy purses,
princely privileges guaranteed under the Covenants and
Merger Agreements entered into by Rulers of Indian States
and recognition of Rulers by the President under Article
366(22). The roots of these Articles lie deep in the past.
Therefore, the history and chronicle of events will have to
be told. The transition from the British Rule to the Indian
201
Independence and the establishment of the Republic of our
country is a great constitutional development. The
Constitution which was evolved represented the national
ethos forged by the aims and aspirations of the, people
throughout the length and breadth of our country. A great
problem which awaited solution on the eve of our
independence was the relation between our country and the
Indian States. The British Cabinet Mission came to India in
the month of March, 1946. The Mission came to bring about a
change in the British policy towards India. Imperialism was
crumbling after the Second World War. The Cabinet Mission
in no uncertain terms said that when India was going to be
an independent country it was not only necessary but also
desirable that the Indian States should combine with free
India for security, stability and solidarity. The Rulers of
Indian States also realised the importance of such a measure
in an advised age when the leaders of our country impressed
upon the Rulers the wisdom. of such a course of action to
avert the upheaval and upsurge of the people in the Indian
States which were also tottering with the decline of British
imperialism. It is in this background that the Cabinet
Mission declared in May, 1946 that paramountcy of the
British Crown which provided the basis of relations between
British India and the Rulers of Indian States could neither
be retained by the British Crown nor transferred to the new
Government of India. The paramount power in British India
was derived from the Royal Prerogative. The rights which
the paramount power claimed in exercise of the functions of
the Crown in relation to the State covered both external and
internal matters in the States. The Indian States had no
international status. The paramount power under the British
Regime recognised succession to the gaddi and settled
disputes as to succession and imposed the duty of loyalty to
the Crown. The Indian States Committee in 1927 had
expressed the view that ’paramountcy must remain paramount,
it must fulfil its obligations, defining or adapting itself
according to the shifting necessities of the time and the
progressive development of the States". This was the
essence of the doctrine of paramountcy in British India.
Paramountcy could not be defined. It was an imperialist
imposition on the Rulers of Indian States.
The Cabinet Mission issued a Memorandum dated 12 May, 1946
and announced a plan on 16 May, 1946 later on known as the
Cabinet Mission Plan. In the memorandum the Cabinet Mission
affirmed that the rights of the Indian States which flowed
from their relations with the British Crown would no longer
exist when the British would leave India and that the rights
surrendered by the States to the paramount power would
revert to these States. The Cabinet Mission Plan was a
statement embodying suggestions
202
and recommendation towards the speedy setting up of a new
Constitution for India. Referring to the States, the
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Cabinet Mission Plan said that with the attainment of the
Independence of our country, the relationship which had
existed between the States and the British Crown would no
longer be possible and paramountcy ,could neither be
retained by the British nor transferred to the new
Government. The Plan further said that the Rulers had given
assurances that they were ready and willing to co-
operate in the new development of India. On 3 June, 1947
the British Government superseded the Cabinet Mission Plan
in so far as it referred to the States and made it clear
that the decisions announced related only to British India
and the British policy towards Indian States contained in
the Cabinet Mission memorandum of 12 May, 1946 remained
unchanged.
As a prelude to the transfer of power from the British Crown
to our country the Government of India decided to set up a
Department called the States Department to conduct their
relations with the States in matters of common concern. On
5 July, 1947 Sardar Patel defined the policy of the
Government of India by stating that "the people of India
were knit together by bonds of blood and feeling no less
than of self-interest" and "no impassable barriers could be
set up between us" and he said that the alternative to co-
operation was anarchy and chaos. There was special meeting
of the Rulers on 25 July, 1947. The then Crown re-
presentative Lord Mountbatten in the course of his address
to the Rulers advised them to accede to the appropriate
Dominion in regard to three subjects of Defence, External
Affairs and Communications and assured them that their
accession on these subjects would involve no financial
liability and in other matters there would be no
encroachment on their internal sovereignty. Barring three
States the other Indian States acceded to the Dominion of
India by 15 August, 1947.
The Indian Independence Act was to come into existence on
’15 August, 1947. Section 7 of the Indian Independence Act,
1947 provided that with the lapse of suzerainty of the Crown
over Indian States all treaties and agreements between the
Crown and the Rulers of Indian States, all functions
exercisable by the Crown with respect to India in States,
all obligations of the Crown towards Indian States or Rulers
thereof and all powers, rights, authority or jurisdiction
exercisable by the Crown on that date in or in relation to
Indian States by treaty, grant, usage, suzerainty or
otherwise would also lapse. The proviso to section 7 of the
Indian Independence Act, 1947 was that notwithstanding the
lapse of suzerainty and lapse of treaties, effect shall, as
nearly as might ’be, continued to be given to the provisions
of any such agreement
203
referred to in section 7 (b) of the Act which related to
customs. transit, communications, posts and telegraphs or
other like matters until the provisions in question were
denounced by the Ruler of the Indian State or by the
Dominion or Province or were superseded by subsequent
agreements.
The Instruments of Accession executed by the Rulers of
Indian States declared accession to the Dominion of India on
three subjects, viz., Defence, External Affairs and
Communications. In the Instruments of Accession the Rulers
provided that nothing in the instrument wag to be deemed to
commit the Ruler in any way to acceptance of any future
Constitution of India or to fetter a Ruler’s discretion to
enter into arrangements with the Government of India under
any such future Constitution. The Instrument concluded by
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stating that nothing in the Instrument would affect the
continuance of the Ruler’s sovereignty in and over the State
or save as provided by or under the Instrument, the exercise
of any powers, authority and rights then enjoyed by him as a
Ruler of the State or the validity of any law then in force
in his State.
The Instrument of Accession was followed by Stand Still
Agreement. The Stand Still Agreement between the Ruler and
the Dominion of India provided that until new agreements
were made all agreements and administrative arrangements as
to matters of common concern then existing between the Crown
and the Indian States should, in so far as might be
appropriate, continue as between the Dominion of India or as
the case might be, the part thereof, and the State. In a
Schedule were enumerated the various matters of common
concern. The important matters were, inter-alia, Air
communications, Arms and equipment, Currency and coinage
Customs, Indian States Forces, External Affairs,
Extradition, Import and Export Control, Irrigation and
Electric Power, Motor vehicles, National Highways, Posts,
Telegraphs and Telephones, Railways, Salt, Central Excises
and ’Wireless.
The pattern of integration of Indian States was not uniform
in all cases. There were 562 Indian States whereof 216
merged in Provinces, 61 were taken over as centrally
administered areas and 275 integrated in different Unions of
States. The Merger Agreements were entered into by the
Rulers with the Dominion of India. The two important
clauses in the Merger Agreements were one whereby the Ruler,
was to be entitled to receive from the revenues of the State
annually for his privy purse the sum mentioned therein free
of taxes and the other whereby the Dominion Government
guaranteed succession according to law and custom to the
gaddi of the State and to the Ruler’s personal rights, 14-
L744supCI/71
204
privileges,, dignities and titles. These two principal
clauses are to be found in all Merger Agreements. There
were differences in the Merger Agreements as to the amount
of privy purse and in some cases as to the rights of
successors to Rulers with regard to privy purses. The
Rulers of Centrally merged States also entered into similar
agreements with the Dominion of India. Those agreements
also had two similar principal clauses for privy purse the
sum mentioned free of taxes and guaranteed succession
according to law and custom to the gaddi of the State and to
the Ruler’s personal rights, privileges, dignities and
titles. The third type of integration was the formation of
a Union of States whereby certain States described as the
Covenanting States entered-into a Union of States with a
common executive, legislative and judiciary. These
Covenants provided for a Council of Rulers with the
Rajpramukh as the President of the Council. These Covenants
also had similar provisions with regard to privy purses and
succession. The Ruler of each Covenanting State was to be
entitled to receive annually from the revenues of the United
State for his privy purse, the amount mentioned free of all
taxes. The succession according to law and custom to the
gaddi of each Covenanting State and to the personal rights,
privileges, dignities and titles to the Rulers was
guaranteed. The Government of India concurred in the
Covenants and guaranteed all the provisions. The Covenant
for the United State of Madhya Bharat came into existence in
the month of April, 1948. The other Unions also came into
existence near about the same time. The Merger Agreements
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came into existence near about the months of April and May,
1948.
In the month of September, 1948 the Rulers of Covenanting
States executed revised Instruments of Accession, and these
were signed by the Rajpramukhs of the different Unions of
States. These Unions accepted all matters enumerated in
List I and List III of the Seventh Schedule of the
Government of India Act, 1935 as matters in respect of which
the Dominion Legislature might make laws for the Union of
States other than items relating to any tax or duty in the
territories of the United State. These Revised Instruments
of Accession were accepted by the Governor-General on behalf
of the Dominion of India. In the month of November, 1948
the Unions of States by their Rajpramukhs issued
proclamations accepting the Constitution of India.
The Government of India Act, 1935 was amended in the year
1947 to effect necessary changes on the passing of the
Indian Independence Act, 1947. Sections 5 and 6 of the
Government of India Act, 1935 as amended in 1947 provided
first for the accession of Indian States to the Dominion and
secondly that an Indian State was to ’be deemed to have
acceded to the Dominion if the Governor-General signified
his acceptance of an instrument of
205
accession making a declaration in terms of section 6
thereof. Accession was to be subject to the terms of the
instrument. It has already been noticed earlier that all
Rulers of Indian States executed Instruments of Accession
but some Indian States thereafter merged with the Governors’
Provinces and some were centrally administered areas after
merger and then formed Unions of States.
It should be noticed that the Government India Act, 1935 did
not provide for any Merger Agreement. These Merger Agree-
ments in the case of Provincially merged and Centrally
merged States did not have any legal basis and sanction
under the Government of India Act, 1935. The Extra
Provincial Jurisdiction Act ’was therefore passed in the
year 1947 giving power to the Central Government to exercise
extra provincial jurisdiction over a Provincially merged or
a Centrally merged State only if the Centre had by treaty,
agreement, acquired full and exclusive authority and
jurisdiction and power for and in relation to the governance
of the State. The administration of the merged Indian
States could not be done either under the Government of
India Act, 1935 or the Instrument of Accession. The Extra
Provincial Jurisdiction Act, 1947 was passed for exercising
powers of administration and legislation in regard to
provincially merged and centrally merged States. The Extra
Provincial Jurisdiction Act was really a half way house
between complete separateness and full integration. A law
passed by the Dominion Parliament did not automatically
apply to the merged States but had to be made applicable by
a notification under the Extra Provincial Jurisdiction Act,
1947. That is why sections 290A and 290B were inserted by
the Government of India Act Amendment Act, 1949 into the
Government of India Act, 1935 for effecting integration of
merged States.
Section 290A of the Government of India Act, 1935 provided
for administration of certain Acceding States as Chief
Commissioners’ Provinces or as part of a Governor’s or Chief
Commissioner’s Province. Section 290B provided for
administration of areas included within a Governor’s
Province or a Chief Commissioner’s Province by an Acceding
State. Under the said section 290A there came into
existence the States Merger (Governors’ Provinces) Order,
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1949 issued on 27 July, 1949. This order was applied to the
provincially merged States with effect from 1 August, 1949.
Under the States Merger (Governors’ Provinces) Order, 1949
the provincially merged States were to, be administered in
all respects as if they formed part of the absorbing
Provinces and all laws including orders made under the Extra
Provincial Jurisdiction Act, 1947 were to continue in force
until repealed or modified. Under the States Merger Order,
1949
206
provision was made for representation of the merged States
in the Legislature of the absorbing Province,, the
apportionment of assets and liabilities as between the
Centre and the Provinces and the institution of suits and
other proceedings against the Government and the continuance
of pending proceedings. A similar order known as the
States’ Merger (Chief Commissioners’ Provinces) Order 1949
was made applicable to the centrally merged States with
effect from 1 August, 1949. The provisions of the States’
Merger (Chief Commissioners’ Provinces) Order, 1949 were simil
ar to the States Merger (Governors’ Provinces) Order,
1949. With the issue of the States Merger (Government
Provinces) and ’States Merger (Chief Commissioners’
Provinces) Orders, 1949 the position of the provincially
merged States became to all intents and purposes, the same
as that of the provinces. Similar progress was also made in
the direction of improving the administrative machinery of
the Chief Commissioner’s Provinces which :assimilated the
centrally merged States.
Mr. Palkhivala on behalf of the petitioner contended that
the developments and integration of Indian States on the
basis of the Instruments of Accession and the Covenants and
Merger Agreements were constitutional developments and
provided constitutional obligations. The Attorney General
on the other hand rightly contended that the entire
relationship of the Dominion of India vis-a-vis the Indian
States was in the-domain of Acts of State and the
Instruments, Merger Agreements and Covenants did not have
any constitutional sanction and obligation and were totally
unenforceable in municipal courts. The British Crown as
Sovereign State dealt with the Indian States and either
conquered or annexed their territories or Rulers of these
States ceded their territors or some Rulers entered into
alliances with the British ,Crown. Such action of the
British Crown was held by long series ,of decisions to be an
Act of State and treaties and stipulations arising out of
Acts of State could not be enforced in municipal courts.
This Court has in several decisions held that Covenants and
Merger Agreements with the Indian States are Acts of State
and not enforceable under municipal law. lsee State
of.Seraikella v.Union of India & Anr.(1) Virendra Singh &
Ors. v. The State of Uttar Pradesh (2 ) M/s. Dalmia Dadri
Cement Co. Ltd. v. ’The Commissioner of Income-tax (3) , The
State of Saurashtra v. Memon Haji Ismail Haji (4), State of
Gujarat v. Vora Fiddali Badruddin Mithibarwala(5) and Nawab
Usmanali Khan v. Sagar. mal(61).
(1) [1951] S.C.R. 474. (2) [1955] 1 S.C.R. 415.
(3) [1959] S.C.R. 729. (4) [1960] 1 S.C.R. 537.
(5) [1964] 6 S.C.R. 416. (6) [1965] 3 S.C.R. 201.
207
Mr.Palkhivala contended that on the accession of Indian
States there could be no Act of State between the Dominion
of India and the Rulers who acceded to the Dominion and
thereafter between the Republic of India and the Rulers who
were citizens. This argument is also fallacious. This
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Court in the same case, State of Gujarat v. Vora Fiddali
Badruddin Mithibarwala(1) "interpreted the integration of
Indian States with the Dominion of India as an Act of State
and has applied the law relating to an Act of State as laid
down by the Privy Council in a long series of
cases. .......... The Act of State comes to an end only when
the new sovereign recognises either expressly or impliedly
the rights of the: alliens......... This Court further said
"we are not concerned with the succession of India from the
British Crown but with State: succession between Sant State
and India and there was no second succession in 1950.
Whatever had happened had already happened in 1948, when
Sant State merged with the Dominion of India. The Act of
State which began in 1948 could continue uninterrupted even
beyond 1950 and it did not lapse or get replaced by another
Act of State". In State of Gujarat v. Vohra Fiddali(1) the
citizen claimed right on the basis of a Tharao granted by
the Ruler before the merger. Apart from the fact. that the
Government of Bombay cancelled the right this Court held
that the right granted by the Ruler was not recognised
before 1950 and the Constitution gave support to those
rights which were extant on 26 January 1950. Fiddali failed
on both the grounds of recognition and existing law. The
Act of State is illustrated by the making of peace and war,
the annexation or cession of territory, the recognition of a
new State or new Government of an old State. Such acts have
been held not to form the basis of action because they form
the subject of political action in an Act of State. ’The
sanction of an Act of State is political to all sovereign
powers and that is why municipal courts accepted that
position.
It is in this background that the Attorney General described
Article 363 as embodying the concept of paramountcy being
recreated in the form of a constitutional provision
excluding interference by Courts in disputes relating to
Instruments of accession,. Covenants and Merger Agreements.
The Attorney General did not submit that there was any
paramountcy between the Republic and its citizens nor that
there was any doctrine of paramountcy subsisting in our
country after 1950 or that it survived as a constitutional
provision. Article 363 and the other allied Articles really
reflect what the makers of the Constitution picked up from
the historical past and inserted in the Constitution. The
Constitution provided for recognition of Rulers by the
President. This recognition was necessary because without
it the Rulers could not be paid privy purses or enjoy their
rights and privileges.
(1) [1964] 6 S.C.R. 416.
208
These four Articles in the Constitution appear to be
slightly unrealistic or anachronistic in a Republican
Constitution as it deals with citizens and the sovereignty
of the people being reposed in the Republic. The founding
fathers inserted these four allied Articles as rich hangings
in a homely house. The real basis for Article 363 was that
when the Constitution recognised the ,guarantee of privy
purses and succession to the gaddi in the Merger Agreements
and Covenants it was appreciated that if any dispute in
regard to such agreements or covenants or any dispute as to
any right accruing under or any obligation arising out of
any pro-vision of the Constitution relating to such
covenants or agreements were allowed to be brought in a
court of law, the entire political relationship of the
Dominion of India with the Indian States in an aegis of Act
of State might be upset and upturned by such litigation in
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municipal courts and there would be room for regret on many
courts. If Article 363 were not inserted litigations would
have gone on endlessly as some of the, Orissa Rulers
commenced in the State of Seraikella(1) case to undo the
Orissa merger agreements.
The Constitution contemplated political power of the Presi-
dent to recognise Rulers. If people or disgruntled
contenders for Rulership were allowed to litigate by
challenging either the recognition or by preferring a claim
of recognition, the courts would not be capable of
adjudicating these disputes because the character and
content of, the President’s power of recognition of Rulers
is political and is not limited by the personal law of
succession. Again, if the President withdrew recognition of
a Ruler and the latter came to a court of law it would be
equally impossible for .courts to decide in an area which
was consigned to the President as an inheritance of
political power from the domain of Acts of State and
privileges of Paramountcy. That is why Article 363 really
embodied the principles of Acts of State which regulated and
guided the rights and obligations under the covenants or
merger agreements by incorporating the doctrine of
unenforceability of covenants or merger agreements coming
into existence as Acts of State.
The other reason for insertion of Article 363 was that the
rights accruing under or obligations arising out of
provisions of the Constitution relating to covenants or
merger agreements were imperfect rights. A question was
posed that if there were rights as to succession, privy
purse and privileges there should be a remedy. In the first
place, there are no legal rights to recognition of
Rulership, payment of privy purse and enjoyment of rights
and privileges. Prior to the Constitution, the Rulers of
Indian States could not start proceedings in municipal
courts to enforce agreements or obligations arising out of
covenants or merger
(1) [1951] S.C.R. 474.
209
agreements because such rights and obligations were
unenforceable on the ground of dealings under Acts of State.
The Constitution gave recognition to guarantees under
covenants and agreements by the allied Articles 291, 363 and
366(22). The Attorney General characterised the payment of
privy purse, enjoyment of rights and privileges and the
recognition of Rulership as imperfect rights and
obligations. Whatever rights and obligations are to be
found in the merger agreements and covenants were recognised
by the Constitution in relation to those covenants and
agreements. But the Constitution made such rights
unenforceable in a Court of law. That is why these rights
and obligations are called imperfect rights and imperfect
obligations. Examples can be found of such imperfect legal
rights when claims are barred by lapse of time or claims are
unenforceable because of lack of registration. These
imperfect rights and obligations are described in Salmond on
Jurisprudence, 12 Ed. at pages 233-234 to be exceptions to
the maxim ubi jus ubi remedium because "the customary union
between the rights and the rights of action has been for
some special reasons severed" Salmond warns against
confusing obligatriness with enforceability. It is "because
of unenforceability" that "these rights are sometimes termed
imperfect". Take for instance an ordinary contract of a
merchant with the Government. If the contract is not in
compliance with Article 299 it is unenforceable. The
merchant has a mere imperfect right. "The ordinary
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imperfect right is unenforceable because some rule of law
declares it to be so. One’s rights against the State are un-
enforceable, not in this legal sense but in the sense that
the strength of the law is none other than the strength of
the State and cannot be turned or used against the State
whose strength it is". Imperfect rights are not based on
morality. Many rights are wrecked on the rock of
unenforceability. Act of indemnity is one illustration. Duty
is legal, when sanction is attached to its breach. Sanction
means the appointed consequences of disobedience
Sanctionless duties are imperfect obligations. Really
speaking imperfect rights and obligations are what authors
of Jurisprudence describe as no claim in the jural opposites
of claim and no claim". A statute barred debt cannot be
recovered in a court of law but if for some reason the
debtor pays it he cannot later sue to recover it. The
creditor had no liability but only liberty to pay. Liberty
or privilege begins where duty ends and no right exists.
These imperfect rights are thus in the category of "no
claim" because of lack of legal sanction for enforcement by
the bar of unenforceability laid down in the Constitution.
In our Constitution Article 363 is a positive Rule of
unenforceability of certain rights and obligations. The
Constitution is supreme and the provisions cannot be
circumvented. This Court held in the Seraikella case(1) that
Article 363 is a bar in any
(1) [1951] S.C.R. 474.
210
dispute relating to covenants and merger agreements. In
State of Gujarat v. Vahra Fiddali(1) this Court held that
Article 363 precluded the municipal courts from considering
and adjudicating upon any right under the Merger Agreement
and guarantees were matters for the political department of
the State and were thus outside the jurisdiction of this
Court.
Again, in Usman Ali Khan;s(2) case, this Court held ’that
the privy purse was a political pension and the payment was
in relation to covenants and Merger Agreements, and,
therefore, Article 363 was a bar. in a recent decision of
this Court in Kunwar Shri Vir Rajendra Singh v. The Union of
India’s OrS. (3) it has been held that the recognition of
rulership by the President is not an indicia of property but
it entitles the Rulers to the enjoyment of Privy Purse
contemplated in Article 291 and the personal rights,
privileges and dignities mentioned in Article 362 of the
Constitution. It was also held that the recognition of
rulership by the President was an executive and political
power and Article 363 constitutes a bar to interference by
courts in a dispute arising by reason of recognition of
rulership.
Mr. Palkhivala submitted that there was no political power
of the President who had only executive power. The words
"political power" denote power belonging to the State,, its
government and policy. The Executive power has the
political facet in many cases. To illustrate the exercise
of rights, authority and jurisdiction by virtue of any
treaty or agreement (Article 73); Foreign Affairs (Entry 10
in List I; of the Seventh Schedule) Entering into treaties
and agreements with foreign countries and implementing of
treaties, agreements and conventions in foreign countries
(Entry 14 in List I of the Seventh Schedule); War and Peace
(Entry 15 in List I of thE Seventh Schedule) and Foreign
jurisdiction (Entry 16 in List I of the Seventh Schedule):
The power of recognition of Rulership is political because
it is exercised by the President in relation to Prince or
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Chief by whom any Covenant or Merger Agreement was entered
into and the necessity for recognition arises from the
Covenants and Merger Agreements. It is a political power
because it is not limited only to the law of succession or
’custom. The reasons of State Policy will enter the field.
It is also a political power because it is not a compulsive
power. If the scope of the power permits the President to
recognise some one who is not entitled by law and custom
then law and custom does not control it. By political
power is meant that the consideration which moves the
President is a matter on which the Court will find no
standard for resolving, it judicially. "There is no
judicial process to adjudicate upon such political
consideration".
(1) [1964] 6 S.C.R. 416.
(2) [1965] 3 S.C.R. 201. (3) [1970] 2 S.C.R. 631.
211
Article 363 is a non-obstante clause. It is a
constitutional mandate. The prefatory words in Article, 363
"notwithstanding anything in the Constitution" exclude all
other provisions of the Constitution from being attracted in
disputes which fall within Article 363. There have been
decisions of this Court on the meaning of the words
"notwithstanding anything in this Constitution" occurring in
Article 363 and in Article 329. In the State of
Seraikella(1) case this Court held that Article 363
overrides all provisions of the Constitution. In N.P.
Ponnuswami v. Returning Officer. Namakal Constitutency &
Ors.(2) Article 329 was construed to mean that the
jurisdiction of the High Court under Article 226 to
interfere in regard to rejection of a nomination paper could
not be challenged by a writ of certiorari to quash the
proceedings. This Court, observed the difference between
the words "subject to the provisions of this Constitution"
occurring in Article 328 and "notwithstanding anything in
this Constitution" occurring in Article 329 and held that
the words in Article 328 could not exclude the jurisdiction
of the High Court. The effect of a non-obstante clause was
also considered by this Court in Aswini Kumar Ghosh and Anr.
v. Arabind Bose and Anr.(3). In that case section 2 of the
Supreme Court Advocates Act, 1 provided that notwithstanding
anything contained in the Bar Councils Act, 1926 or in any
other law regulating the conditions, subject to which a
person not entered in the roll of Advocates, of a High Court
might be permitted to practise in that High Court every
Advocate of the High Court shall be entitled as of right to
practise in any High Court whether or not he is an Advocate
of’ that High Court. The petitioner in that case insisted
on the right to practise as an Advocate in the High Court at
Calcutta by virtue of his being an Advocate of the Supreme
Court. He made an application under Article 226. The High
Court of Calcutta rejected the application. There was an
appeal as well as a writ petition under Article 32. This
Court observed that the High Court had not correctly
approached the construction of section 2 by enquiring what
the provisions were which that section sought to supersede-
and then place upon the section such a construction as would
make the rights conferred by it co-extensive with the
disability imposed by the superseded provisions. This Court
observed that first it would be ascertained as to what the
enacting part of the section provides on a fair construction
of the words used according to the natural and ordinary
meaning and the non-obstante clause, was to be understood as
operating to set aside as no longer valid’ anything
contained in relevant existing laws which were inconsistent
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with the new enactment.
(1) [1951] S.C.R. 474.
(3) [1953] S.C.R. 1
(2) [1952]S.C.R. 218.
212
The non-obstante clause must be allowed to operate with full
vigour in its own field. In The Dominion of India and Anr.
v. Shrinbai A. Irani & Anr.(1) section 3 of Ordinance No. 19
of 1946 contained a non-obstante clause with the words
"notwithstanding the expiration of the Defence of India Act,
1939, and the rules made thereunder, all requisitioned lands
shall continue to be subject to requisition-until the expiry
of this Ordinance and the appropriate Government may use or
deal with any requisitioned land in such manner as may
appear to it to be expedient". The non-obstante clause was
invoked in support of the submission that only those orders
which would have ceased to be operative and come to an end
on the expiration of the Defence of India Act and the Rules
were the orders which were intended to be continued under
section 3 of the Ordinance. This Court held that although
ordinarily there should be a close approximation between the
non-obstante clause and the operative part of the section,
the non-obstante clause need not necessarily and always be
co-extensive with the operative part, so as to have the
effect of cutting down the clear terms of an enactment.
The, non-obstante clause was held not to cut down the
construction and restrict the scope of the operation of the
enactment, but was to be understood to have been
incorporated in the enactment by way of abundant caution and
not by way of limiting the ambit and scope of the operative
part of the enactment. The result was that all immoveable
properties which when the Defence of India Act expired were
subject to any requisition effected under the Defence of
India Act and Rules thereunder were to continue to be
subject to requisition until the expiry of the Ordinance.
Mr. Palkhivala submitted that the petitioner’s contention
that the order of the President was a nullity was not a
dispute within Article 363. The ordinary meaning of dispute
is a contention, a controversy, a difference of opinion, a
conflict of claims, and assertion of right on one side and
the denial of it by the other. In Stroud’s Judicial
Dictionary it will appear that dispute as to whether a thing
is ultra vires is nonetheless a dispute within an
arbitration clause. In United Provinces v. Governor-General
in Council(2) the plaintiff asked for a declaration that
certain, provisions of the Cantonment Act, 1924 were ultra
vires. The ,Governor-General in Council denied that the
provisions were invalid and further contended that the
dispute was not justiciable before the Court. It was h.-,Id
that section 204 (1 ) of ’the Government of India Act, 1935
conferred exclusive jurisdiction on the Federal Court in any
dispute. between the Governor-General in Council and any
province if and in so far as the dispute involves any
question (whether of law or fact) on which the exist-
(1) [1955] 1 S.C.R. 206.
(2) [1959] F.C.R. 124
213
ence or extent of a legal right depends. The law in that
case was challenged to be ultra vires. The plaintiff denied
the validity of the law and the respondent asserted its
validity. It was, therefore, a dispute on which the
existence of a legal right depended. In the present case
the dispute is whether the President has or has not the
power to make the order impugned in these proceedings’.
The next question Which falls for consideration is the
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meaning of the words "right accruing under", "any liability
or obligation arising out of", "any of the provisions of the
Constitution". It is obvious that if any right is said to
accrue under or liability is said to arise out of any
provision of the Constitution, the matter ends there as far
as those words are concerned. The contention’ of the
petitioner that the President has no power under Article
366(22) to make an order for derecognition is a right
asserted by the petitioner under the provisions of the
Constitution and it is also the petitioner’s contention that
the President has no right arising out of Article 366(22)
not to make an order of derecognition. It is necessary to
have recourse to Article 366(22) and Article 291 to find out
the nature of the petitioner’s claim, the extent of the
petitioner’s right on the one hand and the nature of the
order of the President and the extent of the right of the
President on the other.
The most crucial words in Article 363 are "the provisions of
the Constitution relating, to any such treaty, agreement,
covenant, engagement, sanad or other similar instruments".
Mr. Palkhivala’s contention was that the order of the
President under Article 366(22) did not give rise to a
dispute in respect of a right accruing under the provisions
of the Constitution relating to any agreement or covenant.
Ordinarily, the word "relate" means to bring a thing or
person in relation to another, to connect, establish a
relation between, to have reference to, to be related,
having relation to and to stand in some relation to another
thing. This is the dictionary meaning. Mr. Palkhivala
submitted that the provisions of the Constitution, viz.,
Articles 366(22), 291 and 362 might have reference to the
Covenant but were not related to the Covenant. That is a
mere verbal subterfuge because the word relate is synonymous
with the word refer.
When Article 366(22) was introduced in the Constituent
Assembly as will appear from the Constituent Assembly
Debates, Vol. 10 it was said that "the form in which the
Rulers find recognition in the new Constitution in no way
impairs the democratic set up of the States". Recognition
of a Ruler was necessary for the limited purpose of payment
out of privy purse and it had no other reference. In
Maharaja Pravir Chandra Bhanj Deo Kakatiya
214
v. The State of Madhya Pradesh(1) the Ruler of the State
of Bastar contended that he was still a sovereign Ruler and
an absolute owner of certain villages and that the
provisions of the Madhya Pradesh Abolition of Proprietary
Rights Act did not apply to him. The Ruler of Bastar ceded
to the Government of India full and exclusive authority in
relation to the governance of the State and this Court held
that the effect of the merger agreement was that a Ruler
ceased to be a Ruler of an Indian State and under Article
366(22) of the Constitution a Ruler was recognised for the
purpose of privy purse guaranteed under Article 291. In the
Dholpur case (supra) the claim to recognition of Rulership
is said to be neither a matter of inheritance nor a matter
of descent by revolution. This power of recognition of
Rulership is not traceable to any statutory authority and it
is not a power vested in the executive by virtue of a
statute. This power is political power in the field of
paramountcy to which the Dominion Government and thereafter
the Union Government succeeded. Between the execution of
the covenants and the commencement of the Constitution the
Rajpramukh exercised the power of recognition upon political
consideration. (See Umrao Singh Ajit Singh Ji & Anr. v.
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Bhagwati Singh Balbir Singh & OrS.,(2). The Constitution
does not mention any right to be recognised nor any ob-
ligation to recognise Ruler. In Article 366(22) which is a
definition clause is embedded only the political power to
recognise a Ruler.
Succession to Rulership is not automatic in the sense that
one who claims succession by law or custom is bound to be
recognised. If it were so, the Constitution would have
provided. Again, the words "for the time being" indicate
that the recognition is neither for any fixed duration nor
even for the life time of any person nor is, a line of
succession is perpetuated.
The power of recognition of Rulers, existed during the
British days. Between the Indian Independence Act, 1947 and
the coming into effect of the Constitution Rulers were so
described in covenants and agreements which were
unenforceable in municipal courts on the ground of those
being Acts of State. It cannot be said that there is any
right to Rulership because the Constitution does not enact
that there shall be Rulers or that the President shall
recognise Rulers. Therefore, there is no constitutional
mandate of what was contended by the petitioner to be an
institution of Rulership. There cannot be said to be a
legal right to recognition, because the power of the
President to recognise for the time being repels any concept
of a legal right to Rulership. The claim to recognition can
only arise from the covenant or the Constitution. The claim
to recognition arises
(1)[1961]2S.C.R.501.
(2) A.I. R. 1956 S.C. 15.
215
from the covenants and merger agreements and not from
Article 366(22), because the covenants and merger agreements
were signed by the Rulers and guaranteed by the Government.
Under Article 366(22) it was that Ruler or his successor who
could be recognised. The guarantee regarding succession to
the gaddi according to law and custom is in the covenants
and agreements. Such succession can only mean succession to
the Ruler who signed the covenant. When the covenant
guaranteed the succession, it was guarantee of succession to
the Ruler who signed the covenant. Therefore, the
obligation to recognise a Ruler arises only from the
covenants and agreements. There is no legal enforceable
right to recognition under the co ant. No legal right to
Rulership arises under Article 366(22)either. If there were
legal right, Article 366(22) would have said that a Ruler
means the Prince by whom any covenant was entered into and
who shall be recognised by the President as a Ruler.
The recognition of Rulership does not exist in splendid iso-
lation. The recognition of Rulership is intended only for
the purpose of Article 291 and Article 362 in relation to
covenants and merger agreements and for no other purpose.
Therefore, Article 366(22) is a necessary and ancillary
provision relating to Articles 291 and 362. Without
recognition of Ruler under Articles 366(22) no effect can be
given to payment of privy purse,, guaranteed in the
covenants and agreements,
When counsel for the petitioner submitted that the order of
the President was intended to abolish the concept of
Rulership, he was reading into the Constitution, a permanent
constitutional mandate for continuance of Rulers under the
rubric of recognition of Rulers. Analogies between the
President, Vice-President, the Chief Justice and the Judges
of this Court, the Judges of the High Court, the Public
Service Commission and the Election Commission and the
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Rulers were drawn to support the theory that Rulership was
an institution like the offices mentioned by way of
illustration. These are constitutional offices recognised
by the Constitution. The sanction of these offices is the
Constitution. It is sophistry to speak of Rulership as an
institution. When institutions are recognised the
Constitution has specifically designated and recognised them
by names, like Devaswom in Article 290A, the National
Library, the Indian Museum, in List I Entry 62 of the
Seventh Schedule, the Banaras Hindu University, the Aligarh
Muslim University, the Delhi University in List I Entry 63
of the Seventh Schedule. Article 366(22) has no
significance apart from Articles 291 and 362. Inasmuch as
there is no legal right to recognition it makes no
difference whether there is derecognition of one Ruler or
derecognition, of all the Rulers. It was said that there is
no
216
power of derecognition. This Court has held in the Dholpur
case (supra) that there is power to derecognise. The
Constitution does not say that the President is bound to
recognise a Ruler. It follows therefore that after
derecognition he is not equally bound to recognise another
person as Ruler.
The second limb of Article 363 speaks of rights accruing
under or liability or obligation arising out of the
provision of the Constitution relating to covenants or
agreements. It is, therefore, to be seen whether Article
366(22) relates to covenants or agreements. No person can
be recognised as a Ruler under Article 366(22) until first
he entered into a covenant, referred to in Article 291 or
secondly he is recognised by the President as the succession
of the Ruler recognised under the, first part of Article
366(22). Therefore, the claim to be recognised a Ruler can
only arise if he or his predecessor signed the covenant.
There is express and direct relation to covenants. Counsel
for the petitioner submitted that if the dominant and
immediate purpose was not the enforcement of the covenant
neither Article 291 nor Article 366(22) could be said to be
related to the covenants or merger agreements. These words
"dominant immediate purpose of enforcement of the covenant"
are new words and therefore these words can neither be read
into the Constitution nor the meaning of the words ’relate
to" be allowed to have such a constricted meaning by the
introduction of alien words.
It was said that the covenants and merger agreements were
meant only for the purpose of identifying the Rulers.
Article 366(22) has been put in relation to Art. 291 and
Art. 362 and one cannot abstract Article 366(22) from the
collocation of those Articles. All these three Articles
291, 362 and 366(22) stem from the covenants and merger
agreements and but for the covenants and merger agreements
these Articles would have not been there in the
Constitution. The entire concept of recognition comes from
the covenants and merger agreements, and cannot be divorced
from Articles 291 and 362. The object of Article 366(22)
was to subserve Articles 291 and 362 for understanding and
giving effect to them. Ruler in Art. 366(22) is description
of the person referred to in Articles 291 and 362. If the
petitioner challenges the power of the President to
derecognise him he claims that he has a right to continue as
a Ruler which is a right related to covenants.
It was said that if the President derecognises one the
President was bound to recognise another person as his
successor. In 1956 the Ruler of Baudh in Orissa died. The
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President decided not to recognise any successor to the
Ruler. The widow was granted an allowance and a suitable
residence was allotted to her use for her life-time. Again
in 1958 when Mahant Digvijay Das of Nandgao died the
Rulership of Nandgaon was
217
allowed to lapse. The widow was granted allowance. No suc-
cessor to the Ruler was recognised. In the year 1968 when
the Ruler of Delath died no successor to the Ruler was
recognised. In the month of August, 1970 the Rulership of
Malpur was also allowed to lapse. In the case of Baroda the
Ruler was. derecognised and during his lifetime his
successor was recognised as a Ruler. That was on grounds of
misconduct. These cases indicate that no legal right to
Rulership was asserted. The President in recognising a
Ruler need not follow law of succession and above all there
is no legal obligation on the President to appoint a Ruler.
The Attorney General and Mr. Mohan Kumarmangalam rightly
said that the character and quality of recognition by the
President was such that no duty was cast on the President to
recognise any person as Ruler after he derecognised one
since Article 366(22) did not contain words of compulsion
that a Ruler must be recognised for each State: and’ there
must always be a Ruler for each State.
It was said that the power of the President was used after-
the Constitution Amendment Bill was rejected" by the Rajya
Sabha. That is a totally irrelevant consideration and
cannot prejudice or alter the Constitution. If the
President has the power to derecognise, the power will speak
and hold good.
Mr. Palkhivala relied on the decisions of this Court as also
the recent decision of the House of Lords in support of the
proposition that if the order was a nullity there was no bar
of jurisdiction. The decisions are Smt. Ujjam Bai v. State
of Uttar Pradesh(1), S. Pratap Singh v. The State of Punjab
(2), MakhanSingh v. State of Punjab(3), Lala Ram Swrup &
Ors. v. Shikar Chand and Ani.(4) and Anisminic Ltd. v.
Foreign Compensation Commission(5). It is a general rule
that where Parliament has created new rights and duties and
has appointed a specific Tribunal for their enforcement
recourse must be had to that Tribunal alone. The
jurisdiction of the courts of Law in those cases is ousted
until the statutory process has been completed except in so
far as the courts may prohibit the Tribunal from proceeding
on the ground that it had no jurisdiction to determine a
particular matter. In situations, where the courts have no
jurisdiction to intervene, they may nevertheless review the
validity of the final determination by the chosen Tribunal
either on the, ground that the authority was not the one
designated by the Act or where it was empowered to determine
an issue it did not address itself to the matter committed
to it or where it violated the rule, of natural justice.
All the decisions relied on by Mr. Palkhivala
(1)[1963] 1 S.C.R. 778 (2) [1964] 4 S.C.R. 733 (3) [1964] 4
S.C.R. 779 (4) [1966]2 S.C.R. 553,
(5) [1969] 2 S.C.R. 147
218
dealt with, the power of the Court to interfere where a
statute is impeached as ultravires or action under the
statute is said to be without jurisdiction or where the
action is said to be procedurally ultra vires as in the case
of Ujjam Bai (supra) or where the executive act was malafide
and for alien purpose as in Pratap Singh’s case (supra) or
where an order of detention under the Defence of India Act
was challenged in violation of the Act and also on the
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ground that it was malafide as in Makhan Singh’s case
(supra). The decision of this Court in Dhulabai and others
v. The State of Madhya Pradesh(1) on which Counsel for the
petitioner relied is again illustrative of the type of cases
where Courts have interfered on the ground that the
appointed ’Tribunal did not comply with provisions of the
statute or exceeded jurisdiction or failed to observe
principles of natural justice.
The decision of the House of Lords in the Foreign Compen-
sation Commission case (supra) on which the petitioner
relied contained a clause in a statute called the Foreign
Compensation (Determination and Registration of Claims)
Order which provided for determination of compensation by
the Commission and contained a section that the
determination by the .Commission of ’any application made to
them under the Act was not to be called in question in any
court of law. It was held that a finality clause of the
nature in that statute protected determination which was not
a nullity. The English Company owned property in Egypt.
The property was sequestrated under the provisions of a
proclamation by the Egyptian Authorities. The plaintiff
company sold the sequestrated property to an Egyptian
Organisation. The English Company made an application to
the Foreign Compensation Commission and claimed that they
were entitled in the Egyptian Compensation Fund in respect
of their sequestrated property. The Commission made a
determination that the plaintiff company failed to establish
a claim. The plaintiff company then brought an action for a
declaration that the determination was a nullity by
contending that the Commission had misconstrued the order in
finding that the Egyptian Organisation to whom the plaintiff
had sold the property was the plaintiff’s successor in
title. The House of Lords held that the word
"determination" was not to be construed as including
everything which purported to be a determination but was not
in fact a determination because the Commission had
misconstrued the provisions of the order defining their
jurisdiction. The ratio of the decision of the House of
Lords was not whether the Foreign Compensation Commission
made a wrong ,decision but whether the Commission enquired
into and decided
(1) [1968] 3 S.C.R. 662
219
a matter which they had no right to’ consider. The Foreign
Compensation Commission in that case, held that the Egyptian
Organisation to whom the plaintiff company had sold the pro-
perty was the successor-in-title and as the Egyptian
Organisation was not a British National, the Commission
rejected the claim of the English Company. These decisions
deal with the jurisdiction of the appointed Tribunal, viz.,
whether the Tribunal has exceeded its jurisdiction or has
failed to exercise its jurisdiction.
In the present case,, the question for consideration is the
provision of the Constitution which under some Articles
confer jurisdiction on this Court and in another Article
excludes’ the jurisdiction of the Court. A privative clause
of this nature in the Constitution stands on an entirely
different footing from a clause of that nature in other
statutes. In ordinary statues, statutory authorities are
entrusted with powers and duties. When a finality clause
appears in such statutes, the courts interfere with acts or
decisions of such statutory bodies or authorities,- by
issuing writs of mandamus, prohibition or certiorari, on the
grounds of commanding them to exercise their jurisdiction or
not to exceed their jurisdiction or not to usurp any
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jurisdiction they do not possess or to observe the
principles of natural justice or where the courts find that
the acts of decisions are tainted by extraneous
consideration or collateral reasons or malafide or fraud.
In the present case, the petitioners have invoked the juris-
diction of this Court under Article 32. Article 32, is
excluded by the opening words in Article 363. It was said
by counsel for the petitioner that the order of the
President was a nullity, the petitioners property rights
were invaded, and,’ therefore, the jurisdiction of this
Court was attracted. The fallacy of the petitioner"s
submission is in totally overlooking the provisions of
Article 363 which exclude in express and unambiguous terms
the jurisdiction of this Court notwithstanding any provision
of the Constitution. The courts normally leap in favour of
stretching the jurisdiction but when the Constitution
which invests this Court with jurisdiction with one hand
divests it of jurisdiction with another in specifically
designated disputes the attempt to overreach the Article
which bars jurisdiction of courts will be totally
impermissible. It is at this stage that the words of Holmes
C. J. in Communications Assns. v. Douds(1) will throw light.
"The provisions of the Constitution are not mathematical
formulae having their essence in their form; they are
organic living institutions transplanted from English soil.
Their significance is Vital, not formal; it is to be
gathered not simply by
(1) 339 U.S. 382
L744Sup.CI/71
220
taking the words and a dictionary, but by considering their
origin and the line of growth". Therefore, if the
Constitution has placed a restriction on the jurisdiction of
this Court, it will he trifling and tinkering with the
Constitution if this Court interfered, in matters which were
excluded from jurisdiction. It is well-settled that what is
forbidden directly cannot be achieved indirectly.
In interpretting these four allied Articles when this Court
finds that it has no jurisdiction it will say so and in
saying so, the jurisdiction of this Court is not whistled
down in any manner.’ The jurisdiction of this Court is all
pervasive and all embracing in regard to fundamental rights
of citizens. The petitioners are citizens but the rights
they claim are recognition of rulership, payment of privy
purse and enjoyment of princely privileges which are not
fundamental rights on account of unenforceability. These
special rights belong to a world of their own and that is,
why the makers of the Constitution intertwined Article 363
with the allied Articles 291, 363, 366(22) as the forbidden
frontiers of Courts.
It is now to be found out whether there are disputes with
regard to payment of privy purses and whether such disputes
can be said to arise out of the provisions of this
Constitution, and thirdly Whether the provisions of the
Constitution in Article 291 relate to covenants and merger
agreements.. Mr. Palkhivala contended that there were no
disputes as to payment of privy purses. This submission is
unacceptable. The petitioner’s claim in the petition to
continue to be recognised a Ruler is for the purpose of
payment of privy purse. It is not suggested that a
recognition, of Ruler is in the abstract. A recognition of
a Ruler is not by itself property. When there has been an
order of recognition of a Ruler the Ruler then becomes, en-
titled to payment of privy purse and enjoyment of other
rights and privileges mentioned in Articles 291 and 362
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respectively. For days there were discussions, debates and
disputes at the Bar as to whether there were disputes as to
privy purses. The pleading and the affidavit evidence point
with unerring accuracy that the petitioners claim privy
purse, assert title to privy purse and insist on payment of
privy purse guaranteed in covenants and merger agreements
and recognised in Article 291 and by reason of provisions
contained in Article 366(22) which speaks of recognition of
Rulers they ask for relief with regard to continuance of
recognition of Rulers and payment of privy purses. It is
indisputable that the merger agreements and covenants not
only speak of payment of privy purse but also mention
guarantee of the Government in that behalf. These covenants
and
221
merger agreements were totally unenforceable prior to the
Constitution. Article 291 is a constitutional recognition
of the guarantee regarding privy purse mentioned in the
Covenants and agreements. Article 291 does not create any
new ’and independent right of payment of privy purse.
Article 291 is related to the covenant and is not unrelated
to the covenants and merger agreements.
When Article 291 was introduced in the Constituent Assembly
as Article 267 it was said to give constitutional
recognition to those guarantees and to provide for the
expenses being charged on the central revenues subject to
such recoveries as might be made from time to time from the
States in respect of these payments. Article, 291(2) as it
stood at the time of the commencement of the Constitution
indicated that where territories of any Indian State are
comprised within a State specified in Part A or Part B of
the First Schedule, there shall be charged. on and paid out
of the consolidated fund of that State such contribution, if
any, in respect of the payments made by the Government of
India under clause (1) and for such period as, may, subject
to any agreement entered into that behalf under clause (1)
of Article 278 be determined by order of the President.
Article 278 of the Constitution as it stood in 1950 provided
that the Government of India might, subject to the pro-
visions of clause (2) of Article 278 enter into an agreement
with the Government of the State specified in Part B of the
First Schedule with respect to inter alia the contribution
by such State in respect of any payment made by the
Government of India under clause (1) of Article 291 and when
an agreement was so, entered into the provisions of Chapter
I of Part XII of the Constitution (Articles 264 to 291 under
the title Finance) shall in relation to such States have
effect subject to the terms of such agreement. Article 278
and Article 291 (2) were omitted, by the Constitution
(Seventh Amendment) Act, 1956 in the year 1956. By the same
Constitution (Seventh Amendment Act, 1956 the First Schedule
to the Constitution ’as it originally stood consisting of
Parts A, B and C in regard to the States and the,
territories of India was repealed and substituted by the
First’ Schedule containing the States and the Union
territories. These provisions in the Constitution as they
stood in 1950 indicated that Article 291 embodied the
constitutional recognition for the fulfilment of the
guarantees and assurances given by the Government of India
in respect of privy purses and provided for necessary
adjustments in respect of privy purse entailed by changed
circumstance and conditions.
222
This Court has held in H. H. The Maharana Sahib Shri Bhagwat
Singh Bahadur of Uaipur v. The State of Rajasthan and
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Ors.(1) that in order to give constitutional recognition to
the guarantees and assurances under the Covenants and Merger
Agreement Articles 362, 363, 131 proviso and 291 were incor-
porated in the Constitution. The Covenants and Merger
Agreements did not have any legal sanction inasmuch as
neither the Government of India Act, 1935 provided for the
same nor were these enforceable in municipal courts. The
sanction of the Covenants and Merger Agreements was purely
political. The treaties in the United States are enforced
as law. It is not so in our Constitution nor is it so
under the British law. During the British Rule in India
political pensions were given to persons in Indian States.
They were given because of reasons of State policy. When
the Constitution came into force the guarantee for the
payment of the sums of money as privy purse contained in the
Covenants and Agreements was continued by Article 291 but
the esential political character of the privy purse was pre-
served by Article 363 by enacting that the guarantee could
not be enforced in municipal courts.
It might be asked here as to whether any Ruler of an Indian
’State without being recognised a Ruler by the President
could I prefer any claim to privy purse under Article 291.
The answer would be. in the negative, because the words of
Article 291 in the Constitution predicate that where under
any agreement or covenant entered into by the Ruler of an
Indian State before the commencement of the Constitution the
payment of any sum free of tax has been guaranteed or
assured to any Ruler of such State, as privy purse (a) such
sums shall be charged on and paid out of the consolidated
fund of India and (b) the sums so paid to any Ruler shall be
exempt from all taxes on income. The Ruler of an. Indian
State mentioned in the first part of Article 291 is
different to the Ruler mentioned in Article 291 (b). The
latter refers to the Ruler defined under Article 366(22) and
recognised by the President. At once the provisions of
Article 366(22) are attracted to find out as to who that
Ruler is. It is a Ruler who is recognised by the President
’as the Ruler of the State. It is because of the combined
effect of Articles 291. 366(22) and 363 that this Court in
Nawab Usman Ali Khan A v. Sagarmal (supra) held that
privy purse was paid for political ,consideration and was
not a right legally enforceable in any, municipal court and
the political character was preserved by Article-363 by
taking privy purse beyond the reach of courts of law. In
Sri sudhansu Shekhar Singh Deo v. The State of Orissa ,and
Anr. (2) this Court said on a consideration of Articles 291
(1) [1964] 5 S.C.R. 1
(2) [1971] 1 S.C.R. 779
223
and 362 that if in disregard of the guarantee or assurance
given under the, covenant or agreement any legislation were
made it could not be questioned in Court because of Article
363. It is true that Article 362 speaks of guarantee of
rights other than that of privy purse.
It was said on behalf of the petitioner that the words
"charged on and paid out of the consolidated fund" in
Article 291 meant that a security was created in favour of
the petitioner in respect of privy purse, and, therefore, a
new and independent right was created. It was said that
Article 291 was a self sustaining or self ordaining
provision. Article 291 draws its sustenance and vitality
from covenants and merger agreements. If payment has not
been guaranteed under the covenants or merger agreements,
Article 291 does not come into operation at all. Under
Article 291 effect is to be given to the covenants and
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merger agreements where payment of any sum has been
guranteed. Each covenant has to be examined and construed
to give effect to the guarantee mentioned in the covenant
’and recognised in the Article. It will be utterly wrong to
equate the words "charged on the consolidated fund" with "a
charge by way of security", because Article 291 only gives
effect to guarantees in the covenants and agreements by
charging the payment on the consolidated Fund. Article 291
cannot be said to create a new right or a new obligation by
charging the sum on the consolidated fund because the charge
is only in respect of the right and obligation under the
covenant and it is therefore neither a new nor an
independent right. It was said that the covenants and
merger agreements were merely to be referred to for the
purpose of identifying the Rulers and the privy purse. The
identification is a verbal subterfuge. Assuming Article 291
were a right enforceable a Ruler would have to prove first
that he was a Ruler who was recognised by the President and
thus entitled to privy purse the payment of whereof was
guaranteed by the covenant or the merger agreement.
Secondly, he would have to prove the covenant whereby he
claimed ’a privy purse. For that again be would have to
prove on the strength of the covenant or the merger
agreement. Proof is in aid of title. Proof is not
dissociated from claim. Claim will fail without proof.
Therefore, covenants and merger agreements are indissolubly
bound up with Article 291.
Again, there were different merger I agreements with
different Rulers providing for different sums for payment to
the Rulers and also in some cases for payment of different
sums to successors. The Orissa and Chattisgarh Merger
Agreement did not mention about payment of privy purse to
the successors to Rulers. The Tehri Garhwal Merger
Agreement mentioned also
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the heirs ’and successors of the Maharaja for payment of
privy purse. The Rampur Merger Agreement mentioned certain
amount as privy purse for the Nawab and a different sum for
payment to the successors. The Bhopal Merger Agreement
mentioned a certain sum for the Nawab and a different sum
for the Nawab and a different sum for his successor. The
Agreement of Himachal Pradesh Rulers mentioned a certain sum
for the Ruler but did not mention ’about successors. The
Bilaspur Merger Agreement mentioned a certain sum as privy
purse of. the Raja which was to include the allowances of
the Yuvraja but did not mention anything about successors.
These difference illustrate that Article 291 is vitally
related to the covenants and merger agreements and draw
substance from them.
The words "charged on and paid out of the consolidated fond"
in Article 291 mean that the sum shall not be submitted to
the vote of Parliament, and Article 113(1) makes a provision
to that effect. Article 291 does not by itself create any
independent right of any Ruler to be paid any sum out of any
charged fund. If it were a charge, it would be a debt which
would be assignable. It a Ruler were to ’assign or mortgage
or create a charge in respect of his privy purse in favour
of another person there would have been no legal validity
for such assignment and mortgage or charge. The reason is
that there is no vested legal right in praosenti in favour
of a Ruler. Again, a privy purse is a payment of a
political character and is legally unenforceable. There is
no right either in rem or in personam in favour of a Ruler
in regard to payment of privy purse. Supposing the privy
purse were reduced would it be competent to a Ruler to
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maintain an action for payment of the entire sum. Article
363 would be an impediment and no court would be able to
adjudicate the question. The words "charged on and paid out
of the consolidated fund" are technical Parliamentary ex-
pressions for payment out of public revenues. These words
have been borrowed from English Parliamentary Practice.
These words have a specific legal history since 1816 when
Consolidated Fund Act was passed in England and in 1854 the
English Act provided in 2 Schedules as charges, payable out
of the consolidated Fund and charges upon which vote would
lie.
Prior to 1935 the system of presenting accounts before the
legislature was under four heads, i.e. transferred subjects,
reserved subjects voted ’and non-voted items. In 1935 the
Government Act, 1935 used the expressed "charged" in
replacement of ,the expression "voted". After the
Constitution came into existence the same system continued
for presentation of the Annual Financial Statement under
Article 112(2) and Appropriation Bill under Article 114(1).
The Estimates under Article 113(1)
225
were (a) sums required to meet the expenses as expenditure
charged upon the consolidated fund and (b) the sum required
to meet the other expenditure proposed to be met from the
consolidated fund. The Appropriation Bill means (a) the
grants made by the House of the People; and (b) the
expenditure charged on the consolidated fund but not
exceeding in any case the amount shown in the statement
previously laid before Parliament. Article 113 says that so
much of the estimates as relates to expenditure charged upon
the, consolidated fund shall not be submitted to the vote of
Parliament but there is nothing to prevent discussion in
either House of Parliament of any of those estimates. The
expenditure is charged and removed from the vote of
Parliament.
In the English Parliamentary Practice what is charged is the
expenditure that is to be made without vote of Parliament.
These are first, a sum appropriated to a particular service
which cannot be spent on another service, secondly, the sum
appropriated is the maximum sum, and thirdly, it is
available only in respect of charges which have arisen
during one of the years to which the relevant Appropriation
Act applies (See May Parliamentary Practice, 17th ed. 713).
The tests used to determine whether the expenditure involves
a charge on the consolidated fund are that a charge must be
new and distinct, that it must be payable out of the
exchequer and it is to be effectively imposed. In England
it will appear that the Ministers of the Crown Act, 1937 in
section 4 enacts that a pension under that section is
payable as of :right. Section 7 of that English Act of 1937
used the expression "shall be charged and payable out of the
consolidated fund". These provisions in the English Act
show first that the right to be paid is under section 4 and
the creation of a charge on the consolidated fund is under
section 7.
The words "charged on the Consolidated fund" in Article 291
mean that the expenditure is non-votable and these are terms
of public finance. Charge on the Consolidated Fund is an
accounting arrangement before Parliament. Certain expen-
diture is authorised out of public revenue as independent of
Parliamentary control. Charge is meant for expenditure.
The words "paid out of the consolidated fund" denote the
source from which the expenditure will be met. The words
"charged and paid out of the consolidated funs’ do not
create any legal right in a party. The right to payment
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arises dehors the charge on the consolidated fund. The
charge on the consolidated Fund is for purposes of payment
in ’accordance with the guarantee and assurance of payment
under the covenants and merger agreements. The right to
payment of privy purse arises from recognition by Article
291 of guarantee of payment of privy
226
purse under a covenant. The scheme of Article 291 is
similar to Article 290 where the expenses of any court or
commission or pension payable to any person who served
before or after the commencement of the Constitution in
connection with the affairs of the Union or the State are
charged on the Consolidated fund. Article 290A which speaks
of a sum of Rs. 46,50,000 to be charged on and paid out of
the Consolidated Fund of the State of Kerala every year to
the Travancore Devaswoin Fund is a different provision
because it speaks of payment to a designated person as a
part of the Constitution. No such comparable words are to
be found in Article 291, namely, that the sums shall be paid
to the Rulers. The reasons are two-fold. First, payment of
privy purses is under covenants or merger agreements and
secondly these payments were charged on the Consolidated
Fund of India because the payment was not out of the
Consolidated Fund of any State.
Originally, Article 291 contained the expression "paid out
of" in both sub-clause (a) of clause (1) and clause (2) of
Article 291 for the purpose of integration of finances,
assets, and liabilities of the new Constitution as between
Federal Government at the Centre and the Indian States which
guaranteed payment of Privy Purse under covenants and merger
agreements. The original Article 291 was the result of the
decision of the Constituent Assembly regarding sharing
between the Consolidated Fund of India and the Consolidated
Fund of Part A and Part B States regarding privy purse.
Counsel on behalf of the petitioner submitted that unless
the words "charged on and paid out of the consolidated fund"
mean security and right to be paid neither the President,
nor the Chairman or Deputy Chairman, nor the Speaker and the
Deputy Speaker, nor the Judges of the Supreme Court, nor the
Comptroller and Auditor General would have security as to
payments. But, these persons do not derive their right to
be paid from any covenant or merger agreement. Secondly,
these persons hold offices under the Constitution whereas
the Rulers do not. Thirdly, Articles 59(3), 97, 125, 148(3)
indicate in no uncertain terms that they shall be entitled
to such emoluments and allowances and privileges as may be
determined by Parliament by law. In the case of the
President, the Chairman, the Deputy Chairman of the Council
of States, the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker of the House
of the People Articles 59 (3) and 97 provide that there,
shall be paid to them such allowances and salaries as may be
fixed by Parliament, by law and until the provision in that
behalf is so made such salaries and allowances as are
specified in the Second Schedule. As for the Judges of this
Court Article 125(1) enacts that there shall be paid to the
Judges of this Court, such
227
salaries as are specified in the Second Schedule. Article
148(3) enacts that the salaries and other conditions of the
Comptroller and Auditor General shall be such as may be
determined by Parliament and until they are so determined,
shall be as specified in the Second Schedule. Therefore, it
was an unfortunate comparison made by Mr. Palkhivala between
these persons and the Rulers. To illustrate, some of these
persons become entitled to salaries by virtue of provision
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in the Constitution, e.g. Article 1.25 directing payment of
their salaries and therefore the charge on the Consolidated
Fund. in respect of such salaries e.g. in Article 112 (d)
(i) cannot be intended again as a diction for payment.
It was said on behalf of the petitioner that in the
covenants and merger agreements, the payment of privy purse
was to be free of all taxes whereas under the Constitution
privy purse was to be exempt free of all taxes on income and
therefore there was a new right. This is totally misreading
Article 291 (b) where it is said that "the sums so paid to
any Ruler shall be exempt from all taxes on income". The
words "so paid’ relate to the slum guaranteed under the
covenants and the agreements and to the same sum charged on
the Consolidated Fund It is only when payment is made to a
Ruler that it shall be exempt from taxes on income That is
why the words "so paid to any Ruler" in Article 291 (b)
indicate that when the sums are paid to a Ruler out of the
Consolidated Fund the sums shall be exempt from all taxes.
The Constitution does not mention payment of Privy Purse to
any particular person. One has to turn to the covenant and
the merger agreement to have all the particulars of persons,
sums guaranteed and assured. Article 291 does not create
any new and independent right but it merely gives
constitutional recognition to guarantees under covenants and
merger agreements which Were and are unenforceable as those
arise, out of Acts of State. (See State of Gujarat v. Vohra
Fiddali (supra). Article 291 is strung with the covenants
because such sums in Article 291 (a) mean the sums
guaranteed under covenants and merger agreements. The fons
et origo is the guarantee contained in the Covenants and
Agreements.
Another argument was advanced on behalf of the petitioner
that there was a substitution of rights under covenants and
merger agreements by Article 291. The rights guaranteed
under the covenants and merger agreements are matters to
which Article 291 relates. The guarantee of payment under
the covenants and merger agreements is recognised under
Article 291. This Article gives effect to the covenants and
agreements and it is related to these.
There were some arguments that if the amount charged on the
consolidated fund on account of privy purse were not paid,
228
the same would be carried over, in the Consolidated Fund
from year to year. That is not so because any sum charged
on the consolidated fund is not carried to the next year but
it lapses.
Article 362 has been held by this Court in Udaipur case
(supra) to fall within Article 363. Article 291 has also
been held by this Court to fall within the bar of Article
363 in Nawab Usman Ali Khan’s case (supra). It was
suggested that the only Article which could fall within
Article 363 was Article 362 which was in closest proximity.
That would be an erroneous approach to interpret the
Constitution. Article 363 uses the words "provisions- of
the Constitution". The word "provisions" indicate more than
one Article. Even at the risk of repetition it has to be
stated that Articles 291, 362 and 366(22) have a most direct
and visible relation to Article 363.
Mr. Palkhivala contended that the petitioner had existing
rights to privy purge and privileges prior to the
Constitution and that such existing rights were incorporated
in the Constitution by Articles 294 (b) and 295 (1 ) (b) of
the Constitution. It. has been consistently held by this
Court that till recognition, either express or implied, is
granted by the new sovereign, the Act of State continues
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(See State of Gujarat v. Vohra Fiddali (supra). Therefore,
the covenants and merger agreements were outside the
jurisdiction of municipal courts. The administration of the
provincially merged and centrally merged States was by
reason of the Extra Provincial Jurisdiction Act 1947 which
applied the laws of the Dominion of India to those merged
States. It was only by reason of the-merger agreement that
the Dominion of India exercised such extra provincial
jurisdiction. The Instruments of Accession did not confer
such authority. Even when sections 290A and 290B were
introduced in the Government of India Act, 1935
administration in the provincially merged States was still
carried on the strength of the merger agreement. (See
Seraikela case (supra). The merged States were not yet
completely integrated with India.
The States Merger (Governors’ Provinces) Order, 1949 stated
that as from the appointed day, i.e.,the date of the com-
mencement of the order 1 August, 1949, the States specified
in the Schedule "shall be administered in all respects as if
they form part of the provinces specified in the heading of
the Schedule". Again in section 7 of the States Merger
(Governors’ Provinces) Order, 1949 it is stated that all
liabilities in respect of loans, guarantees and other
financial obligations of the Dominion Government as arise
out of covenants, of a merged State, including in particular
the liability for the payment of any sums to the Ruler of
the merged State on account of his privy purse or to persons
in the merged State on account of political pensions and
229
the like shall as from the appointed day be liabilities of
the absorbing Provinces unless the loan, guarantee or other
financial obligation is relateable to central purpose. The
privy purse is mentioned separately to and independently of
loans, guarantees and other financial obligations. The
character of the liability regarding privy purse is not
changed by the States (Merger Governors’ Provinces) Order,
1949. The Act of State which commenced with the Instruments
of Accession continued even after the merger agreements as
has been held by this Court in Vohra Fiddali’s case (supra).
The liabilities in Articles 294 (b) and 295 (1 ) (b) of the
Constitution refer to other legal rights which were
enforceable in a court of law. Privy purses under the
covenants and merger agreements were no such legal rights
enforceable in a court of law for the obvious reason that if
prior to the Constitution the covenants and merger
agreements were sought to be enforced in a municipal, court
the Government would have demurred on the plea of Act of
State. That plea in bar would be available to the
Government of India as a defence to any claim under Articles
294 (b) and 295 (1) (b). (See Union of India and Ors. v.
Gwalior Rayon Silk Manufacturing (Weaving) Co. Ltd. and
Anr.) (1) Furthermore, Article 295 (1 ) (b) cannot apply
because neither privy purse nor privileges are matters
enumerated in the Union List. Articles 291 and 362 are
special provisions dealing with privy purses and privileges.
Articles 294(b) and 295(1) (b) deal with revolution of
liabilities of the Dominion and Part B States respectively.
The Constitution has dealt with privy purse and privileges
in separate Articles. Therefore, Articles 294(b) and 295 (1
) (b) can have no application to privy purses and
Privileges. (See The South India Corporation (P) Ltd. v. The
Secretary, Board of Revenue, Trivandrum and Anr.) 2 ) where
this Court held that Article 372 was a general provision and
Article 277 was a special provision and a special provision
was to be given effect to the extent of its scope, leaving
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-the general provision to control cases where the special
provision does not apply. The petitioner’s contention on
existing rights prior to the Constitution as well as
continuance thereof falls.
Agreement to pay privy purses and to continue privileges of
the Princes which were. guaranteed by the Government of
India before the Constitution- were all political agreements
born out of political bargains to achieve integration of
Indian States with the Dominion of India. This political
bargain was carried into the Constitution by the insertion
of Article 291 for payment of privy purse, Article 362 for
continuance of privileges and Article 366(22) for
recognition of princes, and the political character was
preser-
[1] [1964] 7 S.C.R. 892 at 908
[2] [1964] 4 S.C. R. 280 at 297
230
ved, by inserting Article 363 which bar the jurisdiction of
the court in respect of disputes, arising out of covenants
and agreements and these Articles which are related to the
covenants and agreements.
Mr. Palkhivala contended that the order affected the rights
of the petitioner under the Wealth Tax Act, the Income-tax
Act, the Gift Tax Act, the Hindu Succession Act, the Estates
Duty Act, Customs Regulation, Code of Civil Procedure, Code
of Criminal Procedure and Madhya Bharat Gangajali Trust Fund
Act, 1954. The Wealth Tax Act, 1957 defines a Ruler as
defined in clause (22) of Article 366 of the Constitution
and enacts certain exemptions in respect of certain assets
namely the official residence in the occupation of the
Ruler. The right of the petitioner under the Wealth Tax Act
is dependent on being recognised as a Ruler by the President
under Article 366(22). If the order cannot be challenged
for the reasons given above, the petitioner can have no
right under the Wealth Tax Act, because the right under the
Wealth Tax Act is derived only from his recognition as a
Ruler under Article 366(22). Under the Income Tax Act, 1922
(,section 4(3)(x)) and the Income Tax Act, 1961 (section
10(19) amount received by a Ruler as privy purse is not in-
clued as income. Under Income Tax Part B States Taxation
concessions Order, 1950 the bonafide annual value of the
palaces declared by the Central Government as official
residence of the Ruler is exempted from taxation.
Therefore, if the rights are derived from recognition of
Rulership by the President under Article 366(22) and if the
recognition cannot be impeached no right arises. Under the
Gift Tax Act, tax is not leviable on gifts out of privy
purse for maintenance of relatives or for performance of
official ceremonies. If no privy purse is paid no question
of any gift out of privy purse arises. Under the Hindu
Succession Act the Act shall not apply to any estate which
descends to a single heir by the terms of any covenant or
agreement. Succession is a right which can be claimed by
heirs of the petitioners. The petitioners cannot have any
fundamental right of any such right under the Hindu
Succession Act. Under the Estates Duty Act, exemption is
given in respect of any building in the occupation of a
Ruler declared by the Central Government as his official
residence. If the petitioner disposes of his property he
will not be affected. The duty will have to be paid by
someone who will inherit or succeed. As for the Customs
Regulations exemption is available only to Rulers recognised
by the President. When he ceased to be recognised no
exemption applies. The trust properties arise only in the
case of Madhya Bharat Gangaiali Fund Trust Act, 1954. The
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Ruler of Gwalior is one of the trustees and is the
President. The Trust will not fail. The trustees wilt con-
tinue and the Act may have to be amended in a suitable
manner.
231
The Civil Procedure Code grants exemption to Rulers from
being sued. Exemption from being sued is not personal
liberty within the meaning of Article 21. Exemption from
being sued is pro-cedural advantage which will no longer be
available. Again, s. 197 of the Code of Criminal Procedure
is a procedural advantage. In all these cases the
petitioner cannot complain in this Court because the
position is derived from the recognition of Rulership and
Art. 363 is an insurmountable and impenetrable bar.
Recognition of Rulership is not a legal right. It is not a
right to property. Privy purse is not a legal right to
property. There is no fundamental right to privy purse.
There is no fundamental right to Rulership.-
A series of decisions of this Court have held that Article
363 is a bar to rights and privileges, recognition of
Rulership from being agitated in courts. These decisions
have spoken the words of the Constitution.
The petitions, therefore, fail and are dismissed. Each
party will pay and bear its own costs.
ORDER
In accordance with the opinion of the majority the petitions
are allowed and writs will issue declaring that the orders
made by the President on September 6, 1970 challenged here,
were illegal and on that account inoperative and the,
petitioners will be entitled to all their pre-existing
rights and privileges including right to privy purses, as if
the orders have not been made. The petitioners will get
their costs of the petitions. One hearing fee in those
petitions in which the petitioners have appeared’ through
the, same counsel.
K.B.N.
232