Full Judgment Text
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PETITIONER:
AKHIL BHARATIYA SOSHIT KARAMCHARI SANGH (RAILWAY)REPRESENTED
Vs.
RESPONDENT:
UNION OF INDIA AND ORS.
DATE OF JUDGMENT14/11/1980
BENCH:
KRISHNAIYER, V.R.
BENCH:
KRISHNAIYER, V.R.
PATHAK, R.S.
REDDY, O. CHINNAPPA (J)
CITATION:
1981 AIR 298 1981 SCR (2) 185
1981 SCC (1) 246
CITATOR INFO :
E&R 1985 SC1495 (19,75)
F 1987 SC 537 (22)
RF 1987 SC 990 (16)
RF 1988 SC 959 (12)
RF 1991 SC1902 (36)
R 1991 SC2288 (12)
RF 1992 SC 1 (90,125)
ACT:
Constitution of India, 1950-Arts. 16, 46 and 335-Scope
of-Reservation of posts under the State in favour of
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes-Carry forward of
unfilled posts for three years-validity of-
HEADNOTE:
In so far as the initial recruitment and later
promotion to classes II, III and IV are concerned, the
Railway Administration provided for reservation of certain
percentage of vacancies for candidates belonging to the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Since, despite the
special provision the intake of these communities into the
Railway Services continued to be negligible further
concessions and relaxations were offered from time to time
to members belonging to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes. Even so, in many cases the vacancies reserved for
them remained unfilled. Yet another step taken by the
Railway Administration to keep open the reserved vacancies
was to adopt a policy of "carry forward" of the unfilled
reserved vacancies for at least three years.
In obedience to the policy decision of the Ministry of
Home Affairs, the Railway Board issued certain directives
designed to protect and promote the interest of members of
the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the matter of
their employment in the Railway Administration. The policy
directive of reserving certain percentage of posts in favour
of these communities having not proved effective, the
Railway Board altered the rules "with a view to securing
increased representation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes in the Railway Services" (Annexure D). The Railway
Board authorised the recruiting bodies to slur over low
places obtained by Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
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candidates except where it was found that the minimum
standard necessary for the maintenance of efficiency of the
administration had not been reached. The appointing
authorities were directed to give additional training and
coaching to the recruits so that they might come up to the
standard of other recruits appointed alongwith them.
Likewise where direct recruitment, otherwise than by
examination, was provided for, the Railway Board directed
the selection of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
candidates fulfilling a lower standard of suitability than
from other communities, so long as the candidates had the
prescribed minimum educational and technical qualifications
and the appointing authorities were satisfied that the
lowering of standards would not unduly affect the
maintenance of efficiency of administration.
In the case of selection posts the Railway Board
decided that promotions from class IV to class III and from
class III to class II were of the nature of direct
recruitment and the prescribed quota of reservation for
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes should be provided as
in direct recruitment. This reser-
186
vation was confined to ’selection posts’. In regard to
filling of "general posts" in class III it was stated that
they were in the nature of direct recruitment and the
reservation for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes as
applicable to direct recruitment should be applied.
(Annexure F).
In 1969 the Railway Board further revised their policy
in regard to the reservation and other concessions to
the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes candidates in
posts filled by promotion (Annexure H). The circular stated
that in promotion by selection from class III to class II,
if a member of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes was
within the zone of eligibility the employee would be given
one grading higher than the grading otherwise assignable to
him on the basis of his record of service.
In April, 1970 the percentage of vacancies to be
reserved for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes was
raised from 121/2% and 5% to 15% and 71/2% respectively
(Annexure I). By the same order the "carry forward" rule was
altered from 2 to 3 years.
In 1973 the Railway Board issued a directive stating
that the quota of 15% and 71/2% for Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes may be provided promotion to the
categories and posts in classes I, II, III and IV filled on
the basis of the seniority-cum-suitability provided the
element of direct recruitment to those grades does not
exceed 50% (Annexure K).
In August, 1974 the Railway Board further directed that
if the requisite number of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes candidates were not available for being placed on the
panel in spite of the various relaxations the best among
them i.e. those who secure highest marks should be earmarked
for being placed on the panel to the extent vacancies had
been reserved in their favour. The Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes candidates so earmarked might be promoted
ad hoc for a period of six months against the vacancies
reserved for them. During the period of six months the
administration was asked to give them all facilities for
improving their knowledge and for coming upto the requisite
standard. The procedure was required to be applied in cases
of promotion to the posts filled on the basis of seniority-
cum-suitability (Annexure N).
A further modification to the then existing rules was
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made by Annexure ’O’ which stated that "reservations in
posts filled by promotion under the existing scheme would be
applicable to all grades or services where the element of
direct recruitment, if any, does not exceed 66 2/3% as
against 50% as at present".
It was contended on behalf of the petitioners that
Scheduled Castes cannot be a favoured class in the public
services because (i) they are "castes" and cannot claim
preference qua castes unless specially saved by Article
16(4) which speaks of "class" and not "castes", (ii) that
Article 16(4) could not apply to promotional levels and
(iii) efficiency of administration envisaged by Article 335
had been jeopardised by the impugned circulars which
fomented frustration among the civil services and produced
inefficiency by placing men of lower efficiency and less
experience in higher posts.
187
A preliminary objection was raised that since the first
petitioner was an unrecognised union, it was not a "person
aggrieved" and so its petition was unsustainable.
Dismissing the petitions
[Per majority Krishna Iyer and Chinnappa Reddy, JJ,
Pathak J. concurring in the result with reservation on
certain questions]
There is nothing illegal or unconstitutional in the
impugned orders.
[Per Krishna Iyer, J]
The argument that since the first petitioner was an
unrecognized association the petition is not sustainable
must be overruled because whether the petitioners belonged
to a recognised union or not, the fact remains that a large
body of persons with a common grievance exists and they
approached this Court under Article 32. Our current
processual jurisprudence is broad-based and people oriented
and envisions access to justice through "class actions",
"public interest litigation" and "representative
proceedings". The narrow concept of cause of action and
person aggrieved and individual litigation is becoming
obsolescent in some jurisdictions. [224 G-H]
The well settled position in law is that the State may
classify, based upon substantial differentia, groups or
classes and this process does not necessarily spell
violation of Articles 14 to 16. Therefore, in the present
case if the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes stand on a
substantially different footing they may be classified
groupwise and treated separately. [232 B-C]
The fundamental right of equality of opportunity has to
be read as justifying the categorisation of Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes separately for the purpose of "adequate
representation" in the services under the State. The object
is constitutionally sanctioned in terms as Article 16(4) and
46 specificate. The classification is just and reasonable.
[233 G-H]
Apart from Article 16(1), Article 16(2) expressly
forbids discrimination on the ground of caste and here the
question arises as to whether the Scheduled Castes and
Tribes are castes within the meaning of Article 16(2).
Assuming that there is discrimination, Article 16(2) cannot
be invoked unless it is predicated that the Scheduled Castes
are "castes". There are sufficient indications in the
Constitution to suggest that the Scheduled Castes are not
mere castes. They may be something less or something more
and the time badge is not the fact that the members belong
to a caste but the circumstance that they belong to an
indescribably backward human group. [234 A-C]
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Articles 14 to 16 form a Code by themselves and contain
a constitutional fundamental guarantee. The Directive
Principles which are fundamental in the governance of the
country enjoin upon the State the duty to apply that
principle in making laws. Article 46 obligates the State the
promote with special care the educational and economic
interests of the weaker sections of the people and in
particular of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes.
Article 46 read with Article 16(4) makes it clear that the
exploited lot of the harijan groups in the past shall be
extirpated with special care by the State. [210 F; 211 A-C]
188
At the same time reservations under Article 16(4) and
promotional strategies under Article 46 should not be used
to imperil administrative efficiency in the name of
concessions to backward classes. The positive accent of
Article 335 is that the claims of these communities to
equalisation of representation in services under the State
shall be taken into consideration. The negative element of
this Article is that measures taken by the State pursuant to
the mandate of Articles 16(4), 46 and 335 shall be
consistent with and not subversive of the maintenance of
efficiency of administration. [211 D-F]
Under Article 341, Scheduled Castes become such only if
the President specifies any castes, races or tribes or parts
or groups within castes, races or tribes for the purpose of
the Constitution. It is the socioeconomic backwardness of a
social bracket that is decisive and not mere birth in a
caste. [212 A]
Annexure F relates only to selection posts and has been
expressly upheld in Rangachari’s case. The quantum of
reservation is not excessive; the field of eligibility is
not too unreasonable; the operation of the reservation is
limited to selection posts and no relaxation of
qualifications is written into the circular except that
candidates of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
communities should be judged in a sympathetic manner.
Moreover administrative efficiency is secure because there
is a direction to give such staff additional training and
coaching, to bring them upto the standard of others. [239 F-
G]
There is no vice in giving one grade higher than is
otherwise assignable to an employee. based on the record of
his service rendering the promotional prospects unreasonable
because this concession is confined to only 25% of the total
number of vacancies in a particular grade or post filled in
a year and there is no rampant vice of every harijan jumping
over the heads of others. More importantly, this is only an
administrative device of showing a concession or furtherance
of prospects of selection. Even as under Articles 15(4) and
16(4) lesser marks are prescribed as sufficient for these
communities or extra marks are added to give them an
advantage, the regrading is one more method of boosting the
chances of selection of these communities. The prescribed
minimum qualification and standard of fitness are continued
even for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes under
Annexure H. [240 B-D]
Annexure I is unexceptionable since all that it does is
to readjust the proportion of reservation in conformity with
the latest census. [240 E-F]
Similarly "carry forward" raised from two years to
three years cannot be struck down. There is no prospect,
even if the vacancies are carried forward, of sufficient
number of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes candidates
turning out to fill them. Moreover, there is a provision
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that if a sufficient number of candidates from these
communities are not found, applicants from the unreserved
communities would be given appointment provisionally. After
three years these vacancies cease to be reserved. [240 G-A]
Even in Devadasan’s case, this Court has laid down the
proposition that under Article 16(4) reservation of a
reasonable percentage of posts for member of the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes is within the competence of the
State. What was struck down was that the reservations should
not be so excessive as to create a monopoly or to disturb
unduly the legitimate claims of other communities. By this
rule there is no danger of the total vacancies
189
being gobbled up by the harijan/girijan groups virtually
obliterating Article 16(1). The problem of giving adequate
representation to backward classes under Article 16(4) is a
matter for the Government to consider, bearing in mind the
need for a reasonable balance between the rival claims. [241
B-F]
Subject to the condition that the carry forward rule
shall not result in any given year in the selection or
appointment of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
candidates considerably in excess of 50%, the Annexure I is
upheld. [242 E]
There is nothing unreasonable or wrong in Annexure J.
Once the parameters of reservation are within the framework
of the fundamental rights, minute scrutiny of every
administrative measure is not permissible. [242 F]
Annexure K is beyond reproach. As between selection and
non-selection posts the role of merit is functionally more
relevant in the former than in the latter. If in selecting
top officers, posts could be reserved for Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes with lesser merit it cannot rationally
be argued that for the posts of peons, or lower division
clerks reservation would spell calamity. The part that
efficiency plays is far more in the case of higher posts
than in the appointments to the lower posts. [243 D]
Dilution of efficiency caused by the minimal induction
of a small percentage of reserved candidates cannot affect
the over-all administrative efficiency significantly.
Moreover, care has been taken to give in-service training
and coaching to correct the deficiencies. [244 B-C]
[Chinnappa Reddy, J concurring]
The preamble to the Constitution of India proclaims the
resolution of the people to secure to all its citizens
justice, social, economic and political, equality of status
and opportunity and to promote fraternity assuring the
dignity of the individual. The right to equality before the
law and equality of opportunity in the matter of public
employment are guaranteed as fundamental rights. The State
is enjoined upon by the Directive Principles to promote the
welfare of the people, to endeavour to eliminate
inequalities in status, facilities and opportunities and
special provisions have been made, in particular, for the
protection and advancement of the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes in recognition of their low social and
economic status and their failure to avail themselves of any
opportunity of self-advancement. In short the constitutional
goal is the establishment of a socialist democracy in which
justice-economic, social and political is secure and all men
are equal and have equal opportunity. Inequality whether of
status, facility or opportunity is to end, privilege is to
cease and exploitation is to go. The under-privileged, the
deprived and the exploited are to be protected and nourished
so as to take their place in an egalitarian society. State
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action is to be towards those ends. It is in this context
that Article 16 has to be interpreted when State action is
questioned as contravening Article 16. [255 A-F]
A Constitution, such as ours, must receive generous
interpretation so as to give an its citizens the full
measure of justice so proclaimed. While interpreting the
Constitution the expositors must concern themselves not so
much with words as with the spirit and sense of the
Constitution which could be found in the Preamble the
Directive Principles and other such provisions. [256 G]
190
At one time it was assumed that because the fundamental
rights are enforce able in a court of law while Directive
Principles are not, the former were superior to the latter,
that way of thinking has become obsolete. The current
thinking is that while Fundamental Rights are primarily
aimed at assuring political freedom to the citizens against
excessive State action, the Directive Principles are aimed
at securing social and economic freedoms by appropriate
State action. The Directive Principles are made
unenforceable in a limited sense because no Court can compel
a Legislature to make laws. But that does not mean that they
are less important than Fundamental Rights or that they are
not binding on the various organs of the State. They are all
the same fundamental in the governance of the country and it
shall be the duty of the State to apply these principles in
making laws. The Directive Principles should serve the
Courts as a Code of Interpretation. Every law attacked on
the ground of infringement of Fundamental Right should be
examined to see if the impugned law does not advance one or
other of the Directive Principles or if it is not in the
discharge of some of the undoubted obligations of the State
towards its citizens flowing out of the Preamble, the
Directive Principles and other provisions of the
Constitution. [257 A-G]
Reservation of posts and all other measures designed to
promote the participation of the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes in public services at all levels are a
necessary consequence flowing from the Fundamental Rights
guaranteed by Article 16(1). This very idea is emphasized
further by Article 16(4) which is not in the nature of an
exception to Article 16(1) but a facet of that Article. In
the State of Kerala v. N.M. Thomas the court has repudiated
the theory propounded in earlier cases that Article 16(4) is
in the nature of an exception to Article 16(1). It is no
longer correct to say that laws aimed at achieving equality
as permissible exceptions. Such laws are necessary incidents
of equality. [258 D-F]
Minister of Home Affairs v. Fisher [1979]3 All E.R. 21,
State of Kerala & Anr. v. N.M. Thomas & Ors. [1976] 1 S.C.R.
906 @ 930-933 and The General Manager, Southern Railway v.
Rangachari [1962]2 S.C.R. 586 referred to.
The figures quoted from the report of the Commissioner
of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes for the year 1977-
78 reveal how slow and insignificant the progress achieved
by the members of these communities in the matter of
participation in the Railway Administration had been. Far
from acquiring any monopolistic or excessive representation
over any category of posts these communities are nowhere
near being adequately represented. Neither the reservation
rule nor the "carry forward" rule for these years has
resulted in any such disastrous consequence. Therefore, the
complaint of the petitioners that the circulars had resulted
in excessive representation of these communities is without
foundation generally or with reference to any particular
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year. [246 D-G]
There is no substance in the argument that efficiency
of administration would suffer if the Railway Board’s
directives were followed in the matter of reservations and
promotions. The Railway Board had stated that minimum
standards were insisted upon for every appointment and in
the case of candidates wanting in requisite standards of
efficiency those with higher marks were given special
intensive training to enable them to come up to the
requisite standards. In the case of posts which involved
safety of movement of trains there was no
191
relaxation of standards in favour of candidates belonging to
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and they were required
to pass the same rigid tests as others.[265 A-B]
There is no fixed ceiling to reservation or
preferential treatment in favour of the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes though generally reservation may not be far
in excess of 50% about which there is no rigidity. Every
case must be decided on its own facts. [265 E]
There is nothing illegal or unconstitutional in any one
of the impugned orders and circulars. [265 G]
[Pathak J concurring in the result with reservation on
certain questions.]
Article 46 of the Constitution enjoins upon the State
to treat with special care the educational and economic
interest of the weaker sections of the people and in
particular the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. One of
the modes in which the economic interest of these
communities can be promoted is by reservation of
appointments or posts in their favour in services under the
State where they are not adequately represented. By virtue
of Article 16(4), when the State intends to make reservation
of appointments or posts in favour of these communities in
services under it nothing in Article 16 prevents it from
doing so. Article 335 provides that claims of the members of
these communities shall be taken into consideration in the
making of appointments to services and posts in connection
with the affairs of the Union or a State. But such
consideration must be consistent with the maintenance of
efficiency of administration which is regarded as paramount.
It is dictated by the common good and not of a mere section
of the people. Therefore, whatever is done in considering
the claims of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes must be
consistent with the need for maintenance of efficiency of
administration. This Article contains a single principle,
namely, the advancement of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes but through modes and avenues which must not detract
from the maintenance of an efficient administration. [250 B-
H]
For securing an efficient administration the governing
criterion in the matter of appointments to posts under the
State is excellence and the emphasis is solely on quality.
The selection is made regardless of religion, race, caste,
sex, descent, place of birth or residence. However, a quota
of the posts may be reserved in favour of backward citizens.
But the interests of efficient administration require that
at least half the total number of posts be kept open to
attract the best of the nation’s talent. If it was otherwise
an excess of the reserved quota would convert the State
service into a collective membership predominantly of
backward classes. The maintenance of efficiency of
administration is bound to be adversely affected if general
candidates of high merit are correspondingly excluded from
recruitment. Viewed in that light the maximum of 50% for
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reserved quota appears fair and reasonable, just and
equitable violation of which would contravene Article 335.
[251 B-D]
M. R Balaji v. State of Mysore [1963] Supp. 1 S.C.R.
439, 470, T. Devadasan v. Union of India [1964]4 S.C.R. 680
and State of Kerala v. N. M. Thomas [1976]1 S.C.R. 906
referred to.
192
JUDGMENT:
ORIGINAL JURISDICTION: Writ Petition Nos. 1041-1044 of
1980.
(Under Article 32 of the Constitution)
Shanti Bhushan, K. K. Venugopal, A. T. M. Sampath, P. N
Ramalingam and R. Satish for the Petitioner.
Lal Narain Sinha, Att. General of India, M. K.
Banerjee, Addl. Sol. Genl. and Miss A. Subhashini for
Respondents Nos. 1-5.
P. R. Mridul, P. H. Parekh, C. B. Singh, B. L. Verma,
Rajan Karanjawal and Miss Vineeta Caprihan for the
Intervener.
K. B. Rohtagi and Praveen Jain for the Intervener.
R. K. Garg and P. K. Jain for the Intervener.
S. K. Bagga for the Intervener.
Altaf Ahmed for the Intervener.
S. Balakrishnan for the Intervener.
P. H. Parekh for Respondent No. 6 in W.P. No. 1042/79.
The following judgments were delivered:
KRISHNA IYER. J.
The Root Thought
The abolition of slavery has gone on for a long time.
Rome abolished slavery, America abolished it, and we did,
but only the words were abolished not the thing.
This agonising gap between hortative hopes and human
dupes vis a vis that serf-like sector of Indian society,
strangely described as Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
(SCs and STs, for short), and the administrative exercises
to bridge this big hiatus by processes like reservations and
other concessions in the field of public employment is the
broad issue that demands constitutional examination in the
Indian setting of competitive equality before the law and
tearful inequality in life. A fasciculus of directions of
the Railway Board has been attacked as ultra vires and the
court has to pronounce on it, not philosophically but
pragmatically. "The philosophers have only interpreted the
world in various ways; the point is to change it" -this was
the founding fathers’ fighting faith and serves as
perspective-setter for the judicial censor.
193
The Backdrop
The social backdrop to the forensic problem raised in
this litigation is best projected by lines of poetry quoted
in Nehru’s Autobiography:
Bowed by the weight of centuries he leans
Upon his hoe and gazes on the ground,
The emptiness of ages on his face,
And on his back the burden of the world.
The Problem
The dynamics and dialectics of social justice vis a vis
the special provisions of the Constitution calculated to
accelerate the prospects of employment of the harijans and
the girijans in the civil services with particular emphasis
on promotions of these categories in the Indian Railways
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that, in all these cases, is the cynosure of judicial
scrutiny, from the angle of constitutionality in the context
of the guarantee of caste-free equality to every person.
Petitioners’ Challenge
The gravamen of the constitutional accusation levelled
in this bunch of quasi-class actions under Art. 32 of the
Constitution and argued by a battery of counsel led by Shri
Shanti Bhushan, with heat and light, passion and reason, is
the heartless discrimination shown against vast numbers of
members employed by the Railway Administration through its
policy directives, by bestowal of unconscionably ’pampering’
concessions, at promotion levels, on these social brackets
belonging to the historically suppressed SCs & STs, heedless
of over-all administrative efficiency in the Indian Railways
and frustrating the promotional hopes of the larger human
segments of economically downtrodden senior members. The
fall-out of this ’benign discrimination’ of helping out the
weakest sections has been to blow up, out of all proportion
to the social realities, the ’backwardness’ syndrome so as
embrace many politically powerful castes disguised as
Backward Classes. This constitutional amulet, rooted largely
in caste, the petitioners lament, has been misused and
applied in educational and employment fields on an
escalating scale. The perverted result is that a caste-riven
nation is a spectre that haunts the land, pushing back the
patriotic prospect of a homogenised Indian Society of
casteless equality and projecting instead the divisive
alternative of a heterogeneous caste map of Bharat. The
fundamental failure of this sterile scheme of reservation-
wise circumvention of the fundamental right to equality,
ideologically and pragmatically speaking, has deepened the
pathological condition of communalism besetting the Indian
polity
194
and split the have-nots into snarling camps-a consummation
disastrously contrary to the constitutional design of
abolition of socioeconomic inequality through activist
stratagem of equalisation geared to actual attainment of
integrated equality.
Logically, the argument leads to the formulation that
each caste and community is bargaining politically for
bigger bites of the educational-and-employment cake so much
so merit becomes irrelevant or takes a back seat and
’backward’ birth brings a boon. The constitutional
stultification of an integrated India through misuse of
’reservation’ power provided for in Arts. 15 and 16 meant
for the direct ’dalits’ the pollution, by the political
Executive, of our founding creed of an egalitarian order by
playing casteification politics and the morbid dilution of
’backwardness’ marring the dream of a secular republic by
the nightmare of a feudal vivisection of the people-if this
picture drawn by some counsel be true, even in part, the
basic task of transforming the economic order through social
justice will be baulked through destructive communal
disputes among the masses. Maybe, this may weaken the social
revolution, leave an indelible stain and incurable wound on
the body politic and justify the censure by history of the
engineers of our political power and electoral processes.
Hearing the arguments of the petitioners one wonders, "Is
caste the largest political party ?" Has protective
discrimination, so necessary in an insufferably unequal
society, created a Frankenstein’s monster ?
Have we no dynamic measures to drown social, economic
and educational backwardness of whole masses except the
traditional self-perpetuating quasi-apartheidisation called
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’reservation’ ? Surely, our democratic, secular socialist
republic is no wane moon but a creative power rooted in
equal manhood, an egalitarian reservoir of vast human
potential, a demographic distribution of talent benumbed by
brahman centuries of social injustice but now seeking human
expression under a new dispensation where ’chill penury’
shall no longer ’repress their noble rage’.
Caste, undoubtedly, in a deep-seated pathology to
eradicate which the Constitution took care to forbid
discrimination based on caste, especially in the field of
education and services under the State. The rulings of this
court, interpreting the relevant Articles, have hammered
home the point that it is not constitutional to base
identification of backward classes on caste alone qua caste.
If a large number of castes masquerade as backward classes
and perpetuate that division in educational campuses and
public offices, the whole process of a caste-free society
will be reversed. We are not directly concerned with
backward classes as such, but with the provisions
ameliorative of the
195
Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes. Nevertheless, we
have to consider seriously the social consequences of our
interpretation of Art. 16 in the light of the submission of
counsel that a vested interest in the caste system is being
created and perpetuated by over-indulgent concessions, even
at promotional levels, to the Scheduled Castes and the
Scheduled Tribes, which are only a species of castes. "Each
according to his ability" is being substituted by "each
according to his caste", argue the writ petitioners and
underscore the unrighteous march of the officials belonging
to the SCs & STs over the humiliated heads of their senior
and more meritorious brothers in service. The after-math of
the caste-based operation of promotional preferences is
stated to be deterioration in the over-all efficiency and
frustration in the ranks of members not fortunate enough to
be born SCs & STs. Indeed, the ’inefficiency’ bogie was so
luridly presented that even the railway accidents and other
operational calamities and managerial failures were
attributed to the only villain of the piece viz., the policy
of reservation in promotions. A constitutionally progressive
policy of advantage in educational and official career based
upon economic rather than social backwardness was commended
before us by counsel as more in keeping with the anti-caste,
pro-egalitarian tryst with our constitutional destiny. And,
Shri Shanti Bhushan, at one stage, helped the court realise
the consequences of its verdict if it upheld the pampering
package of promotional preferences by warning us of running
battles in the streets, a sort of caste-war, against birth
based ’privileges’ for the harijan-girijan millions.
Our Approach
Of course, judicial independence has one dimension, not
fully realised by some friends of freedom. Threats of mob
hysteria shall not deflect the court from its true
accountability to the Constitution, its spirit and text
belighted by all the sanctioned materials The other
invisible sacrifice of judicial independence relevant to
this case is the unwitting surrender to "the spirit of the
group in which the accidents of birth or education or
occupation or fellowship have given us (judges) a place. No
effort or revolution of the mind will overthrow utterly and
at all times the empire of these subconscious loyalties." We
quote what the great Justice Cardozo has courageously
confessed :
I have spoken of the forces of which judges
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avowedly avail to shape the form and content of their
judgments. Even these forces are seldom fully in
consciousness. They lie so near the surface, however,
that their existence and
196
influence are not likely to be disclaimed. But the
subject is not exhausted with the recognition of their
power. Deep below consciousness are other forces, the
likes and the dislikes, the predilections and the
prejudices, the complex of instincts and emotions and
habits and convictions, which make the man whether he
be litigant or judge...... The great tides and currents
which engulf the rest of men do not turn aside in their
course and pass the judges by........... We shall never
be able to flatter ourselves, in any system of judicial
interpretation, that we have eliminated altogether the
personal measures of the interpreter. In the moral
sciences, there is no method or procedure which
entirely supplants that subjective reason. We may
figure the task of the judge, if we please, as the task
of a translator, the reading of signs and symbols given
from without. None the less, we will not set men to
such a task, unless they have absorbed the spirit, and
have filled themselves with a love, of the language
they must read.
The British echo of this judicial weakness is heard in Prof.
Griffith’s words:
These judges have by their education and training
and the pursuit of their profession as barristers,
acquired a strikingly homogeneous collection of
attitudes, beliefs and principles, which to them
represents the public interest.
The emphasis on the subtle invasions from within upon
functional autonomy and forensic objectivity mentioned by
Cardozo will be evident when we turn to the pathetic saga of
the depressed classes, even today, painted by the other
side. The learned Attorney General, less militant but not
less firm in his submissions, called all this a caricature
of the poignant facts of life and called upon us to assess
the facts with cold objectivity and warm humanity casting
aside possible sympathies suggested by Justice Cardozo and
Prof. Griffith.
We, as judges dealing with a socially charged issue of
constitutional law, must never forget that the Indian
Constitution is a National Charter pregnant with social
revolution, not a Legal Parchment barren of militant values
to usher in a democratic, secular, socialist society which
belongs equally to the masses including the harijan-girijan
millions hungering for a humane deal after feudal colonial
history’s long night.
Granville Austin quotes profusely from the Constituent
Assembly proceedings to prove the goal of the Indian
Constitution to be
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social revolution. Radhakrishnan, representing the broad
consensus, said that
India must have a ’socioeconomic revolution’
designed not only to bring about the real satisfaction
of the fundamental needs of the common man, but to go
much deeper and bring about ’a fundamental change in
the structure of Indian society’.
The Cultural Core of the Constitutional Protection:
Let us get some glimpses of history to get a hang of
the problem. ’In thy book record their groans’ may be the
right quote to begin with. We cannot blink at the agony of
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the depressed classes over the centuries condemned by all
social reformers as rank irreligion and social injustice.
Swami Vivekananda, for instance, stung by glaring social
injustice, argued(2):
The same power is in every man, to the one
manifesting more, the other less. Where is the claim to
privilege. All knowledge is in every soul, even in the
most ignorant, he has not manifested it, but, perhaps
he has not had the opportunity the environments were
not, perhaps, suitable to him. When he gets the
opportunity he will manifest it. The idea that one man
is born superior to another has no meaning in Vedanta;
that between two nations one is superior and the other
inferior has no meaning whatsoever........
Men will be born differentiated; some will have
more power than others. We cannot stop that.... but
that on account of this power to acquire wealth they
should tyrannies and ride roughshod over those, who
cannot acquire so much wealth, is not a part of the
law, and the fight has been against that. The enjoyment
of advantage over another is privilege, and throughout
ages the aim of morality has been its
destruction.............
Our aristocratic ancestors went on treading the
common masses of our country under foot till they
became helpless, till under this torment the poor,
poor, people nearly forgot that they were human beings.
They have been compelled to be merely hewers of wood
and drawers of water for centuries, so much so, that
they are made to believe that they are born
198
as slaves, born as hewers of wood and drawers of water.
With all our boasted education of modern times, if
anybody says a kind word for them, I often find our men
shrink at once from the duty of lifting them up, these
poor downtrodden people. Not only so, but I also find
that all sorts of most demoniacal and brutal arguments,
culled from the crude ideas of hereditary transmission,
and other such gibberish from the western world are
brought forward in order to brutalise and tyrannies
over the poor, all the more......
Aye, Brahmins, if the Brahmin has more aptitude
for learning on the ground of heredity than the Pariah,
spend no more money on the Brahmin’s education, but
spend all on the Pariah. Give to the weak, for there
all the gift is needed. Our poor people, these down-
trodden masses of India, therefore, require to hear and
to know what they really are. Aye, let every man and
woman and child, without respect of caste or birth,
weakness and strength, hear and learn that behind the
strong and the weak, behind the high and the low,
behind everyone, there is that Infinite Soul, assuring
that infinite possibility and the infinite capacity of
all to become great and good. Let us proclaim to every
soul-’Arise, awake and stop not till the goal is
reached. Arise, awake ! Awake from the hyprotism of
weakness. None is really weak; the soul is infinite,
omnipotent and omniscient. Stand up, assert yourself,
proclaim the God within you, do not deny Him ! Too much
of inactivity, too much of weakness, too much of
hypnotism has been and is upon our race........ Power
will come, glory will come, goodness will come, purity
will come, and everything that is excellent will come,
when this sleeping soul is roused to self-conscious
activity..........
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Our proletariat are doing their duty........ is
there no heroism in it ? Many turn out to be heroes,
when they have some great task to perform. Even a
coward easily gives up his life, and the most selfish
man behaves disinterestedly when there is a multitude,
to cheer them on but blessed indeed is he who manifests
the same unselfishness and devotion to duty in the
smallest of acts. unnoticed by all-and it is you who
are actually doing this, ye ever-trampled labouring
classes of India ! I bow to you.
There was the Everest presence of Mahatma Gandhi, the Father
of the Nation, who staked his life for the harijan cause.
There was Baba
199
Saheb Ambedkar-a mahar by birth and fighter to his last
breath against the himalayan injustice to the harijan fellow
millions stigmatised by their genetic handicap-who was the
Chairman of the drafting committee of the Constituent
Assembly. There was Nehru, one of the foremost architects of
Free India, who stood four square between caste suppression
by the upper castes and the socialist egalitarianism
implicit in secular democracy.
These forces nurtured the roots of our constitutional
values among which must be found the fighting faith in a
casteless society, not by obliterating the label but by
advancement of the backward, particularly that pathetic
segment described colourlessly as Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes. To recognise these poignant realities of
social history and so to interpret the Constitution as to
fulfil itself, not eruditely to undermine its substance
through the tyranny of literality, is the task of judicial
patriotism so relevant in Third World conditions to make
liberation a living fact.
The learned Attorney General drew our attention to the
yawning gap between the legitimate expectations of the
socially depressed SC & ST and their utter under
representation in the Public Services except in such mean
jobs as of scavengers and sweepers where no other caste was
forthcoming. Equality of opportunity would be absent so long
as equalisation strategy was not put into action, and the
State, stage by stage and with great care and experimental
eye, took steps to secure the ends of Arts. 16(1) and 16(4),
read in the light of the Preambular promise of equality,
fraternity and dignity, the Part IV directive of promotion
of educational and economic interests of the SC & ST and the
Special Chapter, especially Art. 336, devoted to better
representation of the SC & ST in the services and posts in
connection with the affairs of the Union and States. We
could not apprehend the social dimension of the stark
squalour of SC&ST by viewing Art. 16 (4) through a narrow
legal aperture but only by an apercu of the broader demands
of social democracy, without which the Republic would cease
to be a reality to one-fifth of Indian humanity.
The final address to the Constituent Assembly by Dr.
Ambedkar drives home this point, not to interpret but to
illumine the scheme of the equality code and the casteless
society plea :
The third thing we must do is not to be content
with mere political democracy. We must make our
political democracy a social democracy as well.
Political democracy can-
200
not last unless there lies at the base of it social
democracy. What does social democracy mean ? It means a
way of life which recognises liberty, equality and
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fraternity as the principles of life. These principles
of liberty, equality and fraternity are not to be
treated as separate items in a trinity. They form a
union of trinity in the sense that to divorce one from
the other is to defeat the very purpose of democracy.
Liberty cannot be divorced from equality, equality
cannot be divorced from liberty. Nor can liberty and
equality be divorced from fraternity. Without
fraternity, liberty and equality could not become a
natural course of things. It would require a constable
to enforce them. We must begin by acknowledging the
fact that there is complete absence of two things in
Indian society. One of these is equality. On the social
plane, we have in India a society based on the
principles of graded inequality which means elevation
of some and degradation for others. On the economic
plane, we have a society in which there are some who
have immense wealth as against many who live in abject
poverty. On the 26th January 1950, we are going to
enter into a life of contradictions. In politics we
will have equality and in social and economic life we
will have inequality. In politics we will be
recognizing the principle of one man one vote and one
vote one value. In our social and economic structure,
continue to deny the principle of one man one value.
How long shall we continue to live this life of
contradictions ? How long shall be continue to deny
equality in our social and economic life ? If we
continue to deny it for long, we will do so only by
putting our political democracy in peril. We must
remove this contradiction at the earliest possible
moment or else those who suffer from inequality will
blow up the structure or political democracy which this
Assembly has so laboriously built up (emphasis added).
Indeed from another angle of vision, Art. 16(4) serves
to correct a gross social distortion and denial of
human rights to whole groups ostracised by feudal
history. A holistic concept of human rights includes
among its components socioeconomic rights for, without
basic conditions of social justice, survival with human
dignity is an impossibility. Thus, a great
socioeconomic plan to uplift the harijan-girijan groups
is a must for living equality, proclaimed by Arts. 14
to 16, to become an active reality. It must be stated
that the petitioners did not contest the need for State
action to raise the lot of these backward most social
sectors but objected, its widespread
201
erosion of the right to basic equality which belongs to
the have-nots in the country. Where do we draw the line
?
These are the disturbing issues going to the root of
progressive nationalism raised by the writ petitioners and
turned against them by the State, but we are not inclined or
entitled to venture into the political wisdom of
governmental policies vis a vis ’backward’ community,
calculus save where constitutionality, falling within the
judicial jurisdiction, confronts us. We must therefore
confine the forensic focus to the specific issue of profound
import projected by the aggrieved petitioners whose chief
attack is against being passed over, seniority and superior
merit notwithstanding, in favour of alleged neophytes or
nitwits merely because, by birth, the latter belong to the
SC&ST species, trampling underfoot, in the process, the
fundamental rights of equal opportunity entrenched in Arts.
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14 and 16(1) of the Constitution.
The dimensions of the problem, the human numbers
involved and the agitational potential said to be simmering
in the civil services were vividly drawn at the bar by one
side. The tragic tale of die-hard decades of inequality even
after Freedom, the socioeconomic miles to go’ and the
constitutional ’promises to keep’ (over which judges will
not legally sleep) before the dalit brethren may break their
chains and become at least distant neighbours to the less
socially handicapped sector, were highlighted pragmatically,
statistically, hierarchically, even desperately, by the
proponents of the impugned circulars (Annexures F to O
covered by Prayers I to X). These submissions serve as
poignant background but the decision on the vires of the
Railway Board’s directives will depend on constitutional
interpretation applied to Indian actualities, not to
idealised abstractions or theoretical possibilities. True,
the politicisation of casteism its infiltration into
unsuspected human territories and the injection of caste-
consciousness in schools and colleges via backward class
reservation are a canker in the rose of secularism. More
positive measures of levelling up by constructive strategies
may be the developmental needs. But the judicial process
while considering constitutional questions, must keep
politics and administrative alternatives as out of bounds
except to the extent economics, sociology and other
disciplines bear scientifically upon the proposition
demanding court pronouncement. Here the sole issue, spread
out into the validity of the supposed sinful circulars
(Annexures F to O covered by Prayers I to X) is whether Art.
16, in its sweep and savings, does permit State action in
favour of socially and economically backward classes,
especially the constitutionally favoured category called the
SC & ST, to the point of liberal concessions slurring over
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’age’, ’merit’ and the like, not merely at the initial
entrance gate but even at the higher promotional docks.
Whether alternative policies should have been chosen by
Government or would have served better to remove the
handicaps of the SC & STs, whether the advantages conferred
on these classes are too generous and overly compassionate
and whether the considerable numbers of the economically
destitute receive the same sympathy as social have-nots
categorised as SC & ST these and other speculative maybes,
are beyond the courts orbit save where Art. 16 is hit by
these omissions and commissions. Nor is it the court’s
province to question the conscionableness or propriety of
constitutional provisions which display ultra concern for
members of the SC & ST. The court functions under the
Constitution, not over it, interprets the Constitution, not
amends it, implements its provisions, not dilutes it through
personal philosophy projected as constitutional
construction. Objective tuned to constitutional wavelengths
is our function and if-only if-constitutional guarantees
have clearly been violated will the court declare as non est
such governmental projects as go beyond the mandates of Part
III read in harmony with Part IV. If, on a reasonable
construction, the Administration’s special provisions under
Art. 16(4) exceed constitutional limits, it is the duty of
the court to strike dead such project. Even so, while
viewing the legal issues we must not forget what is
elementary that law cannot go it alone but must function as
a member of the sociological ensemble of disciplines.
If one out of a few reasonably tenable constructions of
the constitutional provisions vis a vis the impugned
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executive directives may sustain the latter, the court
should and would refrain from using the judicial guillotine.
There is a comity of coordinate constitutional
instrumentalities geared to shared constitutional goals
which persuades the judicature to sustain rather than slay,
save where the breach is brazen, the transgression is plain
or the effective co-existence of the fundamental right and
the administrative scheme is illusory. This Court has, on
former occasions, upheld executive and legislative action
hovering "perilously near" but not plunging into
unconstitutionality (see In re: Kerala Education Bill (1959
SCR 995 at 1064). It is a constant guideline which we must
vigilantly remember, as we have stated earlier, that our
Constitution is a dynamic document with destination social
revolution. It is not anaemic nor neutral but vigorously
purposeful and value-laden as they very descriptive
adjectives of our Republic proclaim. Where ancient social
injustice freezes the ’genial current of the soul’ for whole
human segments our Constitution is not non-aligned. Activist
equalisation, as a realistic strategy of
203
producing human equality, is not legal anathema for Arts. 14
and 16. To hold otherwise is constitutional obscurantism and
legal literalism, allergic to sociologically intelligent
interpretation.
The Preamble which promises justice, liberty and
equality of status and opportunity within the framework of
Secular, Socialist Republic projects a holistic perspective.
Art. 16 which guarantees equal opportunity for all citizens
in matters of State Service inherently implies equalisation
as a process towards equality but also hastens to harmonize
the realistic need to jack up ’depressed’ classes to
overcome initial handicaps and join the national race
towards progress on an equal footing and devotes Art. 16(4)
for this specific purpose. In a given situation of large
social categories being submerged for long, the guarantee of
equality with the rest is myth, not reality, unless it is
combined with affirmative State action for equalisation
geared to promotion of eventual equality. Article 16(4) is
not a jarring note but auxiliary to fair fulfillment of Art.
16(1). The prescription of Art. 16(1) needs, in the living
conditions of India, the concrete sanction of Art. 16(4) so
that those wallowing in the social quagmire are enabled to
rise to levels of equality with the rest and march together
with their brethren whom history had not so harshly
hamstrung. To bury this truth is to sloganise Art. 16(1) and
sacrifice the facts of life.
This is not mere harmonious statutory construction of
Art. 16(1) and (4) but insightful perception of our
constitutional culture, reflecting the current of resurgent
India bent on making, out of a sick and stratified society
of inequality and poverty, a brave new Bharat. If freedom,
justice and equal opportunity to unfold one’s own
personality, belong alike to bhangi and brahmin, prince and
pauper, if the panchama proletariat is to feel the social
transformation Art. 16(4) promises, the State must apply
equalising techniques which will enlarge their opportunities
and thereby progressively diminish the need for props. The
success of State action under Art. 16(4) consists in the
speed with which result-oriented reservation withers away
as, no longer a need, not in the everwidening and
everlasting operation of an exception [Art. 16(4)] as if it
were a super-fundamental right to continue backward all the
time. To lend immortality to the reservation policy is to
defeat its raison de’etre; to politicise this provision for
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communal support and Party ends is to subvert the solemn
undertaking of Art. 16(1), to costeify ’reservation’ even
beyond the dismal groups of backward-most people,
euphemistically described as SC & ST, is to run a grave
constitutional risk. Caste, ipso facto, is not class in a
secular State.
204
The authentic voice of our culture, voiced by all the
great builders of modern India, stood for abolition of the
hardships of the pariah, the mlecha, the bonded labour, the
hungry, hard-working half-slave, whose liberation was
integral to our Independence. To interpret the Constitution
rightly we must understand the people for whom it is made-
the finer ethos, the frustrations, the aspirations, the
parameters set by the Constitution for the principled
solution of social disabilities. This synthesis of ends and
means, of life’s maladies and law’s remedies is a part of
the know-how of constitutional interpretation if alienation
from the people were not to afflict the justicing process.
A statute rarely stands alone. Back of Minerva was
the brain of Jove, and behind Venus was the spume of
the ocean.
These broader observations are necessary to set our
sights right, to appreciate that our Constitution lays the
gravestone on the old unjust order and the cornerstone of
the new humane order. This constitutional consciousness is
basic to interpretative wisdom. We may now start with the
facts of the case and spell out the particular problems
demanding our consideration. Constitutional questions cannot
be viewed in vacuo but must be answered in the social milieu
which gives it living meaning. After all, the world of facts
enlivens the world of words. And logomachy is not law but a
fatal, though fascinating, futility if alienated from the
facts of life. So, before pronouncing on the legality of the
impugned ten orders we must sketch the social setting in
which they were issued and the socioeconomic facts which
clothe Art. 16(4) with flesh and blood.
’The wisest in council, the ablest in debate and
the most agreeable companion in the commerce of human
life, is that man who has assimilated to his
understanding the greatest number of facts.’
The facts
The Indian Railways, with an impressive record of
expansion, employs colossal numbers of servants in various
typically hierarchical classes and grades. While the Indian
Railways Act, 1890, substantially regulates many of the
functions of the railway administration in India, the
Railway Board is constituted under the Indian Railway Board
Act, 1905, with a view more effectively to control the
administration of railways. The Central Government is
statutorily empowered
205
to invest the Railway Board with all or any of the powers
and functions of the Central Government under the Indian
Railways Act, 1890. Power is also given by s. 2 to vest in
the Railway Board the capacity to make general rules for
railways administered by the Government. Of course, the
investment of powers upon the Railway Board is, broadly
speaking, subject to the condition that the Central
Government retains the ultimate authority in all matters
connected with the Railway Administration. The Ministry of
Home Affairs, in the Government of India, deals usually with
all matters of personnel, conditions of service of the
Central Government staff and the like. Policy decisions
regarding matters covered by Art. 16(4) apparently originate
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from the Ministry of Home Affairs and emanate to the various
institutions like the Railway Board which responsively
implement them. In the present case, ten directives were
issued by the Railway Board on different occasions, which
disclosed ’benign discrimination’ in favour of Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes and are challenged by the
petitioners as ’reverse discrimination’, if we may use that
expression popularised in American legalese. These
directives were designed to protect and promote the
interests of members of the SC & ST in the matter of their
employment under the Indian Railway Administration and they
specially related to the softer criteria for promotion. The
Railway Board acted, as is discernible from the relevant
orders, in obedience to the policy decisions of the Ministry
of Home Affairs. Some argument was addressed on the validity
of the Railway Board’s orders on procedural and other
technical grounds. We see no substance in them. The Board
was bound to carry out the Central Government’s directives
under Art. 16(4) and did it. The broader issue of ’benign
discrimination’ deserves close study.
The meat of the matter, to put it that way, is the
gross discrimination alleged to be implicit in the several
Circulars of the Railway Board and the non-applicability of
Art. 16(4) to save these circulars. The focus of this
litigation must primarily turn on that issue and the court
must navigate towards egalitarian justice at the level of
promotion posts in the public services, keeping the land-
mark rulings of this Court as mariner’s compass. The
disturbing perpetuation of socioeconomic suppression of a
whole fifth of Indian manhood-the dalits-and the righteous
resistance to prolonged ’reverse casteism’ resulting in
deepening demoralization of the economically oppressed-the
soshits-have been projected by counsel on the forensic
screen as a conflict between equalisation and equality. Our
founding fathers, familiar with social dialectics and
socialist enlightenment, surely would have intended to bring
both these have-not categories together as a
206
broad brotherhood against the die-hard Establishment and
would never have contemplated a fratricidal strategy which
would blind and divide brothers in distress-the dalits and
the soshits-and harm the integration of the nation and its
developmental march. Unless by dialectical approach
sociologists lay bare this false dilema of dalits versus
soshits, the growing distrust in democracy will deepen, the
jurisprudence of constitutional revolution and egalitarian
justice will fade in the books and the founding hopes of
January 26, 1950, will sour into cynical dupes of the
masses, decades after! Wider perspectives must, therefore,
inform our study of the equality code (Arts. 14 to 16) to
rid it of social contradictions and read into it the need
for a dalit soshit partnership in demanding social justice.
Felix Frankfurter set the judicial function when he said
:(1)
A Judge should be compounded of the faculties that
are demanded of the historian and the philosopher and
the prophet. The last demand upon him-to make some
forecast of the consequences of his action-is perhaps
the heaviest. To pierce the curtain of the future, to
give shape and visage to mysteries still in the womb of
time, is the gift of the imagination. It requires
poetic sensibilities with which judges are rarely
endowed and which their education does not normally
develop. These judges must have something of the
creative artist in them; they must have antennae
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registering feeling and judgment beyond logical, let
alone quantitative, proof.
Be that as it may, the court must go to the
constitutional basics for guidance, decode the articles
indifferent to agitational portents and ideological
speculations, but responsive to the urgent implementation of
Art. 38 into the reality of Indian life. Article 38 reads:
38(1). The State shall strive to promote the
welfare of the people by securing and protecting as
effectively as it may a social order in which justice,
social, economic and political shall inform all the
institutions of the national life.
(2) The State shall in particular, strive to
minimise the inequalities in income, and endeavour to
eliminate inequalities in status, facilities and
opportunities, not only amongst individuals but also
amongst groups of people residing in different areas or
engaged in different vocations.
(emphasis added)
207
The learned Attorney General, while emphasising the
egalitarian commitment of the Constitution over the whole
range of public services throughout their career, defended
the impugned orders by law and logic, pragmatics and
statistics, and countered the hypotheticals of the
petitioners by the actual furnished by official facts and
figures. He also relied on a few precedents, in particular,
Rangachari’s case(1) and Thomas’s case(2) both of which bind
this Bench. He also sought to explain away the effect of
Balaji’s case(3) and Devadason’s case(4) on which the other
side had heavily relied to nullify some of the circulars.
The Union of India placed before us its case that
notwithstanding measures for bringing the gap in the matter
of gross under-representation in the Administration, no
adequate improvement had been registered and, and so, more
dynamic State action, to fulfil its constitutional tryst
with the frustrated fifth of the people described as SC &
ST, became necessitous. The raw reality of meagre harijan
and girijan presence in the public services conscientised
the Administration into taking a series of cautions steps to
catalyse the prospects of these categories entering the many
Departments of Government not merely at the initial stage
but also at promotional points and in appointments to
supervisory posts so as to become members of the higher
echelons. The learned Attorney General contended that such
affirmative actions, slurring over fanatical and financial
insistence on so-called merit and seniority, was in
conformity with Art. 16(1) itself and, in any case, was
protected by Art.16(4). Maybe, the human numbers outside the
SC & ST honestly suffer some meyhem in their career
especially at the higher notches of promotion after long
stagnation and are bitter that the shudra or panchama steals
a march over him now, although the poignant pages of earlier
history have been a negation of personhood then for millions
of the dregs of society, desperately driving Dr. Ambedkar to
vow "I shall not die a Hindu". But the synthesis of Art. 16,
not the antithesis between Art. 16(1) and Art. 16(4), gives
the clue to creative constitutional construction.
The learned Attorney General’s plea was that in a
society of chronic inequality and scarcity of employment,
actual equality could never be midwifed without birth pangs,
and discriminatory unconstitutionality could not vitiate
programmes meant to achieve real-life
208
equality, unless we took a pragmatic view. This approach is
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permissible if we follow Chief Justice Warren:
Our judges are not monks or scientists, but
participants in the living stream of our national life,
steering the law between the dangers of rigidity on the
one hand and of formlessness on the other. Our system
faces no theoretical dilemma but a single continuous
problem: how to apply to ever-changing conditions the
never-changing principles of freedom.
Let us draw the precise battle lines to contain the
constitutional conflict within the actual limits. Equality
of opportunity in matters of State employment is a
constitutional guarantee and no citizen can be discriminated
against on the score only of sex, caste, descent, place of
birth or residence. So, one point pressed before us is that
Scheduled Castes cannot be a favoured class in the public
services because they are ’castes’ and cannot claim
preference qua castes unless specially saved by Art. 16(4).
And Art. 16(4) speaks of class, not caste and the two are
different, however, politically convenient the confusion may
be. Another vital contention put forward by counsel for the
petitioners was that Art. 16(4) could not apply to
promotional levels. A third basic plea was that efficiency
of administration was a constitutional consideration under
Art. 335 and could not be a sacrificial goat to propitiate
the backward class Kali. The impugned circulars offended
against efficiency, both by fomenting frustration among the
Civil Services indirectly producing inefficiency and by
manning higher posts which demand higher skills with men of
lower competitive calibre and less experience in service
thus posting ’efficiency risks’ in strategic positions
violating Art. 335.
The contentious issue is now clear. Are SC & ST mere
castes within the sense of Art. 16(2) ? If so, can Art.
16(4) help these castes through rule of promotional
partiality ? And, in any case, can Art. 16(4) rescue rules
of benign discrimination if the impact thereof is generation
of gross inefficiency in administration ? Is not economic
’have notism’ a better yardstick of backwardness in secular
India?
A brief resume of the structure of the Railway Services
may help understand the rival arguments in their precise
setting. The pyramid begins, at the base, with Class IV
posts and rises to the apex, by stages, through Class III,
Class II and Class I. True to our hierarchical culture,
pervasive in Indian Services, there are further sub-
divisions, consisting of many categories in each class and
many grades in each category. The agencies for recruitment
are the Union Public Service
209
Commission, the Railway Service Commission and the top
officers authorised by the Railway Board in this behalf.
Ordinarily the first entry into each category is filled by
direct recruitment, if we may use language loosely.
Thereafter, appointments to higher grades/categories are
usually by promotion. The promotional processes are
traditionally two-fold, viz., (a) by departmental selection
based on merit-cum-seniority, and (b) by escalation, in the
order of seniority, from the lower to the higher
grade/category, subject, of course to being weeded out if
found unfit. Candidates belonging to SC&ST receive certain
pronounced advantages both at the stage of initial
recruitment and later at the promotion stage. The Indian
Railway Establishment Manual a compendious collection of
rules and directions bearing on the conditions of employment
of railway personnel, sets out all the information. Speaking
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population-wise and in approximate terms, the Scheduled
Castes constitute about 15% and the Scheduled Tribes 7 1/2%.
Broadly based on the ratio of the strength of SC&ST to the
whole population, the Railway Administration provided for
reservation for candidates belonging to the SC&ST. This
percentage of reservation applied to Class IV, Class III,
Class II and, in a limited way, to Class I posts. The
reservation is worked out by the method known as 40-point
roster. These special provisions notwithstanding the intake
of these communities, stagnating at the bottom of the Indian
policy, continued to be chronically niggardly. To increase
the rate of absorption of SC&ST into the services, further
facilities, concessions and relaxations were offered from
time to time. Despite these seemingly attractive employment
opportunities the dismal backwardness in the matter of
representation in administration from among the SC&ST was
such that the vacancies reserved for them remained, in many
cases, unfilled by SC & ST candidates. Lest the overall
representation of the members of the SC&ST should continue
deplorably negligible Government adopted a policy of "carry
forward", for upto three recruitment years, of reserved
vacancies if enough number of candidates from the said
groups did not get selected. The "carry forward" rule was
calculated to keep open reserved vacancies for at least
three years so that the under representation could be made
up at least in part. Homogenisation of the dalits into the
national mainstream was regarded as vital to our democracy
by the State and these positive strategies of special
opportunities vis a vis SC&ST had, as its raison d’etre,
only the imperative need to exercise the haunting spectre of
the socially and economically suppressed species and to
abolish the utter squalour of SC&ST so that the community at
large could march ahead without haggard groups dragging
their feet. Social conscience considers balanced democratic
development as the humane justification for selective
discrimination.
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With this backdrop, we may epitomise the ten ’tainted’
directives and scan them for their unconstitutionality.
Special provisions for depressed classes and even other
castes have a pre-constitution history. After the
Constitution was enacted the legality of old rules based on
caste became moot and the Central Government revised its
policy. The post-Constitution re-incarnation of the communal
G.O. concentrated not on caste orientation but on
elimination of socioeconomic suppression and the diverse
ways to achieve this objective.
We must remember, in this context, not merely the four
classes of Service but also the broad division of the staff
into selection and non-selection posts. The first policy
statement of the Union of India on the issue of better
representation of SC&ST in Government Service begins with
Resolution No. 42/21/49-NG 8 of September 13, 1950. To
understand the functional compulsions, purpose, orientation
and constitutional parameters relevant to such a policy
formulation we have to refer to a few articles of the
Constitution.
Articles 14 to 16 form a code by themselves and embody
the distilled essence of the Constitution’s casteless and
classless egalitarianism. Nevertheless, our founding fathers
were realists, and so did not declare the proposition of
equality in its bald universality but subjected it to
certain special provisions, not contradicting the soul of
equality, but adapting that never changing principle to the
ever-changing social milieu. That is how Arts. 15(4) and
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16(4) have to be read together with Arts. 15(1) and 16(1).
The first sub-article speaks of equality and the second sub-
article amplifies its content by expressly interdicting
caste as a ground of discrimination. Article 16(4) imparts
to the seemingly static equality embedded in Art. 16(1) a
dynamic quality by importing equalisation strategies geared
to the eventual achievement of equality as permissible State
action, viewed as an amplification of Art. 16(1) or as an
exception to it. The same observation will hold good for the
sub-articles of Art. 15. Thus we have a constitutional
fundamental guarantee in Arts. 14 to 16; but it is a
notorious fact of our cultural heritage that the Scheduled
Castes and the Scheduled Tribes have been in unfree Indian
nearly dehumanised, and a facet of the struggle for Freedom
has been the restoration of full personhood to them together
with the right to share in the social and economic
development of the country. Article 46 is a Directive
Principle contained in Part IV. Every Directive Principle is
fundamental in the governance of the country and it shall be
the duty of
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the State to apply that principle in making law. Article 46,
in emphatic terms, obligates the State.
"to promote with special care the educational and
economic interests of the weaker sections of the
people, and, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from social
injustice and all forms of exploitation.
Reading Art. 46 together with Art. 16(4) the luscent intent
of the Constitution-framers emerges that the exploited lot
of the harijan girijan groups in the past shall be
extirpated with special care by the State. The inference is
obvious that administrative participation by SC&ST shall be
promoted with special care by the State. Of course
reservations under Art. 16(4) and promotional strategies
envisaged by Art. 46 may be important but shall not run
berserk and imperil administrative efficiency in the name of
concessions to backward classes. Article 335 enters a caveat
in this behalf:
335. The claims of the members of the scheduled
Castes and the Scheduled Tribes shall be taken into
consideration consistently with the maintenance of
efficiency of administration, in the making of
appointments to services and posts in connection with
the affairs of the Union or of a State.
The positive accent of this Article is that the claims of
SC&ST to equalisation of representation in services under
the State, having regard to their sunken social status and
impotence in the power system, shall be taken into
consideration. The negative element, which is part of the
Article, is that measures taken by the State, pursuant to
the mandate of Arts. 16(4), 46 and 335, shall be consistent
with and not subversive of "the maintenance of efficiency of
administration".
Within this broad constitutional framework the Central
Government worked out its policy, way back in 1950, and made
subsequent alterations in keeping with the needs of the
situation, the poor progress registered, the militant
impatience of the affected SC&ST and the improved tactics to
hasten abolition of the depressed status of these groups by
effective equalisation with the rest.
Even here, it may be noticed that the Constitution has
given a special position for the Scheduled Castes and the
Scheduled Tribes.
Article 341 makes it clear that a ’Scheduled Caste’
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need not be a ’caste’ in the conventional sense and,
therefore, may not be a caste within the meaning of Arts.
15(2) or 16(2). Scheduled Castes become such only if the
President specifies any castes, races or tribes or
212
parts or groups within castes, races or tribes for the
purpose of the Constitution. So, a group or a section of a
group, which need not be a caste and may even be a
hotchpotch of many castes or tribes or even races, may still
be a Scheduled Caste under Art. 341. Likewise, races or
tribal communities or parts thereof or part or parts of
groups within them may still be Scheduled Tribes (Art. 342)
for the purpose of the Constitution. Under this definition,
one group in a caste may be a Scheduled Caste and another
from the same caste may not be. It is the socioeconomic
backwardness of a social bracket, not mere birth in a caste,
that is decisive. Conceptual errors creep in when
traditional obsessions obfuscate the vision.
This aspect has been referred to in the State of Kerala
v. N. M. Thomas by me, and dealt with at more length by Ray,
C.J.:
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are not a
caste within the ordinary meaning of caste. In
Bhaiyalal v. Hari kishan Singh and Ors.(2) this Court
held that an enquiry whether the appellant there
belonged to the Dohar caste which was not recognised as
a Scheduled Caste and his declaration that he belonged
to the Chamar caste which was a Scheduled Caste could
not be permitted because of the provisions contained in
Article 341. No Court can come to a finding that any
Caste or any tribe is a Scheduled Caste or Scheduled
Tribe. Scheduled Caste is a caste as notified under
Article 366(25). A notification is issued by the
President under Article 361 as a result of an elaborate
enquiry. The object of Article 341 is to provide
protection to the members of Scheduled Castes having
regard to the economic and educational backwardness
from which they suffer.
The President notifies Scheduled Castes not with
reference to any caste characteristics but their abysmal
backwardness, as is evident from the scheme of Part XVI. He
appoints, under Art. 338, a Special Officer whose duty is to
investigate into all matters relating to safeguards for the
SC&ST. The Constitution provides not merely for adequate
representation of SC&ST to services and posts under the
Union and States, but also provides for reservation of seats
for SC&ST in the Legislatures. The cursory study of the
Articles relating to the status and safeguards of SC&ST puts
it beyond doubt that the founding fathers have assigned to
them a special place and shown towards them special concern
and charged the State with special mandates to redeem
213
these handicapped human sectors from their grossly retarded
situation. Indeed, they are not merely backward, but are the
backwardmost and cannot be equated with just any other caste
in the Hindu fold. It is, therefore, problematic whether
Art. 16(2) when it refers to equality among castes deals
with the Scheduled Castes which, as shown above, may even be
made of a plurality of castes or groups or races and may
vary from State to State. Also, a caste, subjected qua
caste, to the most humiliating handicaps may be a backward
class although the Court will hesitate to equate caste with
class except where the degree of dismalness is dreadful. The
relevance of this point will be clear when we deal with the
legal submissions of counsel.
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We will now state, in an abbreviated form, the various
measures of the Railway Board (in response to decisions of
the Ministry of Home Affairs) for reservation in services of
SC&ST.
After noting the policy of communal representation in
the Services before the Constitution and the constitutional
ban on discrimination by way of reservation on the ground of
caste save in the case of SC&ST (and in some cases Anglo-
Indians with whom we are unconcerned here) the Home Ministry
proceeded to spell out the new stance:
Pending the determination of the figures of
population at the Census of 1951 the Government of
India have decided to make the following reservations
in recruitment to posts and services under them:
(a) Scheduled Castes:-The existing reservation of
12 1/2 % of vacancies filled by direct recruitment in
favour of the Scheduled Castes will continue in the
case of recruitment of posts and services made, on an
all-India basis by open competition, i.e. through the
Union Public Service Commission or by means of open
competitive test held by any other authority. Where
recruitment is made otherwise than by open competition
the reservation for Scheduled Castes will be 16-2/3 as
at present.
(b) Scheduled Tribes:-Both in recruitment by open
competition and in recruitment made otherwise than by
open competition there will be a reservation in favour
of members of Scheduled Tribes of 5% of the vacancies
filled by direct recruitment.
......Under the Constitution all citizens of India
are eligible for consideration for appointment to posts
and services under the Central Government irrespective
of their
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domicile or place of birth and there can be no
recruitment to any Central Service which is confined by
rule to the inhabitants of any specified area. In
practice however recruitment to class I and II services
and posts is likely to attract candidates from all over
India and will be on a truly all-India basis, while for
the majority of Class III services & posts which are
filled otherwise than through the Union Public Service
Commission only those residing in the area or locality
in which the Office is located are likely to apply. In
the latter class of cases the percentages of
reservations for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
will be fixed by Government taking into account the
population of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
in that area.
Reservations were excluded for promotions and minimum
qualifications were a ’must’. But age relaxation by 3 years
(from the maximum fixed for others) was allowed. This policy
is not challenged as unconstitutional and rightly so.
However, this special provision showed only minimal
concessions to SC&ST, being the first cautious,
conservative, post-constitutional measure under Art. 16(4).
But law is what law does. Did this reluctant relaxation only
on a few grounds work? Constant monitoring of law-in-action,
with an eye on the end result, is social engineering. The
goal here was to awaken the sleeping soul and harness the
harijan resource by mainstreaming techniques
constitutionally sanctioned. The policy proved non-viable
and a change of strategy was called for and by Annexure D
the Railway Board altered the rules "with a view to securing
increased representation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
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Tribes in the Railway Services". At the instance of the Home
Ministry the Railway Board decided on 5-10-1955 that more
realistic relaxations were needed and authorised recruiting
bodies to slur over low places obtained by the SC&ST
candidates:
.....except where such authority considers that
the minimum standard necessary for the maintenance of
efficiency of the administration has not been reached.
Whenever candidates are selected in this manner, the
appointing authorities will make necessary arrangements
to give additional training and coaching to the
recruits so that they might come up to the standard of
other recruits appointed along with them.
The anxiety to level up the lowly human layers by special
training so as to maintain administrative efficiency is
evident in this directive.
215
Likewise, where direct recruitment, otherwise than by
examination was provided for, taking of SC&ST candidates
’..... fulfilling a lower standard of suitability
than from other communities, was permitted so long as
the candidates have the prescribed minimum education
and technical qualifications and the appointing
authorities are satisfied that the lowering of
standards will not unduly affect the maintenance of the
efficiency of administration.’
Here again, obsession with ’efficiency’ is manifest. Then
comes what is called the ’carry forward’ rule:
(3)(a) if a sufficient number of candidates
considered suitable by the recruiting authorities, are
not available for the communities for whom reservations
are made in a particular year, the unfilled vacancies
should be treated as unreserved and filled by the best
available candidates. The number of reserved vacancies
thus treated as unreserved will be added as an
additional quota to the number that would be reserved
in the following year in the normal course, and to the
extent to which approved candidates are not available
in that year against this additional quota, a
corresponding addition should be made to the number of
reserved vacancies in the second following year.
(b) In the event of suitable Scheduled Caste
candidate not being available, a Scheduled Tribe
candidate can be appointed in the subsequent reserved
vacancy and vice versa subject to adjustment in the
subsequent points of the roster.
The quota for two years, if carried forward, would not
materially affect the stream of ’merit-worthy’ candidates,
nor substantially diminish the prospects of non-SC&ST
candidates in a given year. So the Railway Board introduced
the principle consistently with Art. 335.
Government moved further because real power could be
shared by the weakest sections only if the doors of the
higher decks were pened to them. The higher echelons are the
real controllerates, not the menial levels, hierarchically
structured as our society is. Obviously, Art. 16(4) was not
designed to get more harijans into Government as scavengers
and sweepers but as ’officers’ and ’bosses’, so that
administrative power may become the common property of the
high and low, homogenised and integrated into one community.
Social stratification,
216
the bane of the caste system, could be undone and vertical
mobility won not by hortative exercises but by experience of
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shared power.
Viewed thus, the ’open sesame’ strategy for entry into
superior cadres could only be by extending concessions at
higher levels of ’promotions’. Annexure D did not make
reservations for SC&ST for promotion posts, but merely asked
for sympathy on the part of promoting authorities. Lachrymal
exercises, even in government directives, are in practice,
little more than skin-deep; and elitist alibis, when the
ancient anguish of the lowliest & the lost besieges the
citadels of the status quo, readily checkmate ameliorative
moves. The harijan lot, in administrative services at the
promotional levels, remained a paper hope, a teasing
illusion and a promise of unreality. Article 46, whether we
like it or not, ordains that the State shall ’with special
care’ promote the interests of the SC&ST. And so long as the
harijan-girijan remained an alien to the Civil Service and
the janitors for the higher chambers of Administration were
themselves non-harijan-girijan gentlemen, he would be a
naive sociologist who thought that mere plea for more
sympathy made in official orders would work magic.
Government, on a performance audit of its policy of ’no
reservation’ for promotion posts, discovered that the
harijan could hardly reach higher positions. More effective
methods were needed.
A radical change in policy was effected by the Railway
Board through Annexure F of April 27, 1959. ’Merit’,
sanctified by tradition, lost the battle. ’Tradition is a
great retarding force, the vis inertiae of history;’ and so,
heroic measures of progressive thrust, the Railway Board
realised, alone could effect the break-through and bring the
harijan-girijan groups into the higher brackets of
Administration Annexure was promulgated providing for
reservation in promotions. This has been challenged before
us.
The tepid provision opening up promotion posts for
’reserved’ categories was first confined to Class III and
Class II, Class I being too sacrosanct to be soiled by
meritless members. Annexure F reads:
Sub: Reservation for members of Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes in posts filled by
promotion in Railways.
Reference is invited to Board’s letter No.
E55CMI/3 dated 5-10-55. The Railway Board have, in
partial modification of para IV of the above letter,
decided as follows:-
(a) Promotion from Class IV to Class III and from
Class III to Class II.
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The Railway Board have decided that promotions
from Class IV to Class III and from Class III to Class
II service are of the nature of direct recruitment and
the prescribed quota of reservation for Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes should be provided as in
direct recruitment. The field of eligibility in the
case of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
candidates should be four times the number of posts
reserved without any condition of qualifying period of
service in their case, subject to the condition that
such consideration should not normally extend to staff
beyond two grades immediately below the grade for which
the selection is held.
This reservation was confined to ’selection posts’ and the
circular was explicit that "there will be no quota for
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes candidates in respect
of promotion to "non-selection" posts. For "general posts"
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of certain types in Class III, it was laid down:
(c) "General Posts" in Class III.
There are certain other types of posts on Railways
such as Passenger Guides, Welfare Inspectors, Safety
Inspectors Platform Inspectors, Publicity Inspectors,
Vigilance Inspectors, etc., which are ex-cadre posts
filled by drawing staff from more than one branch.
Filling of these posts is in the nature of direct
recruitment and the reservation for Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes as applicable to direct
recruitment should be applied."
More chances to pass tests, additional training and
coaching to raise the standard of the sub-standard were also
provided for in the Board’s order. Homage was thus paid to
the ’administrative efficiency’ component of Art. 335.
This departure regarding reservation at the promotion
tier for selection posts was challenged before this Court
but upheld in Rangachari’s case. We will dwell at some
length on that ruling later but we may merely mention than
an appeal was made to us by counsel for the petitioners that
we should reconsider, by reference to a larger bench, the
ratio of Rangachari which has been approvingly referred to
for nearly two decades by this Court, acted upon by
Government throughout and enjoys, if we may say so with
great respect, our full concurrence. Constitutional
propositions on which a whole nation directs its destiny are
not like Olympic records to be
218
periodically challenge and broken by fresh exercises in
excellence but solemn sanctions, with judicial seal set
thereon, for the country to navigate towards the haven of
human development for everyone. To play cross-word puzzle
with constitutional construction is to profane it, unless,
of course, a serious set-back to the progress of human
rights or surprise reversal of constitutional fundamentals
has happened. We find the question discussed, decided and
consistently followed since Rangachari and see no reason to
open the Pandora’s box. So it was that we rejected the plea
for reconsideration.
Even so, the alternative method of containing Art,
16(4) within the contours of Rangachari was open to counsel
and that has been done in argument as will be evident from
the discussion on the vires of the subsequent orders of the
Board. All the fire was turned by petitioners’ counsel on
promotion ’excesses’ through Railway Board circulars.
Annexure H of August 27, 1979 is one such:
Annexure H
The Railway Board have now revised their policy in
regard to reservation and other concessions to
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in posts filled
by promotion....
The particular concessions are concretised thus:
(B) Promotion by selection method (i) Class II
appointments:
In promotion by selection from Class III to Class
II, as a measure of improving representation of
Scheduled Castes/ Scheduled Tribes, it has now been
decided that, if they are within the zone of
eligibility the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe
employees will be given, by the Selection/Departmental
promotion Committee, one grading higher than the
grading otherwise assignable to them on the basis of
their record of service i.e. if any Scheduled Caste or
Scheduled Tribe employee has been categorised by the
Committee, on the basis of his record of service as
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"Good", he should be recategorised by the Committee as
"Very Good". Likewise, if any Scheduled Caste or
Scheduled Tribe employee is grades as "Very Good" on
the basis of his record of service, he will be
recategorised by the Committee as "Outstanding". Of
course, if any Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe
employee has already been categorised by the Committee
as "Outstanding" on the basis of his record of service,
no recategorisation will be needed in his case. This
recategorisation will then
219
form the basis of allotment of marks in respect of
’Record of service’.
The above concession would be confined to only 25
per cent of the total number of vacancies in a
particular grade or post filled in a year.
In the matter of selection to Class III and Class IV posts
the concession runs thus:
There will be reservation of 12 per cent and 5 per
cent of the vacancies for Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes respectively in promotions made by
selection in or to Class III and Class IV posts, in
grades or services in which the element of direct
recruitment, if any, does not exceed 50 per cent.
Promotion against reserved vacancies will continue to
be subject to the candidates satisfying the prescribed
minimum qualifications and standards of fitness.
II. It has also been decided that in respect of
promotions to selection posts in Class III where safety
aspect is not involved, the qualifying marks under
"Professional ability" in respect of Scheduled Caste
and Scheduled Tribe candidates should be 25 out of 50
instead of 30 out of 50 as applicable to the candidates
belonging to the unreserved groups. Similarly,
qualifying marks in aggregate in respect of Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes should be 50 out of 100
instead of 60 out of 100 for others.
It must be noticed that while grading has been modified and
qualifying marks reduced as indicated above, for SC&ST, care
has also been taken to exclude from these concessions, posts
which involve "safety aspects" and not to relax prescribed
minima of qualifications and standards of fitness. Article
335 has been honoured, making a margin on merit inevitable
when choosing the second best.
The next Order assailed by counsel is that of 20th
April 1970 (Annexure I) and its highlights are revealed by
relevant excerpts:
ANNEXURE I
The policy of the Government of India in regard to
reservations for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
in posts and services under the Government of India was
laid down in the Ministry of Home Affairs Resolution
No. 42/21/49/NGS dated 13th September, 1950 circulated
with Railway Board’s letter No. E47CMI/49/3 dated 23rd
December, 1950. The question of revising the
percentages
220
of reservation for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes in post and services under the Government of
India in the light of the population of these
communities as shown in the 1961 census has been under
consideration of the Government for some time. It has
now been decided in modification of the decisions
contained in paras 2 and 4(1) of the Ministry of Home
Affairs’ Resolution dated 13th September 1950, that the
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following reservations will hereafter be made for the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in posts and
services which are filled by direct recruitment;
What are they? 12% and 5% are raised to 15% and 7%
respectively for SCs and STs, consequent on the census
picture and population ratio. Likewise, in local or regional
recruitments (presumably, they are inferior posts) the
population ratio prevalent in the concerned States was to be
the basis for reservation quota for SC&ST.
By the same order, the "carry forward" rule was carried
a little further forward by increasing it, in the absence of
suitable candidates from SC&ST, from 2 to 3 years. It was
also provided that the reserved vacancies, if candidates
were available (and vice versa) could well be filled by
them, instead of being thrown open to the general community.
The Board’s letter dated April 29, 1970 made a further
change by revising the roster. Positions Nos. 1, 4, 8, 14,
17, 22, 28, 36 were to go to SC/ST candidates. The Note
takes care to avoid total deprivation of changes for a
particular year for general candidates when the vacancies
are few:
NOTE: If there are only two vacancies to be filled
in a particular year, not more than one may be treated
as reserved and if there be only one vacancy, it should
be treated as unreserved. If on this account, a
reserved point is treated as unreserved the reservation
may be carried forward to the subsequent three
recruitment years.
Similar provisions, though somewhat different in detail,
were made for posts filled by direct recruitment otherwise
than by open competition.
A big break with the past was next made by the Board’s
proceedings of 11-1-1973 (Annexure K) which hurt the lower
classes of employees whose promotion was regulated by
seniority-cum-suitability (i.e., non-selection posts,
according to official jargon). That directive states:
221
ANNEXURE K
After careful consideration the Board have now
decided that a quota of 15% and 7 1/2% for Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes respectively may also be
provided in promotion to the categories and posts in
Class I, II, III and IV filled on the basis of
seniority-cum-suitability provided the element of
direct recruitment to those grades, if any, does not
exceed 50%.
The number of reserved vacancies in a recruitment
year (viz., financial year on the Railways) should be
determined under Board’s letter No. E(SCT) 70CM15/10
dated 20-4-70...........
In the case of reserved community candidates equal
to the number of reserved vacancies are not found
suitable for promotion even with relaxed standard, the
reserved vacancies may be dereserved after following
the procedure prescribed for dereservation as in the
case of selection categories. The quota so dereserved
will be carried forward to three subsequent recruitment
years; the year in which no panel is formed is not to
be taken into account for this purpose.
This order has been fiercely attached as unconstitutional.
The order attached in Rangachari’s case (supra) related to
selection posts at the promotion level but Annexure K (11-1-
1973) covers promotion to non-selection posts. The whole
gamut of promotions in Classes II, III and IV areas thus
comes under the reservation formula.
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Annexure I extended the principle of reservation to
lower ranks of Class I services (i.e. Junior Class I scale).
The ’carry forward’ project, calculated to ensure adequate
representation by broadening the time zone to three years,
was applicable to all cases of reservations in promotion
posts.
One of the major broadside attacks made on the validity
of the Railway Board’s circulars was the serious peril to
administrative efficiency, a non-negotiable value under Art.
335. The hazards to railway travel, it was urged, would so
increase because of the harijan component and its sub-
standard performance that rail-road accidents would escalate
and threaten human life! We must, by way of antidote to this
caricature, notice, however, that provisions for special
training and coaching where the recruit was somewhat sub-
standard, was specially insisted on and this, at least
partially, overcame the
222
’awesome’ deficiency. No factual material to blame all the
ills of the Indian Railways on the reservation policy was
placed before us except a hunch in a Report to be referred
to later. If harijans were excluded would railway accidents
have a long holiday ? Courts are not credulity in robes !
A comprehensive programme of balancing administrative
competency with adequacy of SC&ST representation was
attempted by the Railway Board in Annexure M which provided
for in-service training for candidates who were below
standard. This letter of the Board dated 31st August 1974
recalled the earlier letter of 27-4-1959 which provided:
While filling the posts on promotion, however,
candidates of three communities should be judged in a
sympathetic manner and arrangements made where
necessary to give to such staff additional training and
coaching, to bring them upto the standard of others.
In the light of actual experience and the complex of
considerations implied in Arts. 16(4), 46 and 335 the Board
directed, with disturbing concern for the continued
exclusion of SC&ST candidates, as follows:
The matter has been further considered by the
Board and it has been decided that if, during the
selection proceedings it is found, that the requisite
number of Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe
candidates are not available for being placed on the
panel in spite of the various relaxations, already
granted, the best among them i.e. who secure highest
marks, should be earmarked for being placed on the
panel to the extent vacancies have been reserved in
their favour. The panel excluding the names of such
persons may also be declared provisionally. Thereafter
the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe candidates who
have been so earmarked may be promoted ad hoc for a
period of six months against the vacancies reserved for
them. During the said six months period, the
Administration should give them all facilities for
improving their knowledge and coming upto the requisite
standard, if necessary by organising special coaching
classes. At the end of the six months period, a special
report should be obtained on the working of these
candidates and the case put up by the Department
concerned to the General Manager through SPO(RP) for a
review. The continuance of the Scheduled Caste and
Scheduled Tribe candidates in the
223
higher grades would depend upon this review. If the
candidates are found to have come upto the requisite
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standard, their names would be included in the panel
and the vacancies dereserved and filled in the usual
manner by candidates from other communities.
The procedure indicated in the preceding para
would also apply to promotion to the posts filled on
the basis of seniority-cum-suitability, with the only
difference that the Review at the end of the six months
period would be carried out by the authority competent
to approve the Select List.
This directive takes good care of harijan-girijan
obtuseness, if any.
We move on to Annexure N of February 21, 1976 which
relates to carrying forward of reserved vacancies remaining
unfilled. We need not go into its details except to state
that further facilities are offered to SC&ST promotees, on
account of unsatisfactory intake as a fact.
Although on paper what might appear to be pampering
concessions were offered to SC&ST candidates, the painful
reality, according to the Union of India, was alarming
under-representation and utter inadequacy of SC&ST personnel
in the Railway Services. Arithmetical manipulations and
national concessions incorporated in government proceedings
did not impact on the raw life of depressed classes unless
activist tactics of upgrading the competence and awareness
of those human sectors were fruitfully carried out in a
result-oriented manner. The Union of India and the Railway
Board apparently pinned their faith on increasing the
percentage hoping that thereby more harijans would be
attracted. The twin reservations of 15% and 7 1/2% for the
SCs and STs to be filled by promotion in Class I, II, III
and IV services, whereby seniority-cum-suitability or
selection on the strength of competitive examinations, had
all along been limited in such manner as not to exceed 50%,
even on the application of the ’carry forward’ formulae.
Since this did not ensure fair representation, a change was
contemplated by Annexure O:
The question of enlarging the scope of the
existing scheme of reservation for Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes in the aforesaid cases has been under
the consideration of the Government of India for some
time past and in partial modification of the
instructions contained in the above letters it has now
been decided that henceforth the reservations in posts
filled by promotion under the existing scheme as
indicated above would be applicable to all grades or
services where
224
the element of direct recruitment, if any, does not
exceed 66-2/3% as against 50 per cent as at present.
What was done was to raise the maximum from 50% to 66-2/3%
its vice, writ on its face-according to counsel’s argument-
being promotion of inefficiency along with promotion of
SC&ST appointees. The furious charges of inefficiency in
Administration, injected by incompetence imported through
SC&ST candidates and by frustration and demoralisation of
the non-SC&ST members who were passed over by their less
competent juniors, was sought to be supported by reliance on
the Report of the Railway Accidents Enquiry Committee 1968.
There was reference in it to discontent among supervisors
inter alia on account of the procedure of reservation of
posts for SC&ST. It is true that the Report has a slant
against the SC&ST promotion policy notwithstanding the
assurance given by the Railway Board to the Committee that
instructions had been issued not to relax standards in
favour of SC&ST members where safety was involved. We need
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hardly say that it is straining judicial gullibility to
breaking point to go that far. This is an argumentum an
absurdum though urged by petitioners with hopeful ingenuity.
Nor are we concerned with certain newspaper items and
representations about frustration and stagnation. On the
other hand, the plea, forcefully put forward that economic
backwardness should be the touchstone of any reservation
policy in a secular, socialist republic may merit better
examination. Surely, extraneous factors, however
passionately projected, cannot shake or shape judicial
conclusions which must be founded on constitutional criteria
and relevant facts only. What then is the defence of the
Union to the charge of departure from equal treatment for
all citizens alike ? What is the principle derivable from
the precedents on the points raised ?
A technical point is taken in the counter affidavit
that the 1st petitioner is an unrecognised association and
that, therefore, the petitioner to that extent, is not
sustainable. It has to be overruled. Whether the petitioners
belong to a recognised union or not, the fact remains that a
large body of persons with a common grievance exists and
they have approached this Court under Art. 32. Our current
processual jurisprudence is not of individualistic Anglo-
Indian mould. It is broad-based and people-oriented, and
envisions access to justice through ’class actions’, ’public
interest litigation’, and ’representative proceedings’.
Indeed, little Indians in large numbers seeking remedies in
courts through collective proceedings, instead of being
driven to an expensive plurality of litigations, is an
affirmation of participative justice in our democracy. We
have no hesitation in holding that the narrow concept
225
of ’cause of action’ and ’person aggrieved’ and individual
litigation is becoming obsolescent in some jurisdictions. It
must fairly be stated that the learned Attorney General has
taken no objection to a non-recognised association
maintaining the writ petitions.
The case of the Union of India is that Arts. 46, 335,
16(1) and 16(4) must be taken as a constitutional package
and not read in isolation. In that view, the policy of
reservation is geared to equalisation of opportunities for
employment and, therefore, a fulfillment of Art. 16(1).
Reading the two sub-articles as complementary to each other
and giving a wider connotation to the expression
"appointment", the learned Attorney General sought to
include in its semantic circle appointments by way of
promotion, deputation, transfer and on contract. On this
footing, it was urged that Art. 16(4) completely protected
the various directives regarding appointments by promotion.
It is the case of the Government that SC&ST have all along
suffered social and economic deprivation and utter under-
representation in the Government service. Naturally,
reservation to boost the chances of the SC&ST in Government
services had to be resorted to as a pragmatic policy of
levelling up. Having regard to administrative efficiency and
other social factors, Government had been reviewing the
position from time to time and had tailored its reservation
policy to fit the needs of a given service or state of
affairs. The stand of the State is that-
....once the Government have decided after
reviewing the overall position of representation of
Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes in Government
Services that the reservation principles should
continue in certain types of appointments, the
reservation of a certain number of vacancies have to be
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provided, irrespective of whether Scheduled
Castes/Scheduled Tribes are already duly represented or
not in specific cadres of the Services.
Although Rangachari’s case covered only selection
posts, the Union of India took the view that the same
principle held good for nonelection posts also. In fact, if
at all the prospects of SC&STs in Government Service were to
be improved, it had to begin with non-selection posts. They
are the lower categories where the members of the SC&ST have
a chance. Provision of reservation in Class I services would
be theoretically attractive to SC&STs but not so much in
practice.
....reservation in promotional appointments made
by means of seniority-cum-suitability is necessary
because the
226
Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes who generally occupy
the lower positions in the recruitment/promotional
panels cannot get further promotion at all or as per
the requisite percentage alongwith other employees
because of their very low position in the seniority
list
The submission of the Central Government is that not with
standing the extension of the principle of reservation, the
presence of harijans and girijans is sparse.
...In this connection, an extract from the half
yearly report of the Ministry of Railways for the
period ending 31-3-1978 showing the representation of
the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the
various Railway Services presented to the Parliament by
the Government is reproduced below....
The table furnished as in 1978 shows that Scheduled Castes
have in Class I around 7% representation, in Class II 9.5%,
in Class III 11.1% and even in Class IV (excluding
safaiwalas) only 18%. Safaiwalas, who are menials like
scavengers and sweepers, are mostly drawn from harijans
since other communities consider such jobs infra dig. So,
there is 83% representation of SCs among safaiwalas. This is
not because of representation but because no one else is
forthcoming for such ’untouchable’ jobs. The Scheduled
Tribes have a more pathetic tale to tell. In Class I
services they have 1% representation, in Class II, 1.8%, in
Class III, 2.2% and in Class IV (excluding safaiwalas) 5.1%
and even among safaiwalas only 1.5%. On the basis of these
statistics the Railway Board’s case is that adequacy of
representation for SC&STs even according to their population
(forgetting centuries of total exclusion) is a long way off.
These official figures culled from the Reports of the
Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are
for employment in Central Govt. not confirmed to the
Railways, and reveal how a square deal to SCs and STs may
take centuries, observing the current snail’s pace in the
intake.
Social realists will read these pessimistic figure of
the last ten years which prove the myth and negate the
neurotic rhetoric about the SC&ST communities having
cornered all the posts in the Central Government from
Chaprasi to Secretary, accelerating there by the impending
calamity of administrative collapse due to the
disproportionate presence of the ’inefficient’ social
components! A mere formula of reservation is not the factum
of recruitment. That is
227
morbid fancy. The truth is that more aggressive policies
than paper reservations are the need if equality and
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excellence are the creed. Reservation is but one strategy
and historically has established itself. More must be done
by a complex of processes by which harijans/girijans will
get boosted in ’capabilities’, and mainstreamed to share in
the Civil Service cake. The poor annual assimilation into
the public employment sector of the weakest social segments
makes a tragic mockery of the statistical jugglery of
harijan monopoly. Any theory or formula is best tested by
how it works, not by how it is worded. Nikita Kruschev once
remarked: "...a theory isolated from practice, is dead, and
practice which is not illumined by ....theory is blind". The
theoretical attack on over representation flowing from the
reservation rule must be tried out in practice, as the
figures for the last 10 years show; and the justification
for more facilities and higher percentage in public
employment must be validated by the thesis of social
justice. Assertions either way end in a blind alley. That is
why we have been at pains to project the constitutional
theory and resultant representation of SC and ST
reservations under Art. 16(4).
Percentage of reservations made in favour of Scheduled
Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST).
------------------------------------------------------------
Class I Class II Class III Class IV
As on ---------- ---------- ----------- ------------
SC ST SC ST SC ST SC ST
------------------------------------------------------------
1-1-70 . . . 2.36 0.40 3.84 0.37 9.27 1.47 18.09 3.59
1-1-71 . . . 2.58 0.41 4.06 0.43 9.89 1.70 18.37 3.65
1-1-72 . . . 2.99 0.50 4.13 0.44 9.77 1.72 18.61 3.82
1-1-73 . . . 3.14 0.50 4.52 0.49 10.05 1.95 18.37 3.92
1-1-74 . . . 3.25 0.57 4.59 0.49 10.33 2.13 18.53 3.84
1-1-75 . . . 3.43 0.62 4.98 0.59 10.71 2.27 18.64 3.99
1-1-76 . . . 3.46 0.68 5.41 0.74 11.31 2.51 18.75 3.93
1-1-77 . . . 4.16 0.77 6.77 0.77 11.84 2.78 19.07 4.35
1-1-78 . . . 4.50 0.85 6.44 0.88 12.22 2.86 19.13 4.66
1-1-79 . . . 4.75 0.94 7.37 1.03 12.55 3.11 19.32 5.19
------------------------------------------------------------
The facts, in the statement we have digested from the
Reports of the Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes,
228
conclusively show the long distance to travel before the
SC&ST members in the civil services can be said to have and
a fair or at least a proportional deal. Classes II and III
for the whole of the central services have a range of 3.84%
to 7.37% and 9.27% to 12.55% for Scheduled Castes and 0.37%
to 1.03% and 1.47% to 3.11% for Scheduled Tribes while their
eligibility is of the order of 15% and 7-1/2% respectively.
What a grievous beeway after 33 long years may be the acid
comment of the victim sector (i.e. the harijans and the
girijans).
The Central Government has countered the submission of
the petitioners, presented persuasively by Shri Venogopal,
that reservation compounded by the carry forward rule has
ended up almost in cent per cent reservation to SC&STs (thus
wholly excluding others from job opportunities). The
counter-affidavit states thus:
I do not admit that the Government is giving 100%
reservation to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes. I submit that normally only 15% and 7-1/2% of
the vacancies by means of a roster mechanism are
reserved for the Schedule Castes and Scheduled Tribes
respectively. However, in the following cases, it may
look as if 100% of the available vacancies are being
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given to the Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes......
Of course, based on Rangachari (supra) the State contends
that entry even at the promotional points is
constitutionally permitted and protected. The grievance that
junior harijans steal a march over other senior members of
service is exceptional rather than general, according to the
Railway Board, and, in any case, is inevitable where
reservation is permissible. Furthermore the Ministry of
Railways, having regard to Art. 335 had taken special care
to give training, coaching and the like, to prevent
inefficiency and to promote competency of SC&ST members in
service. The deponent on behalf of the Union of India has
explained the position thus:
I submit that the Ministry of Railways, in 1974
after reviewing the position of intake of Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes in groups of posts filled
by promotion in Railway Services, and on the basis of a
recommendation made by the Parliamentary Committee on
the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes,
introduced a scheme of training of the Scheduled
Castes/Scheduled Tribes employees on the jobs of the
posts to which they are to be promoted. According to
this scheme, if, during selection proceedings, it is
found that the Scheduled Castes/
229
Scheduled Tribes of requisite standards are not
available for being placed on the panel, the best
among them numbering to the extent of reserved
vacancies i.e. who secure the highest marks, are
provided with in-service training. For this purpose,
such candidates are promoted an ad hoc basis for a
period of six months to the grade of the post on the
jobs of which they are to receive training. During the
said six months’ period, the administration give them
all facilities for improving their knowledge and coming
upto the requisite standard, if necessary by organising
special coaching classes. At the end of six months’
period, a special report is obtained on the working of
such candidate which is reviewed by the General Manager
or other competent authority. If, as a result of this
review, they are found to have come upto the requisite
standard of fitness to hold the post on regular basis,
they are included in the panel and are promoted to the
grade regularly. If, however, the said review reveals
that such candidates, even after receiving the training
on the jobs to which they are to be promoted regularly,
have not come upto requisite standard of suitability,
such candidates are immediately reverted to the grade
from which they were given ad hoc promotion for the
purpose of training.
A further plea is taken that temporary promotions on ad
hoc basis are sometimes given to SC&ST members purely for
short duration "for the purpose of imparting them with in-
service training on the jobs of the post to which they
aspire for promotion". This had to be treated as a training
period rather than an unconstitutional promotion over the
heads of seniors. In short, the factual submission of
massive infiltration of incompetent harijans/girijans into
the Railway Service vertically all along the line is refuted
by facts and figures. Secondly, the legal contentions of the
petitioners have also been contested by the Union of India
(given earlier).
In this background, we may formulate the following
points round which arguments have ranged and then deal with
some mini-submissions and technical objections put forward
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before us.
(1) Does Art. 16(1) insist on absolute equality or
permit realistic and rational classification of unequal
classes and treatment of such classes differently ?
(2) Do SC&STs stand in a different class from the rest
of the Indian community?
230
(3) Are SC&ST castes, within the scope of Art. 16(2) ?
If so, does Art. 16(4) save special provisions in their
favour in matters promotion and allied matters ?
(4) Do the directives under attack impair
administrative efficiency to a degree that it is violative
of Art. 335 ?
(5) Do the ten circulars reduce the fundamental right
under Art. 16(1) to a husk or cipherise it altogether ?
We must state certain constitutional fundamentals and
societal elementals before we make a dialectical study of
the basic issues thrown up by these cases. Most of the
submissions made by counsel for petitioners cannot survive
Rangachari and Thomas (supra) and our task is simplified by
abiding by the propositions laid down therein, because these
twin rulings bind us being of benches of five and seven
judges. Even though we would, we could not and even though
we could, we would, not depart from the holdings in these
twin land-mark cases which set the gravestone on many of the
contentions.
What are the constitutional fundamentals bearing on
egalite vis a vis backward classes, especially the SC&STs ?
What are the social essentials afflicting the life-style of
the SCs&STs ? What is economic backwardness as distinct from
social injustice and how does the Constitution strike the
path of remedial jurisprudence harmonising the demands of
both categories?
A luminous preface to the constitutional values
nullified by social realities is found in Dr. Ambedkar’s
address to the Constituent Assembly earlier extracted, which
draws poignant attention to the life of contradictions
between the explosive social and economic inequalities and
the processes of political democracy. "How long shall we
continue to live this life of contradictions ? How long
shall we continue to deny equality in our social and
economic life?" Was the interrogation before the framers of
the Constitution and they wanted to enforce the principle of
’one man, one value’. This perspective must inform the code
of equality contained in Arts. 14 to 16. Equality being a
dynamic concept with flexible import this Court has read
into Arts. 14 to 16 the pragmatic doctrine of classification
and equal treatment to all who fall within each class. But
care must be taken to see that classification is not pushed
to such an extreme point as to make the fundamental right to
equality cave in and collapse. (See observations in Triloki
Nath Khosa and Ors. v. State of Jammu and Kashmir
231
Ray, C.J. in Kerala v. Thomas epitomised the position
in a few passages:
Articles 14, 15 and 16 from part of a string of
constitutionally guaranteed rights. These rights
supplement each other. Article 16 which ensures to all
citizens equality of opportunity in matters relating to
employment is an incident of guarantee of equality
contained in Article 14. Article 16(1) gives effect to
Article 14. Both Articles 14 and 16(1) permit
reasonable classification having a nexus to be the
object to be achieved.
Discrimination is the essence of classification...
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Classification is, therefore, to be founded on
substantial differences which distinguish persons
grouped together from those left out of the groups and
such differential attributes must bear a just and
rational relation to the object sought to be
achieved....
There is no denial of equality of opportunity
unless the person who complains of discrimination is
equally situated with the person or persons who are
alleged to have been favoured. Article 16(1) does not
bar a reasonable classification of employees or
reasonable tests for their selection. State of Mysore
v. V. P. Narasinga Rao. This equality of opportunity
need not be confused with absolute equality......
Under Article 16(1) equality of opportunity of
employment means equality as between members of the
same class of employees and not equality between
members of separate, independent class....
The rule of parity is the equal treatment of
equals in equal circumstances. The rule of
differentiation in enacting laws differentiating
between different persons or things in different
circumstances. The circumstances which govern one set
of persons or objects may not necessarily be the same
as governing another set of persons or objects so that
the question of unequal treatment does not really arise
between persons governed by different conditions and
different sets of circumstances.... A classification in
order to be constitutional must rest upon distinctions
that are substantial and not merely illusory. The test
is whether it has a reasonable basis free from
artificiality and arbitrariness embracing all and
omitting none naturally falling into that category.
232
The learned Chief Justice relied upon earlier decisions to
substantiate this proposition. In Triloki Nath Khosa v.
State of J & K(1) this Court had held that the State may
make rules guided by realities just as the legislature "is
free to recognise degrees of harm and it may confine its
restrictions to those classes of cases where the need is
deemed to be the clearest." Thus we arrive at the
constitutional truism that the State may classify, based
upon substantial differentia, groups or classes and this
process does not necessarily spell violation of Arts. 14 to
16
Therefore, in the present case if the SC&STs stand on a
substantially different footing they may be classified
group-wise and treated separately since there is a Great
Divide between the SC&STs on the one hand and the rest of
the Indian community on the other. This is no matter of
speculation or investigation because the Constitution itself
has recognised the direst socioeconomic backward status of
these species of humanity. We may quote Ray, C.J. where he
observed:
The Constitution makes a classification of
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in numerous
provisions and gives a mandate to the State to accord
special or favoured treatment to them. Article 46
contains a Directive Principle of State Policy-
fundamental in the governance of the country enjoining
the State to promote with special care educational and
economic interests of the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes and to protect them from any special
injustice and exploitation. Article 335 enjoins that
the claims of the members the Scheduled Castes and
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Scheduled Tribes to the services and posts in the Union
and the States shall be taken into consideration.
Article 338 provides for appointment by the President
of a Special Officer for the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes to investigate all matters relating to
the safeguards provided for them under the
Constitution. Article 341 enables the President by
public notification to specify castes, races or tribes
which shall be deemed to be Scheduled Castes in the
States and the Union Territories. Article 342 contains
provision for similar notification in respect of
Scheduled Tribes. Article 366(24) and (25) defines
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The
classification by the impugned rule and the order is
with a view to securing adequate representa-
233
tion to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the
services of the State as otherwise they would stagnate
in the lowest rung of the State services.
Article 335 of the Constitution states that claims
of members of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
shall be taken into consideration in the making of
appointments to the services and posts in connection
with affairs of the State consistent with the
maintenance of efficiency of administration.
I had made similar observations in the same case:
The Directive Principles of State Policy,
fundamental in the governance of the country, enjoin on
the State the promotion ’with special care the
educational and economic interests of the weaker
sections of the people, and, in particular, of the
Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes... and
protect them from social injustice’. To neglect this
obligation is to play truant with Art. 46. Undoubtedly,
economic interests of a group-as also social justice to
it-are tied up with its place in the services under the
State. Our history, unlike that of some other
countries, has found a zealous pursuit of government
jobs as a mark of share in State power and economic
position. Moreover, the biggest-and expanding, with
considerable State undertaking, employer is Government,
Central and State, much so appointments in the public
services matter increasingly in the prosperity of
backward segments. The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes have earned special mention in Art. 46 and other
weaker section’ in this context means not every
’backward class’ but those dismally depressed
categories comparable economically and educationally to
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
Proceeding on this footing, the fundamental right of
equality of opportunity has to be read as justifying the
categorization of SC&STs separately for the purpose of
"adequate representation" in the service under the State.
The object is constitutionally sanctioned in terms, as Arts.
16(4) and 46 specificate. The classification is just and
reasonable. We may, however, have to test whether the means
used to reach the end are reasonable and do not outrun the
purposes of the classification. Thus the scope of the case
is narrowed down.
234
Of course, apart from Art. 16(1), Art. 16(2) expressly
forbids discrimination on the ground of caste and here the
question arises as to whether the Scheduled Castes and
Tribes are castes within the meaning of Art. 16(2). Even
assuming that there is discrimination, Art. 16(2) cannot be
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invoked unless it is predicated that the Scheduled Castes
are ’castes’. Terminological similarities are an illusory
guide and we cannot go by verbal verisimilitude. It is very
doubtful whether the expression caste will apply to
Scheduled Castes. At any rate, Scheduled Tribes are
identified by their tribal denomination. A tribe cannot be
equated with a caste. As stated earlier, there are
sufficient indications in the Constitution to suggest that
the Scheduled Castes are not mere castes. They may be
something less or some thing more and the time badge is not
the fact that the members belong to a caste but the
circumstance that they belong to an indescribably backward
human group. Ray, C.J. in Kerala v. Thomas (supra) made
certain observations which have been extracted earlier to
make out that "Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are not
a caste within the ordinary meaning of caste". Since a
contrary view is possible and has been taken by some judges
a verdict need not be rested on the view that SCs are not
castes. Even assuming they are, classification, if
permitted, will validate the differential rules for
promotion. Moreover, Art. 16(4) is an exception to Art.
16(2) also.
The constitutional enquiry is whether the
harijan/girijan fold is so sharply marked off from the rest
of the Indian human family as to justify classification for
considerate treatment in the field of public employment ?
Let us be sure of the social facts. Mark Twain
cynically remarked once: "Get your facts first, and them you
can distort them as much as you please." By that token, let
us scan the status of the SC&STs, the result of reservations
in habilitating them into State services and the depressment
impact on efficiency by supersession of meritorious seniors.
It is a fact of our social history and a blot on our
cultural heritage that 135 million men and women, described
as SC&STs, have been suffering as "suppressed classes",
denied human dignity and languishing as de facto bonded
labour. They still are, in several places, "worse than the
serf and the slave" and "their social standard is lower than
the social standard of ordinary human beings" (Ambedkar).
Tortured, violated and even murdered, the saga of the SC&STs
is not only one of economic exploitation but of social
ostracisation. Referring to the sorrows of the suppressed
shudras (what I
235
prefer to call the panchama proletariat) Swami Vivekananda
demanded shudra raj and refuted the incapabilities of the
groaning untouchables:
"Aye, Brahmins, if the Brahmin has more aptitude
for learning on the ground of heredity than the Pariah,
spend no more money on the Brahmin’s education but
spend all on the Pariah. Give to the weak, for there
all the gift is needed... Our poor people, these
downtrodden masses of India, therefore, require to hear
and to know what they really are. Aye, let every man
and woman and child, with-out respect of caste or
birth, weakness and strength, hear and learn that
behind the strong and the weak, behind the high and the
low, behind everyone, there is that Infinite Soul,
assuring that infinite possibility and the infinite
capacity of all to become great and good. Let us
proclaim to every soul ’Arise, awake and stop not till
the goal is reached.’ Arise, awake!
To make democracy functional and the republic real the
social and economic personality of these backwardmost
sections had to be restored. From this angle, the ancient
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injustice on the shudras among the shudras has to be
liquidated by effective equalising measures. Power, material
power, is the key to socioeconomic salvation and the State
being the nidus of power the framers of the Constitution
have made provision for representation of these weaker
sections both in the legislature and the executive.
More poignant is the fact that all the welfare
programmes have been only on paper, not in practical life.
With all the ’pampering’ complained of, we find that these
downtrodden millions remain at the bottom of the
socioeconomic scale and totter in the administrative
services surviving with difficulty and securing some
promotion here or there amidst a hostile milieu. If the
concessions, reservations, relaxations and other partisan
provisions had actually brought into the Services a
considerable percentage at least commensurate with their
population, maybe, the grievance voiced may ring true. But
as late as 1971, a former Minister, B. S. Murthy, in his
book "Depressed and Oppressed (Forever in Agony)" has given
a sombre picture of the actual plight of the harijans of
India and the figures of employment in Government Services
of Scheduled Castes and Tribes as on 1-1-1970 (20 years
after the Constitution) furnished by him (p. 74) are tell
tale. In Class I services percentage-wise these castes which
constitute 22.5% of India’s population had 0.40% in Class
II, 0.40, in
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Class III, 1.47 and in Class IV, 3.41. This was
socioeconomic democracy in reverse gear and a callous
picture of under-representation in administration as if
harijans and girijans were still untouchable and
unapproachable, vis-a-vis Services under the State. Once we
realise with John Tyndall that "It is as fatal as it
cowardly to blink facts because they are not to our taste",
the wind is taken out of the sails of the case of the
petitioners. For, in truth and actual life whatever the
Railway Board’s orders may say the representation of the
SC&STs remains substantially below the sanctioned level
although fair representation, at least in proportion to
their population is what is demographically just, ignoring
for the moment the neutralisation of the iniquitions past.
We must remember that Art. 14 speaks of equality before
the law and Art. 16 vouchsafes equality of opportunity. The
social dynamics of equality involve the strategy of
equalisation in a society of stratification through
casteification. One of us did observe :
"In a spacious sense, ’equal opportunity’ for
members of a hierarchical society makes sense only if a
strategy by which the under privileged have
environmental facilities for developing their full
human potential. This consummation is accomplished only
when the utterly depressed groups can claim a fair
share in public life and economic activity, including
employment under the State, or when a classless and
casteless society blossoms as a result of positive
State action. To help the lagging social segments, by
special care, is a step towards and not against a
larger and stabler equality.....
It is a statistically proved social reality in
India that the depressed employment position of
harijans is the master problem in the battle against
generations of retardation, and ’reservation’ and other
solutions have made no significant impact on their
employment in public services. In such an unjust
situation, to maintain mechanical equality is to
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perpetuate actual inequality. A battery of several
programmes to fight down this fell backwardness must be
tried out by the State."
Subha Rao, J. in Devadasan’s case brought out the need for
equalisation to produce stable equality in society by a
telling imagery. Although he was in a minority on one point
in that case, that did not detract from the validity or
force of the general observations:
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Article 14 lays down the general rule of equality.
Article 16 is an instance of the application of the
general rule with special reference to opportunity of
appointments under the State. It says that there shall
be equality of opportunity for all citizens in matters
relating to employment or appointment to any office
under the State. If it stood alone, all the backward
communities would go to the wall in a society of uneven
basic social structure; the said rule of equality would
remain only an utopian conception unless a practical
content was given to it. Its strict enforcement brings
about the very situation it seek to avoid. To make my
point clear, take the illustration of a horse race-one
is a first class-race horse and the other an ordinary
one. Both are made to run from the same starting point.
Though theoretically they are given equal opportunity
to run the race, in practice the ordinary horse is not
given an equal opportunity to compete with the race
horse. Indeed, that is denied to it. So a handicap may
be given either in the nature of extra weight or a
start from a longer distance. By doing so, what would
otherwise has been a force of a competition would be
made a real one. The same difficulty had confronted the
makers of the Constitution at the time it was made.
Centuries of calculated oppression and habitual
submission reduced a considerable section of our
community to a life of serfdom. It would be well nigh
impossible to raise their standards if the doctrine of
equal opportunity was strictly enforced in their case.
They would not have any chance if they were made to
enter the open field of competition without
Adventitious aids till such time when they could stand
on their own legs.
A strikingly similar strain of justice thinking has been
developed in other jurisdictions in the field of equal
protection and benign discrimination by Polyvos G. Polyviou
in his book "The Equal Protection of the Laws". It may be
meaningful to notice the argument :
"....focuses on the concepts of equal treatment
and equal opportunity, professes to construe them
realistically, and declares that ’(t) he minority
applicant does not have an opportunity "equal" to the
white’s because the discriminatory denial of
educational, professional and cultural opportunities
for generations past has severely handicapped him in
any contest of early intellectual attainment’. As
Professor Cox has well put the question, ’(d) we
achieve
238
equality by putting each individual on the same
starting line today or by giving minority applicants
head-starts designed to offset the probable
consequences of past discrimination and injustice
against the group with which the applicant is
identified ?
The same author deals with ’reverse discrimination’ in
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school admissions and refers to Prof. Dworkin’s socio-jural
defense of preferences:
Nor should it be forgotten in this connection
that, at least in terms of traditional theory, rights
to equal treatment and to freedom from discrimination,
as normally conceived, are personal and individual, and
that ’(e)qual protection is not achieved through (the)
indiscriminate imposition of inequalities for the
alleged benefit of groups, however disadvantaged.
Benevolent quotas and reverse discrimination on this
view, fatally offend fundamental notions of
individualism inherent in the notion of equality. In
answer, it may be said that to regard the concept of
equality simply from this (traditionally)
individualistic point of view is to take an unduly
restrictive view of its social function and to ignore
its allegedly multifaceted character. Or, to adopt a
somewhat different strategy, one may read the right to
equal treatment (both the more general right to
equality and the right enshrined in the constitutional
guarantee of equal protection) in a particularly
abstract way and formulate it in such a manner that it
is not necessarily violated by the adoption of benign
racial classifications. In this way, Professor Dworkin
distinguishes between two ’different sorts of rights’
which individuals may be said to have. The first is the
right to equal treatment, which is the right to an
equal distribution of some opportunity or resource, and
the second is the right to treatment as an equal,
’which is the right, not to receive the same
distribution of some burden or benefit, but to be
treated with the same respect and concern as anyone
else’. For Dworkin it is the right to treatment as an
equal that is fundamental, whilst the right to equal
treatment is only derivable, and it is the former that,
as a general matter, is given ’constitutional standing’
by the Equal Protection Clause. In other words, white
applicants for admission to Law School who may have
been turned away because of the reservation of some
places for members of disadvantaged minority groups
cannot (in a case like the one set out above)
successfully complain, the reason being that they
239
do not have a right to equal treatment in the
assignment of places, but they do have the right to be
treated as equals, that is, with equal respect, concern
and sympathy, in the making of decisions as to which
admissions standards should be used. More specifically,
this right is viewed by Dworkin as meaning that each
candidate for admission has a right that his interests
should be looked at ’as fully and sympathetically’ as
the interests of any others when decisions are being
taken as to which of the many possible criteria for
admission to elevate to the status of the pertinent
ones. But if this condition is satisfied, rejected
white applicants will fail in their contention that the
particular admissions program was unfair and
unconstitutional (even if they had been effectively
excluded from consideration as a result of the adoption
of racial criteria in determining the allocation of
some of the available places). The simple question
Dworkin would ask in these cases is whether the
particular admissions program serves a proper policy
that respects the right of all members of the community
to be treated as equals, but not otherwise.
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No debate is needed to uphold reservation in promotions as
such. Not only has Rangachari sustained it in regard to
selection posts, Thomas’s case decided by a Bench of seven
Judges, has expressly approved Rangachari. The only question
bearing on reservation vis-a-vis promotion is as to whether
it is unconstitutional if it is extended to non-selection
posts while it is constitutional in regard to selection
posts.
Anyway, Annexure F, one of the circulars sought to be
quashed by the petitioners relates only to selection posts
and has been expressly upheld in Rangachari’s case. The
quantum of reservation is not excessive; the field of
eligibility is not too unreasonable, the operation of the
reservation is limited to selection posts and no relaxation
of qualifications is written into the circular except that
candidates of the SC&ST communities "should be judged in a
sympathetic manner". Moreover, administrative efficiency is
secure because there is a direction "to give such staff
additional training and coaching, to bring them up to the
standard of others". The rejection of the invalidatory
contention of the petitioners is inevitable.
Annexure H is bad for unconstitutionality according to
the petitioners for many reasons. For one thing, an SC/ST
employee gets one grading higher than otherwise assignable
to him on the record of his service. So much so, if he is
’good’ he will be categorised as ’very
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good’. This fiction or fraud in grading is said to be a vice
rendering the promotional prospects unreasonable. We do not
agree. Superficially viewed, this clumsy process of
reclassifying ability may strike one as disingenuous. Of
course, this concession is confined to only 25% of the
total number of vacancies in a particular grade or post
filled in a year. So there is no rampant vice of every
harijan or girijan jumping over the heads of others. More
importantly, we think this is only an administrative device
of showing a concession or furtherance of prospects of
selection. Even as under Art. 15(4) and Art. 16(4) lesser
marks are prescribed as sufficient for SC&STs or extra marks
are added to give them an advantage the re-grading is one
more method of boosting the chances of selection of these
depressed classes. There is nothing shady about it. If there
is advancement of prospects of SC&ST by addition of marks or
prescribing lesser minimum marks or by relaxing other
qualifications, I see no particular outrage in re-
categorisation which is but a different mode of conferring
an advantage for the plain and understandable reason that
SC&STs do need some extra help. It is important to note that
the prescribed minimum qualifications and standards of
fitness are continued even for SC&STs under Annexure H.
The other vice pointed out against Annexure H is that
the qualifying marks in respect of SC&ST candidates is
somewhat less than is applicable to candidates of unreserved
groups. There is no merit in this objection and no good
ground exists which militates against the constitutionality
of Annexure H.
Annexure I is also unexceptionable since all that it
does: is to readjust the proportion of reservation in
conformity with the latest Census. Posts for which
recruitment, realistically speaking, takes place on a
regional basis are subjected to reservation taking into
account the percentage of SC&ST population in the concerned
State. This is also reasonable. Likewise, the carry forward
rule being raised from 2 years to 3 years also cannot be
struck down. It must be realised that law is not an
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abstraction but an actual prescription in action. So what we
have to be more careful about is to scrutinise whether the
carry forward rule by being increased to 3 years is going to
confer a monopoly upon the SC&ST candidates and deprive
others of their opportunity for appointment. From the
percentage furnished by the Railway Board we find that even
if we carry forward vacancies for any number of years there
is no prospect, within the reasonable future, of sufficient
number of SC & ST candidates turning up to fill them. There
is a provision that if sufficient number of candidates from
the SC & ST are not found, applicants from the unreserved
communities will be given the appointment provisionally.
After 3 years those vacancies cease to be reserved. Going by
the actuals it is clear that no serious infraction of
241
any individual’s fundamental right under Art. 16(1) takes
place and no monopoly is conceivably conferred on SC&ST
candidates, they are not available in sufficient numbers to
reach anywhere near the percentage reserved.
Even going by the majority, Devadasan’s case ( ’ )
lays down the proposition that under Art. 16(4) "reservation
of a reasonable percentage B of posts for members of the
Scheduled Castes and Tribes is within the competence of the
State. What the percentage ought to be must necessarily
depend upon the circumstances obtaining from time to time."
Madholkar, J. speaking for the majority has struck down only
one restriction. "In order to effectuate the guarantee each
year of recruitment will have to be by itself and the
representation for backward communities should not be so
excessive as to create a monopoly or to disturb unduly the
legitimate claims of other communities." (emphasis added).
Unlimited reservation of appointments may be impermissible
because it renders Art. 16(1) nugatory. At the same time,
Art. 16(4), calculated to promote social justice and
expressive of the deep concern of the Constitution for the
limping bracket of Indians, must be given full play. That is
why the only restraint imposed by Mudholkar, J. is that an
exercise of power under Art. 16(4) "does not mean that the
provision made by the State should have the effect of
virtually obliterating the rest of the Article, particularly
clauses (1) and (2) thereof."(’) By the three-year ’carry
forward’ rule one is unable to see how, in practice, the
total vacancies will be gobbled up by the harijan/girijan
groups "virtually obliterating" Art. 16(1). The court has
made it very clear that the problem of giving adequate
representation to backward classes under Art. 16(4) is a
matter for the Government to consider, bearing in mind the
need for a reasonable balance between the rival claims as
pointed out in Balaji’s case.(2)
It is true that in Balaji’s case and Devadasans
case(l) ’the carry forward’ rule for backward classes for
exceeded 50% and was struck down. We must remember that the
percentage of reservation for backward classes including
SC&ST was rather high in both the cases. In Devadasan’s case
the court went into the actuals, not into the hypothetical.
This is most important. The Court actually verified the
degree of deprivation of the ’equal opportunity’ right and
discovered: (3 )
In the case before us 45 vacancies have actually
been filled out of which 29 have gone to members of the
Scheduled
(1) [1964] 4 SCR 680 at 695.
(2) [1963] Supp. 1 SCR 439.
(3) Ibid at 693-94.
242
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Castes and Tribes on the basis of reservation permitted
by the carry forward rule. This comes to about 64.4% of
reservation. Such being the result of the operation of
the carry for ward rule we must, on the basis of the
decision in Balaji’s case hold that the rule is bad.
(emphasis added)
What is striking is that the Court did not take an academic
view or make a notional evaluation but checked up to satisfy
itself about the seriousness of the infraction of the right.
On that footing, the petitioners have not demonstrated that
in any particular year, virtually and in actual terms of
promotion, there has been-a substantial excess over 50% in
favour of the SC&ST promotees. Mathematical calculations,
departing from realities of the case, may startle us without
justification, the apprehension being misplaced. All that we
need say is that the Railway Board shall take care to issue
instructions to see that in no year shall SC&ST candidates
be actually appointed to substantially more than 50% of the
promotional posts. Some excess will not affect as
mathematical precision is different in human affairs, but
substantial excess will void the selection. Subject to this
rider or condition that the ’carry forward’ rule shall not
result, in any given year, in the selection or appointments
of SC&ST candidates considerably in excess of 50%, we uphold
Annexure I.
Heated arguments about the hurt caused by Annexure ’J’
have been addressed to us. It deals with the 40-point roster
and the posts allotted to the SC&ST allottees. Once the
fundamental premises are accepted there is nothing
unreasonable or wrong in Annexures 1 and 2 to Annexure J. It
is significant that with a view to prevent total exclusion
of others there is a provision that if there are only two
vacancies in a given year, in more than one may be treated
as reserved and if there is only one vacancy, it should be
treated as unreserved. Implementation of reservations
necessarily involves practical steps like evolving a roster
system. Once the parameters of reservation are within the
framework of the fundamental rights, minute scrutiny of
every administrative measure and hunting for
unconstitutionality is not permissible.
Far more serious is the criticism of Annexure ’K’ on
the basis of which reservations were introduced even to
promotion posts filled by the ’seniority-cum-suitability’
rule. Some other relaxations and con cessions also are
granted under it to SC/ST candidates. But the maximum mayhem
inflicted by Annexure K is in the extension of the operation
of promotional reservation to non-selection posts. It was
urged that Rangachari (supra) did not cover non-selection
posts and, there
243
fore, could not be an authority to sustain its validity.
There is no force in this submission.
The sting of the argument against reservation is that
it promotes inefficiency in administration by choosing sub-
standards candidates in preference to those with better
mettle. Competitive skill is more relevant in higher posts,
especially those where selection is made by competitive
examinations. Lesser classes of posts, where promotion is
secured mechanically by virtue of seniority except where the
candidate is unfit, do not require a high degree of skill as
in the case of selection posts. (See 1968 1 SCR p. 721 at
734). It is obvious that as between selection and non-
selection posts the role of merit is functionally more ‘
relevant in the former than in the latter. And if in
Rangachari reservation has been held valid in the case of
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selection posts, such reservation in non-selection posts is
an afortiori case. If, in selecting top officers you may
reserve posts for SC/ST with lesser merit, how can you
rationally argue that for the posts of peons or lower
division clerks reservation will spell calamity ? The part
that efficiency plays is far more in the case of higher
posts than in the appointments to the lower posts. On this
approach Annexure K is beyond reproach.
One may easily sympathise with holders of non-
selection posts. They are many in number in the lower
stations of life. They are economically backward and
burdened with the drudgery of life. That is why there is a
ballyhoo raised by a larger number of people when some
categories in far more distressing social situations enter
the arena with preferential treatment. Looking at the
problem from the point of view of law and logic and the
constitutional justification under Art. 16(4) for
reservation in favour of the panchama proletariat there is
nothing to strike down in Annexure K. As between the
socially, even economically depressed and the economically
backward, the Constitution has emphatically cast its
preference for the former. Who are we, as Judges to question
the wisdom of provisions made by Government within the
parameters of Art. 16(4)? The answer is obvious that the
writ of the court cannot quash what is not contrary to the
Constitution however tearful the consequences for those who
may be adversely affected. The progressive trend must, of
course, be to classify on the have-not basis but the SC/ST,
category is, generally speaking, not only deplorably poor
but also humiliatingly pariah in their lot. Maybe, some of
the forward lines of the backward classes have the best of
both the words and their electoral muscle qua caste scares
away even radical parties from talking secularism to them.
We are not concerned with that II dubious brand. In the long
run, the recipe for backwardness is not creating a vested
interest in backward castes but liquidation of handi
244
caps, social economic, by constructive projects. All this is
in another street and we need not walk that way now.
Trite arguments about efficiency and inefficiency are
a trifle phoney because, after all, at the higher levels the
harijan/girijan appointees are a microscopic percentage and
even in the case of Classes III and II posts they are
negligible. The preponderant majority coming from the well
reserved communities are presumably efficient and the
dilution of efficiency caused by the minimal induction of a
small percentage of ’reserved’ candidates cannot affect the
over-all administrative efficiency significantly. Indeed, it
will be gross exaggeration to visualise a collapse of the
Administration because 5 to 10% of the total number of
officials in the various classes happen to be sub-standard.
Moreover, care has been taken to give in-service training
and coaching to correct the deficiency.
It is fashionable to say-and there is, perhaps, some
truth in it- that from generation to generation there is a
deterioration in efficiency in all walks of life from
politics to pedagogy to officialdom and other professions.
Nevertheless, the world has been going forward and only
parties whose personal interest is affected forecast a doom
on account of progressive deficiency in efficiency. We are
not impressed with the misfortune predicted about
governmental personnel being manned by morons merely because
a sprinkling of harijans/girijans happen to find their way
into the Services. Their apathy and backwardness are such
that in spite of these favourable provisions, the
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unfortunates have neither the awareness nor qualified
members to take their rightful place in the Administration
of the country. The malady of modern India lies elsewhere,
and the merit-mongers are greater risks in many respects
than the naive tribals and the slightly better off low
castes. Nor does the specious plea that because a few
harijans are better off, therefore, the bulk at the bottom
deserves no jack-up provisions merit scrutiny. A swallow
does not make a summer. Maybe, the State may, when social
conditions warrant, justifiably restrict harijan benefits to
the harijans among the harijans and forbid the higher
harijans from robbing the lowlier brethren
We have adverted to Annexure M earlier in this
judgment which shows the determination of Government to
impart in-service training to those SC&ST candidates who are
found to be below par. Even temporary promotions on an ad
hoc basis are limited to six months only to give training
and experience than the spoil permanently the efficiency of
the system. The Annexure has come under attack because the
reservation quota has been raised thereby from 50 to 66-
2/3%. We have earlier dis
245
cussed this aspect and pointed out that what is important is
not so much the figures mentioned on paper but the facts and
circumstances in real life. We have also entered a caveat
that in any particular year there shall not, as a fact, be a
substantial increase upon 50% of induction of ’reserved’
candidates. It is true that Shri Venugopal, counsel for some
of the petitioners tried to demonstrate that on account of
reservation percentages coupled with the carry forward rule
it is perfectly within the realm of possibility that in some
years a monopoly may be conferred on the SC&ST candidates
for certain categories or classes of posts. The mystic
"maybe" do not scare us. The actual "must be" will alert us.
The Constitution deals with social realities, not
speculative possibilities. I have limited the physical
operation of reservation in any particular year in such a
manner that there will be a real opportunity for the
exercise of the right under Art. 16(1) for every candidate
of the unreserved communities.
Certain minor attacks such as that a candidate of the
SC&ST communities who has failed may still be tried if other
successful candidates from those communities are not
forthcoming. This may seem strange disbelief in examinations
as measure of merit. But to read stray provisions in
isolation may be unfair to the scheme. Look at the desperate
State in which Government is trying to give fair
representation to harijans/girijans in Administration. These
miserables suppressed by centuries of trampling are still
slumbering despite inducements to awaken. It is a genetic
calumny and unscientific assertion to castigate the SC&ST
communities as possessed of less intellectual potential what
with Valmiki and Vyasa to Baba Sahib Ambedkar. The darkening
and be numbing environment of ages in which shudras and
panchamas have suffered their mental powers to be chained
accounts for their seeming, retardation. Once brighter
atmosphere and better opportunity enliven their talent their
contribution to the Indian treasury will raise the human
resources and democratic status of Bharat. A democracy of
talent is an inarticulate major premise of our culture. The
fundamental question arises as to what is "merit" and
"suitability". Elitists whose sympathies with the masses
have dried up are, from the standards of the Indian people,
least suitable to run Government and least meritorious to
handle state business, if we envision a Service State in
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which the millions are the consumers. A sensitized heart and
a vibrant head, tuned to the tears of the people, will
speedily quicken the developmental needs of the country,
including its rural stretches and slum squalour. Sincere
dedication and intellectual integrity-these are some of the
major components of "merit" and "suitability"-not degrees
from Oxford or Cambridge, Harvard or Stanford or simian,
though Indian,
246
institutions. Unfortunately, the very orientation of our
selection process is distorted and those like the candidates
from the SC&ST who, from their birth, have had a traumatic
understanding of the conditions of agrestic India have, in
one sense, more capability than those who have lived under
affluent circumstances and are calIous to the human lot of
the sorrowing masses. Moreover, our examination system makes
memory the master of ’merit’ and banishes creativity into
exile. We need not enter these areas where a fundamental
transformation and a radical re-orientation even in the
assessment of the qualities needed by the personnel in the
Administration and the socialist values to be possessed by
the echelons in office is a consummation devoutly to be
wished. This may have to be subjected to a national debate.
The colonial hangover still clings to our selection
processes with superstitious tenacity and narrower concepts
of efficiency and merit are readily evolved to push out
Gandhis and J.Ps, Ambedkars and Nehrus, to mention but a few
who knew the heart-beats of the people. I diva gate and make
these observations only to debunk the exaggerated argument
about harijans and girijans being sub-standard. We may put
aside this angle of vision and approach the problem
traditionally because every new idea has resistance to
encounter before acceptance, every original thought has been
branded a hearsay. Be that as it may, the constitutional
merits of the various Board Circulars now discussed do not
warrant their judicial ’execution’-subject to certain
cautionary limitations already indicated.
The argument that there are rich and influential
harijans who rob all the privileges leaving the serf-level
sufferers as suppressed as ever. The Administration may well
innovate and classify to weed out the creamy layer of SC&ST
but the court cannot force the State in that behalf.
For a comparative thought we may glance at Polyviou’s
’The Equal protection of the laws’: (’)
"A third argument traditionally employed against
the use of preferential discrimination is that
affirmative measures of the kind discussed here may
significantly curtail efficiency. It does indeed stand
to reason that the immediate result of benignity in
admission and selection process will almost certainly
be the selection of those who are not as competent or
as able as some of those left out. ’Special admission
programmes, almost by definition, operate to in sure
that students are placed in schools for which they are
(1) The equal protection of the laws by G. Polyviou p.
360.
247
not qualified ! The same objection applies with equal,
if not more, force to the area of employment and
elsewhere. One possible answer is that the importance
of efficiency must be compared with and ultimately set
against the significance of integration or the
prevention of discrimination, and that integration and
the rectification of socially harmful deprivation are
the more pressing needs. Or one can fall back on the
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very different arguments that traditional admission
processes are unfair because these are geared to the
usual type of applicant and that preferential treatment
after all only seeks to counteract such inherent bias.
There is a human problem behind these writ petitions
which we clearly appreciate. Most of the Classes II, III and
IV employees are economically backward and struggle for
survival what with price spirals and other tribulations.
They hope, after years of yeomen service, to get some
promotion and augment their poor resources in the afternoon
of their life. Then they find another class, with which the
Constitution shows ultra sympathy, elbowing them out, not on
a massive scale, but minimally. Even this marginal push
hurts these species living at subsistence level and so they
scream. The economically backward and the socio-economically
backward truly belong to the ’have-not’ camp and must
jointly act to bring about a transformation of the economic
order by putting sufficient pressure and make Art. 38 a
living reality. Estrangement between the two categories
weakens the militancy of a joint operation to inject social
justice in the current economic order. The truth is that the
employment market is distressingly a musical chair business
and when starvation faces men their sympathy for their far
weaker brethren vanishes. The true solution for the
country’s problems, as reflected in these writ petitions, is
in developmental expansion involving the millions, rather
than denial to the weakest sector of Indian life the morsel
to which it is justly entitled. Even Administration will do
well to remember that Indian despair, after infinite
patience, may augur danger unless ’the sorry scheme of
things entire’ is remoulded nearer to Art. 38. Even these
observations are made only to emphasise that the legal
content of the contentions put forward by the petitioners is
less than presentable although their economic grievance may
be agonisingly genuine. The Court has its limitations unlike
the Administration and can give justice only under the
Constitution and not over it.
The human pressure behind these writ petitions is the
chronic drought of employment opportunities despite talent
enough to make
248
deserts bloom. So long as this scarcity persists and power
goes with office, the jaundiced politics of snatching the
jobs going, initially or at promotion level, by hook or
crook, is the only ’development’ that takes place, whatever
the National Plans proclaim. The vast human potential of the
harijans and girijans, on-fifth of the Indian people, goes
to thistles and every communal effort to twist the politics
of power for promoting chances of getting jobs becomes
inevitable caste being a deeprooted pathology in our
country. Thus jobbery, politics, casteism and elections make
an unholy, though invisible, alliance against national
development which alone can liberate Indians from social and
economic privation. If democracy itself thus plays into the
hands of hostile forces, the jurisprudence of keeping the
backward as backward and perpetuation of discrimination as a
vested caste right may prevail as a rule of life.
The remedy of ’reservations’ to correct inherited
imbalances must not be an overkill. Backward classes,
outside the Scheduled Castes and Tribes, cannot bypass Art.
16(2) save where very substantial cultural and economic
disparity stares at society. The dubious obsession with
’backwardness’ and the politicking with castes labelled
backward classes may, on an appropriate occasion, demand
judicial examination. The politics of power cannot sabotage
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the principles of one man, one value. No sociological
explanation for the flood of ruinous writ petitions
regarding service conditions can be found except on this
basis. Behind the writ petitions we deal with now is caste
clamour to keep all the jobs safe from being ’robbed’ by
’reserved’ communities. It is forward caste versus backward
caste, wearing the casteless caste-marks! And the political
process is likewise caste-polluted Gunnar Myrdal writes in
his Asian Drama: ( ’ )
The type of appeal that can be made by politicians
has also changed greatly since the liberation movement.
They can no longer put the blame for poverty and
stagnation on colonial masters, but must explain why
there is not great progress now that India is
independent
Thus a key to the understanding of the power of
the political bosses is the inherited social
stratification of India and, above all, its caste
system. At election times the caste groups function as
political vote banks whereby the ballots of their
members are joined to the candidate with a party label.
For this reason alone the local political bosses have a
vested interest in preserving the social and economic
status quo and exploiting it as a matrix for political
action.
(1) Gunnar Myrdal, Asian Drama, Vol. I, pp.
249
M. N. Srinivas, the noted sociologist is more than right (1)
A
One cannot help wondering whether the drive to
political maturity is, after all, a good thing in a
country which has still not had a proper social
revolution. It may well result in premature old age.
We need now, not stagnation wearing the mask of stability
and scrambling acrimoniously over the same shrunken cake,
but progress by the constructive process of explosive rural
development and exploitation of the untapped human potential
of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Sterile
’reservations’ will not help us go ahead unless, alongside
of it, we have heroic national involvement of the masses in
actual action, not paper-logged plan exercises. In the last
analysis, privation can be banished only by production,
discontent by distributive justice and litigation by
socially relevant Justice. The writ petitions are,
regrettably, negative, although the driving force of penury
deserves sympathy. This, perhaps, is a materialist
interpretation of ’service litigation’ and a trim foot-note
to these writ petitions. D
Before I conclude, I must strike a futuristic note.
Excellence and equality may cooperating fruitfully and need
not compete destructively. Ultimately harijan/girijan
militancy must find fulfillment in effective main-streaming
and creative contribution. While they have miles to go, they
have promises to keep. The poignant words of the Reverend
Jesse Jackson come to my mind (1)
"I don’t see how, we can survive as a people if
we don’t have a great push for excellence now....A lot
of what we’ve done in the past will be in vain if we
don’t. We can make one of the most valid contributions
to Western civilization, even more of a contribution
than slavery. Because slavery was our great
contribution against our will. Now it’s time for us to
make a great contribution as an act of will."
Given the opportunity and the environment, the Indian
dalits can make India great and give up crutches.
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The writ petitions as well as the Special Leave
Petitions cannot but be dismissed.
PATHAK, J.-My brothers Krishna Iyer and Chinnappa
Reddy are agreed that the writ petitions should be
dismissed. They have held against the petitioners on the
several contentions raised in the
(1) M. N. Srinivas, "Changing Attitudes in India
Today" Yogana, October I 1961, p. 26.
250
case. With respect, I find myself unable to agree with all
that they have said.
I intend to confine myself here to certain aspects of
the case which appear to possess a fundamental importance.
Three provisions of the Constitution relate to
reservations for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. They
are Art. 46, Art. 16(4) and Art. 335. The three form a
single frame of reference. Art. 46, a Directive Principle of
State Policy, proclaims the principle that the State shall
promote with special care the educational and economic
interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in
particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled
Tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all
forms of exploitation. One of the modes in which the
economic interests of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes can be promoted is the reservation of appointments or
posts in their favour in services under the State where they
are not adequately represented. Art. 16(4) declares that
when the State intends to make such provision nothing in
Art. 16 shall prevent it from doing so. The equality of
opportunity guaranteed to all citizens in matters relating
to employment or appointment to any office under the State
will not restrain the State from making such reservation. It
is now well accepted that the "equality provisions of Part
III of the Constitution constitute a single code,
illustrating the multi-faceted character of the central
concept of equality. Art. 16(4) also is one facet. It
enables a backward class of citizens, by the process of
reservation in Government service, to move along the road to
ultimate equality with the more advanced classes. It is part
of the process of equalization. Then follows Art. 335. It
provides that the claims of the members of the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes shall be taken into
consideration in the making of appointments to services and
posts in connection with the affairs of-the Union or a
State, but-and this is imperative-such consideration must be
consistent with the maintenance of efficiency of
administration. The paramount need is to maintain the
efficiency of administration. That is dictated by the common
good. It embraces the need of all, the national good, and
not of a mere section of the people. To its primacy all else
is subordinate. Therefore, whatever is done in considering
the claims of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes must
be consistent with that supreme need, the maintenance of
efficiency of administration. Art. 335, it must be clearly
stated, does not contain a positive principle, the
advancement of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, and a
negative principle, the maintenance of efficiency of
administration. This analysis of the article does not
251
truly comprehend its contents. - It contains a single
principle, the A advancement of Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes, but through modes and avenues which must
not detract from the maintenance of an efficient
administration. That limitation is imposed as a clear and
positive condition.
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A generally acknowledged and long established
principle for securing an efficient administration is
throwing open the doors to general recruitment, either
directly or by promotion, where the governing criterion is
excellence and the emphasis is solely on quality. I he net
of selection is spread far and wide, and the competitive
best are collected, regardless of religion, race, caste,
sex, descent, place of birth or residence. However, a quota
of the posts may be reserved in favour of a backward class
of citizens, but the interests of an efficient
administration require that at least half the total number
of posts be kept open to attract the best of the nation‘s
talent and not more than half be made the sum of reserved
quotas. If it was otherwise, an excess of reserved quotaas
would convert the State service into a collective membership
predominantly of backward classes. This, it is evident, will
be inconsistent with the all-important goal of maintaining
the efficiency of administration. In considering the
proportion of reserved quotas in the context of college
admissions, this (’court laid down in M. R. Balaji v. State
of Mysore(’) that broadly a special provision providing for
reservation should be less than 50%, .and how much less than
50% would depend upon the relevant prevailing circumstances
in each case. And, in this connection, Gajendragadkar, J.
(as he then was) speaking for the Court, observed:
" .. when the State makes a special provision for
the advancement of the weaker sections of society
specified in Art. 15(4), it has to approach its task
objectively and in a rational manner. Undoubtedly, it
has to take reasonable and even generous steps to help
the advancement of weaker elements; the extent of the
problem must be weighed, the requirements of the
community at large must be borne in mind and a formula
must be evolved which would strike a reasonable balance
between the several relevant considerations."
(Emphasis supplied)
The Court struck down the reservation of 68% as
constitutionally Invalid.
(1) [1963] Supp. 1 S.C.R. 439. 470.
252
The principle that reserved quotas should not together
exceed 50% of the vacancies available in a year was affirmed
by this Court, by a majority of four learned judges to one,
in T. Devadasan v. Union of India,(’) as the reason for
striking down a "carry forward" rule which, for promotions
in the Central Secretariat Service, permitted a carry
forward for two successive years of the annual reserved
quota. It was found in that case that observance of the rule
had resulted in 65%, of the vacancies of the year being
filled by reserved quotas, current and carried forward. The
"carry forward" rule was held constitutionally invalid on
the basis that for the purpose of Art. 16(1) each year of
recruitment had to be considered as a distinct unit for
applying the 50% rule. Mudholkar, J., on behalf of the
majority, said:
"We would like to emphasize that the guarantee
contained in Art. 16(1) is for ensuring equality of
opportunity for all citizens relating to employment,
and to appointments to any office under the State. This
means that on every occasion for recruitment the State
should see that all citizens are treated equally. The
guarantee is to each individual citizen and, therefore,
every citizen who is seeking employment or appointment
to an office under the State is entitled to be afforded
an opportunity for seeking such employment or
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appointment whenever it is intended to be filled. In
order to effectuate the guarantee each year of
recruitment will have to be considered by itself and
the reservation for backward communities should not be
so excessive as to create a monopoly or to disturb
unduly the legitimate claims of other communities."
It seems to me that apart from the impact that an
excessive reservation in a particular year is bound to have
on the general community of citizens, there is the further
far-reaching significance this assumes in the context of
Art. 335. The maintenance of efficiency of administration is
bound to be adversely affected if general candidates of high
merit are correspondingly excluded from recruitment because
the large bulk of the vacancies, numbering anything over
50%, is allotted to the reserved quota. In view of a maximum
age limit invariably prescribed, some of such meritorious
candidates may be loss to the service altogether. Viewed in
that light, a maximum of 50% for reserved quotas in their
totality is a rule which appears fair and reasonable, just
and equitable, and violation of which would contravene Art
335.
(1) [1964] 4 S.C.R. 680.
253
It has been urged by the respondents that Devadasn
(supra) is A no longer good law in view of the 7-Judge
decision in State of Kerala v N. M. Thomas(’). It does
appear from some of the individual Judgments delivered in
the latter case that although Devadas (supra) has not been
expressly overruled by a majority of the Bench there are
observations by the majority of Judges which throw doubt on
the validity of the principle enunciated by it and
ultimately the Court has upheld the promotion of 34
Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe candidates among the
total promotion of 51 candidates. It would seem then that
there is an apparent conflict between Devadas (supra) and N.
M. Thomas (supra). The validity of Rule 13AA of the Kerala
State and Subordinate Service Rules, 1958 was questioned in
N. M. Thomas (supra). That Rule permitted the exemption of
Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe members from passing the
promotion tests for a specified period. That more than 50%
of the promotions went to the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled
Tribe candidates was a consequence of the operation of Rule
13AA. It is doubtful whether the petitioners’ challenge to
the "carry forward" rule can avoid what has been said in N.
M. Thomas (supra) and, therefore, a conclusion in their
favour does not seem possible in this case. As the position
is not clear, and in any event as my learned brothers have
taken a definite view in favour of the "carry forward" rule,
I have confined myself to expressing these observations.
The petitioners have challenged other provisions
prescribed in favour of members of the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes and have attempted to support their
submissions by reference to data purporting to prove that
those measures have resulted in reverse discrimination and
are also inconsistent with the maintenance of efficiency of
administration. We have been taken through charts and
statistics among other documentary material but the material
placed before us does not clearly and definitely establish
what it seeks to prove. In the circumstances, it is not
possible to record a finding in favour of the petitioners on
those points. G
Accordingly, the writ petitions are dismissed but
without any order as to costs.
CHINNAPPA REDDY J.-In the name of Equality (of
opportunity), we are asked to deny Equality (of
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opportunity), in these Writ Petitions. That we cannot do and
that we will not do. If we do that we will be subverting the
spirit and the sense of the Constitution. The
(1) [1976] 1 S.C.R. 906.
254
petitioners claim that their Fundamental Right to Equality
of Opportunity in the matter of public employment,
guaranteed by Art. 16(1) of the Constitution has been
flouted by a series of orders and circulars issued by the
Railway Board reserving posts at several levels and making
various concessions in favour of members of the Scheduled
Castes and the Scheduled Tribes. This has been done, it is
claimed, at the cost of efficiency, though forbidden by Art.
335 of the Constitution. The plain answer of the respondents
is that everyone of the orders and circulars has the
backing of Art. 16(1), 16(4) and other special provisions of
the Constitution and that the alarm of inefficiency is
nothing but a bogey.
My brother Krishna Iyer, J. has considered the
questions raised in his own characteristic, scintillating
way and in some depth. Though respect for my brother would
ordinarily prevent me from venturing to write a separate
opinion, specially when I agree whole heatedly with his
conclusions and the, route traversed by him, I propose to
make, in this case, certain general observations because I
expect the same questions to be raised repeatedly in
different situations and in different forms and it is just
as well that I project my own prosaic and pedestrian point
of view, without going into the detail or depth already
explored by my brother.
The class of people known compendiously as ’the
Scheduled Castes’, recognized and described as such in the
Constitution of India have been treated as ’casteless’
outcastes and untouchables and have been oppressed and
subjected to every manner of depravation and discrimination
for centuries upon centuries by a unique system of social
and economic segregation, a system of "graded inequality"
(Dr. B.R. Ambedkar), of "gradation and degradation" (Dr.
C.R. Reddy) and of "gigantic cold-blooded repression" (
Rabindranath Tagore). And for centuries they were even
prevented from protesting their plight. Nor was any attempt
made by the superior and elitist classes to know anything
about them. All that a Scheduled Caste parent could do was
to lament:
"Hush, my child; don’t cry, my treasure;
Weeping is in vain, For the enemy will never
Understand our pain.
For the ocean has its limits
Prisons have their walls around
But our suffering and our torment
have no limit and no bound."
Then, in 1950, came the Constitution rousing expectations,
raising hopes, making promises and generally heralding a
new, a bitter and
255
a more decent life for the underprivileged and the oppressed
people of India. While the preamble to the Constitution
proclaims the resolution of the people to constitute India
into a Sovereign (also. ’Socialist, Secular’, Since the 42nd
Amendment) Democratic Republic and to secure to all its
citizens, "Justice, Social, economic and political" and
"Equality of Status and opportunity" and to promote
’Fraternity, assuring the dignity of the individual", while
the Right to Equality before the Law (Art. 14) and Equality
of Opportunity n the matter of public employment (Art. 16)
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are guaranteed as Fundamental Rights and while the State is
enjoyed by the Directive Principles of State Policy to
promote the welfare of the p people by securing a social
order in which justice, social, economic and political shall
inform all the institutions of the national life Art. 38(1),
to endeavour to eliminate inequalities in status, facilities
and opportunities Art. 38 (2), and, to direct its policy
towards securing that the ownership and control of the
material resources of the community are so distributed as
best to subserve the common good Art. 39(b) and that the
operation of the economic system does not result in the
concentration of wealth and means of production to the
common detriment Art. 39(c), pursuant to the very preamble
and the provisions of the Constitution, special provisions
have been made. in particular, for the protection and
advancement of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes
in recognition of their existing, low social and economic
status and the consequent inability and failure on their
part to avail themselves of any opportunity for self-
advancement. It is recognized that the failure of the State
to create a climatic situation and provide the necessary
impetus for the increasing participation of the members of
the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes in the public
services would tentamount to a denial to them of equal
opportunity in the matter of public employment. Art. 335
which is included in part XVI of the Constitution dealing
with ’special provisions relating to certain classes’
expressly provides:
"The claims of the members of the Scheduled
Castes and the Scheduled Tribes shall be taken into
consideration, consistently with the maintenance of
efficiency of administration in the making of
appointments to services and posts in connection with
the affairs to the Union or of a State."
Art. 46, one of the Directive Principles of State
Policy, enjoins:
"The State shall promote with special care the
educational and economic interest of the weaker
sections of the
256
people, and, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes
and the Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from
social in justice and all forms of exploitation." - i
Art. 16 (1) and 16 (4) which guarantee equality of
opportunity in matters of public employment read as follows:
"16 (1) There shall be equality of opportunity
for all citizens in matters relating to employment or
appointment to any office under the State."
"16 (4) Nothing in this article shall prevent the
State from making any provision for the reservation of
appointments or posts in favour of any backward class
of citizens which, in the opinion of the State is not
adequately represent in the services under the State "
Art. 16 (2) which bars discrimination on certain
rounds is as follows:
"16 (2) No citizen shall, on grounds only of
religion, race, caste, sex, descent, place of birth,
residence or any of them, be ineligible for, or
discriminated against in respect of, any employment or
office under the State."
Now, it has been said, very rightly, a Constitutional
instrument is sui generis and, obviously and necessarily,
its interpretation cannot always run on the same lines as
the interpretation of statutes made in exercise of the
powers conferred by it. A constitution, like ours, born of
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an anti-imperialist struggle, influenced by Constitutional
instruments, events and r evolutions elsewhere, in search of
a better world and wedded to the idea of justice, economic,
social and political, to all, must receive a generous
interpretation so as to give all its citizens the full
measure of justice so proclaimed instead of ’the austerity
of tabulated legalism’(1). And so, when the Constitutional
instrument to be expounded is a constitution like the Indian
Constitution, the expositors are to concern themselves not
with words and mere words only, but, as much, with the
philosophy or what we may call ’the spirit and the sense’ of
the Constitution. Here we do not have to venture upon a
voyage of discovery to find the spirit and the sense of the
Constitution; we do not have to look to any extraneous
sources for inspiration and guidance; they may be sought and
found in the Preamble to the Constitution, in the Directive
Principles of State Policy, and other such provisions.
See Minister of Home Affairs :
[1979] (3) All E.R. 21.
257
Because Fundamental Rights are justiciable and
Directive Principles are not, it was assumed, in the
beginning, that Fundamental Rights held a superior position
under the Constitution than the Directive Principles, and
that the latter were only of secondary importance as
compared with the Fundamental Rights. That way of thinking
is of the past and has become obsolete. It is now
universally recognised that the difference between the
Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles lies in this
that Fundamental Rights are primarily aimed at assuring
political freedom to the citizens by protecting them against
excessive State action while the Directive Principles are
aimed at securing social and economic freedoms by
appropriate, State action. The Fundamental Rights are
intended to foster the ideal of a political democracy and to
prevent the establishment of authoritarian rule but they arc
of no value unless they can be enforced by resort to Courts.
So they are made justiciable. But, it is also evident that
notwithstanding their great importance, the Directive
Principles cannot in the very nature of things be enforced
in a Court of law. It is unimaginable that any Court can
compel a legislature to make a law If the Court can compel
Parliament to make laws then Parliamentary democracy would
soon be reduced to an oligarchy of Judges. It is in that
sense that the Constitution says that the Directive
Principles shall not be enforceable by Courts. It does not
mean that Directive Principles are less important than
Fundamental Rights or that they are not binding on the
various organs of the State. Art. 37 of the Constitution
emphatically states that Directive Principles are
’nevertheless Fundamental in the governance of the country
and it shall be the duty of the State to apply these
principles in making laws. It follows that it becomes the
duty of the Court to apply the Directive Principles in
interpreting the Constitution and the laws. The Directive
Principles should serve the Courts as a code of
interpretation. Fundamental Rights should thus be
interpreted in the light of the Directive Principles and the
later should, whenever and wherever possible, be read into
the former. Every law attacked on the ground of infringement
of a Fundamental Right should, among other considerations,
be examined to find out if the law does not advance one or
other of the Directive Principles or if it is not in
discharge of some of the undoubted obligations of the State,
constitutional or otherwise, towards its citizens or
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sections of its citizens, flowing out of the preamble. the
Directive Principles and other provisions of the
Constitution.
So, we have it that the Constitutional goal is the
establishment of a Socialist Democracy which Justice,
economic, social and political
258
is secure and all men are equal and have equal opportunity.
Inequality, whether of status, facility or opportunity, is
to end, privilege is to cease and exploitation is to go. The
under-privileged, the deprived and the exploited are to be
protected and nourished so as to take their place in an
egalitarian society. State action is to be towards those
ends. It is in this context that Art. 16 has to be
interpreted when State action is questioned as contravening
Art. 16.
Let us now take a look at Art. 16(1) and Art 16(4).
Art. 16(1) guarantees equality of opportunity for all
citizens in matters relating to employment or appointment to
any office under the State. To the class of citizens who are
economically and socially backward this guarantee will be no
more than mere wishful thinking, and mere ’vanity....wind
and confusion", if it is not translated into reality by
necessary state action to protect and nurture such class of
citizens so as to enable them to shake off the heart-
crushing burden of thousand years’ deprivation from their
shoulders and to claim a fair proportion of participation in
the Administration. Reservation of posts and all other
measures designed to promote the participation of The
Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes in the Public
Services at all levels are in our opinion necessary
consequences flowing fro the Fundamental Right guaranteed by
Art. 16(1)S This very idea is emphasised further by Art.
16(4). Art. 16(4) is not in the nature of an exception to
Art. 16(1). It is a facet of Art. 16(1) which fosters and
furthers the idea of equality of opportunity with special
reference to an under privileged and deprived class of
citizens to when egalite de droit (formal or legal equality)
is not egalite de fait (practical or factual equality). It
is illustrative of what the State must do to wipe out the
distinction between egalite de droit and egalite de fait. It
recognises that the right to equality of opportunity
includes the right of the underprivileged to conditions
comparable to or compensatory of those enjoyed by the
privileged. Equality of opportunity must be such as to yield
’Equality of Results’ and not that which simply enables
people, socially and economically better placed, to win
against the less fortunate, even when the competition is
itself otherwise equitable. John Rawls in ’A Theory of
Justice’ demands the priority of equality in a distributive
sense and the setting up of the Social System "so that no
one gains or loses from his arbitrary place in the
distribution of natural assets or his own initial position
in society without giving or receiving compensatory
advantages in return". His basic principle of social justice
is: "All social primary goods-liberty and opportunity,
income and wealth, and the bases of self-respect-are to be
distributed equally unless an unequal distribution of any or
all these goods is to the advantage of the least
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favoured". One of the essential elements of his conception
of social A justice is what he calls the principle of
redress: "This is the principle that undeserved inequalities
call for redress; and since inequalities of birth and
natural endowment are undeserved, these inequalities are
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somehow to be compensated for". Society must, therefore,
treat more favourably those with fewer native assets and
those born into less favourable social positions. If the
statement that ’Equality of opportunity must yield Equality
of Results’ and if the fulfillment of Articles 16(1) in Art.
16(4) ever needed a philosophical foundation it is furnished
by Rawls’ Theory of Justice and the Redress Principle.
The interpretation of Arts. 16(1) and 16(4) came up
for consideration in several cases before this Court.
Perhaps the most important of them is State of Kerala & Anv.
v. N. M. Thomas & Ors.,(1) which was decided by a Bench of
seven Judges. The question was whether a certain rule which
gave a longer period of exemption to members belonging to
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes than to others from
passing certain departmental tests in order to be eligible
for promotion from the Post of Lower Division Clerk to that
of Upper Division Clerk was not violative of Art. 16(1) of
the Constitution. The Court by a majority of five to two
upheld the rule as valid. Ray, C. J., observed:
"The rule of equality within Articles 14 and 16(1)
will not be violated by a rule which will ensure equality of
representation in the services for unrepresented classes
after satisfying the basic needs of efficiency of
administration. Article 16(2) rules out some basis of
classification including race, caste, descent, place of
birth etc. Article 16(4) clarifies and explains that
classification on the basis of backwardness does not fall
within Article 16(2) and is legitimate for the purposes of
Article 16(1). If preference shall be given to a particular
under-represented community other than a backward class or
under-represented State in an All India Service such a rule
will contravene Article 16(2). A similar rule giving
preference to an under-represented backward community is
valid and will not contravene articles 14, 16(1) and 16(2).
Article 16(4) removes any doubt in this respect".
(I) [1976] 1 SCR 906 @930-933.
260
"The classification of employees belonging to
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes for allowing them an
extended period of two years for passing the special tests
for promotion is a just and reasonable classification having
rational nexus to the object of providing equal opportunity
for all citizens in matters relating to employment or
appointment to public office."
xx xx xx
"The Constitution makes a classification of Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes in numerous provisions and gives
a mandate to the State to accord special or favoured
treatment to them."
xx xx xx
"Article 335 of the Constitution states that claims of
members of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes shall
be taken into consideration in the making of appointments to
the services and posts in connection with affairs of the
State consistent with the maintenance of efficiency of
administration. The impugned rule and the impugned orders
are related to this constitutional mandate."
"Our constitution aims at equality of status and
opportunity for all citizens including those who are
socially, economically and educationally backward. The
claims of members Or backward classes require adequate
representation in legislative and executive bodies. If
members of Scheduled Castes and Tribes, who are said by this
Court to be backward classes, can maintain minimum necessary
requirement of administrative efficiency, not only
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representation but also preference may be given to them to
enforce equality and to eliminate inequality. Articles 15
(4) and 16(4) bring out the position of backward classes to
merit equality Special provisions are made for the
advancement of backward classes and reservations of
appointments and posts for them to secure adequate
representation. These provisions will bring out the content
of equality guaranteed by Articles 14, 15(1) and 16(1). The
basic concept of equality is equality of opportunity for
appointment. Preferential treatment for members of backward
classes with due regard to administrative efficiency alone,
can mean equality of opportunity for all citizens. Equality
under
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Article 16 could not have a different content from
equality under Article 14. Equality of opportunity for
unequals can only mean aggravation of inequality
Equality of opportunity admits discrimination with
reason and prohibits discrimination without reason.
Discrimination with reasons means rational
classification for differential treatment having n
nexus to the constitutionally permissible object.
Preferential representation for the backward classes in
services with due regard to administrative efficiency
is permissible object and backward classes are a
rational classification recognised by our Constitution.
Therefore, differential treatment in standards of
selection are within the concept of equality".
xx xx xx xx
"All legitimate methods are available for equality
of opportunity in service under Article 16(1). Article
16(1) is affirmative whereas Article 14 is negative in
language. Article 16(4) indicates one of the methods of
achieving equality embodied in Article 16(1)".
Equally illuminating observations were made by Mathew,
J., Beg., J., Krishna Iyer, J., and Fazal Ali, J., in their
separate concurring opinions but I do not propose to extract
them in the interest of space. It is enough to mention that
all five learned judges who constituted the majority were
emphatic in repudiating the theory (propounded in earlier
cases) that Art. 16(4) was in the nature of an exception to
Art. 16(1). All were agreed that Art. 16(4) was a facet, an
illustration or a method of application of Art. 16(1). So,
it is now no longer necessary to apologetically explain laws
aimed at achieving equality as permissible exceptions; it
can now be boldly claimed that such laws are necessary
incidents of equality.
It all began with The General Manager), Southern
Railway v. Rangachari(1). Two circulars issued by the
Railway Board reserving selection (promotional) posts in
Class III of the Railway Service in favour of the members of
the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, were
questioned in that case as offending Art. 16. It was
contended that Art. 16(4) applied only to reservation of
posts at the stage of initial appointment and not to
promotional posts. The contention was rejected and it was
held that Art. 16(4) applied at the stage of initial
appointment as well as at the stage of promotion by
selection.It was in the case that observations were made to
the
(1) [1962] 2 SCR 586.
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effect that Art. 16(4) was in the nature of an exception to
Art. 16(1), but, as we have seen such a view is no longer
tenable in view of State of Kerala & Anr. v. N. M. Thomas &
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Ors. (supra).
Much of the argument of the learned counsel for the
petitioners was anchored to, T. Devodasan v. Union of
India(z & Anr.(1) 17 1/2% of vacancies in an establishment
were reserved for members of the scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes. Alongside the reservation rule, there
operated what is known as "the carry-forward rule" familiar
to all Govt. employees and those connected with ’service
problems’. The carry-forward rule so operated in the
particular case that out of 45 appointments made by the
Government 29 were from among the candidates belonging to
the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. In other words
the reservation Came to 65% which was far in excess of the
177% originally contemplated by the Reservation rule. In
those circumstances, a Constitution Bench of this Court
(Subba Rao, J. dissenting) declared the carry-forward rule
bad. The Court did not strike down the carry-forward rule on
the ground that it was inherently vicious or on the
hypothetical consideration that it was bound to lead to
vicious results in the future if permitted to operate
without inhibition. The judgment of the Court was founded
upon the viciousness exposed by the actual working of the
rule in practice. The learned judges indicated that the
repercussions of such a rule would have to be watched from
year to year.
Another case upon which the petitioners placed
reliance was M. R. Balaji & Ors. v. State, of Mysore(2). In
that case the percent age of seats reserved in the
Engineering and Medical colleges for the educationally and
socially backward classes and Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes came to 68% leaving only 32% of the seats for the
merit pool. The Court held that generally and broadly
reservation should not exceed 50%. The actual percentage was
to depend upon the relevant prevailing circumstances in each
case. As the reservation in that case for exceeded what was
generally and broadly permissible, the reservation was held
to be bad. There again the Court was concerned directly with
the immediate, actual, practical result of the Reservation
rule.
In A. Peeriakaruppan, etc. Y. State of Tamil Nadu &
Ors.,(3) reservation of 41% of the seat in medical college
in the State of
(1) [1964] 4 SCR 680.
(2) [1963] Suppl. I SCR 439.
(3) [1971] 2 SCR 430 @ 441-442.
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Tamil Nadu for students coming from socially and
educationally back-ward classes was upheld. Hegde, J.,
observed (at p. 441-442):
"There is no basis for the contention that the
reservation made for backward classes is excessive. We
were not told why it is excessive. Undoubtedly we
should not forget that it is against the immediate
interest of the Nation to exclude from the portals of
our medical colleges qualified and competent students
but then the immediate advantages of the Nation have to
be harmonised with its long range interests. It cannot
be denied that unaided many sections of the people in
this country cannot compete with the advanced sections
of the Nation. Advantages secured due to historical
reasons should not be considered as fundamental mental
rights. Nation’s interest will be best served-taking a
long range view-if the backward classes are helped to
march forward and take their place in line with the
advanced sections of the people. That is why in
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Balaqi’s case [1931] Suppl 1 SCR (439), this Court held
that the total of reservations for backward classes,
scheduled castes and scheduled tribes should not
ordinarily exceed 50% of the available seats. In the
present case it is 41%. On the material before us we
are unable to hold that the said reservation is
excessive".
In State of Punjab v. Hiralal & Ors.,(l) a rule
reserving the first out of every ten vacancies to a member
of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and providing
for ’carry-forward’ of the vacancy if suitable candidate was
not available was struck down by the High Court by
visualising various hypothetical cases which could lead to
anomalous situations in which a person getting the benefit
of reservation may jump over the heads of several of his
seniors not only in his own grade but even in higher grades.
This Court reversed the decision of the High Court
observing:
"The extent of reservation to be made is primarily
a matter for the State to decide. By this we do not
mean to say that the decision of the State is not open
to judicial re view. The reservation must be only for
the purpose of giving adequate representation in the
service to the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and
Backward Classes".
xx xx
(1) [1971] 3 SCR 267 @ 272, 273, 274.
264
"The mere fact that the reservation made may give
extensive benefits to some of the persons who have the
benefit of the reservation does not by itself make the
reservation bad. The length of the leap to be provided
depends upon the gap to be covered".
xx xx xx xx
"There was no material before the High Court and there
is no material before us from which we can conclude that the
impugned order is violative of Art. 16(1). Reservation of
appointments under Art. 16(4) cannot be struck down on
hypothetical grounds or on imaginary possibilities. He who
assails the reservation under that Art. must satisfactorily
establish that there has been a violation of Art. 16(1)".
The report of the Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes for 1977-78 and the ’Reports on the
progress made in the intake of Scheduled castes and
Scheduled Tribes against vacancies reserved for them in
recruitment and promotion categories in the Rail ways’ for
the half years ending March 31, 1974, March 31, 1975,
September 30, 1976, March 31, 1977 and September 30, 1979
were placed before us. they reveal how painfully slow and
woefully in significant has been progress achieved by the
members of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the
matter of their participation in the Railway administration.
My brother Krishna Iyer J has extracted some of the facts
and figures. I do not think it is necessary for me to refer
to them over again. It is sufficient to say that members of
the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes far from acquiring
any monopolistic or excessive representation over any
category of posts (other than sweepers) are nowhere near
being adequately represented. Neither the Reservation rule
nor the ’carry-forward for three years’ rule has resulted in
any such ’disastrous’ consequences. The complaint of the
petitioners that the circulars and orders had resulted in
excessive representation of the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes is without foundation generally or with
reference to any particular year.
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One of the contentions vehemently submitted by the
learned counsel for the petitioners was that efficiency of
administration would suffer and safety of the travelling
public would consequently be jeopardised if reservations
were made and promotions affected in the manner sought to be
done by the Railway Board. This is claimed by the
respondents to be no more than a bogey. In the counter
affidavit filed on behalf of the Railway Board it has been
pointed out that minimum standards arc insisted upon for
every appointment
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and in the case of candidates wanting in requisite
standards, those h with the highest marks are given special
intensive training to enable them to come up to the
requisite standards. In the case of posts which involve the
safety of movement of trains there is no relaxation of
standards in favour of candidates belonging to Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes and they are required to pass
the same rigid tests as other candidates.
Therefore, we see that when posts whether at the stage
of initial appointment or at the state of promotion are
reserved or other preferential treatment is accorded to
members of the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other
socially and economically backward classes, it is not a
concession or privilege extended to them, it is in
recognition of their undoubted Fundamental Right to Equality
of Opportunity and in discharge of the Constitutional
obligation imposed upon the state to secure to all its
citizens ’Justice, social, economic and political’ and
’Equality to status and opportunity’, to assure ’the dignity
of the individual’ among all citizens, to ’promote with
special D. care the educational and economic interests of
the weaker section of the people’, to ensure their
participation on equal basis in the administration of the
affairs of the country and generally to foster the ideal of
a ’Sovereign, Socialist, Secular, Democratic Republic’.
Every lawful method is permissible to secure the due
representation of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
in the public Services. There is no fixed ceiling to
reservation or preferential treatment in favour of the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes though generally
reservation may not be far in excess of fifty percent. There
is no rigidity about the fifty percent rule which is only a
convenient guideline laid down by Judges. Every case must be
decided with reference to the present practical results
yielded by the application of the particular rule of
preferential treatment and not with reference to
hypothetical results which the application of the rule may
yield in the future. Judged in the light of this discussion
I am unable to find anything illegal or unconstitutional in
any one of the impugned orders and circulars. Each order and
circular has been individually discussed by my brother
Krishna Iyer J with whose reasoning and conclusions I agree
and to which I wish to add no more.
PBR Petitions dismissed.
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