Full Judgment Text
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PETITIONER:
VATAL NAGARAJ
Vs.
RESPONDENT:
R. DAYANAND SAGAR
DATE OF JUDGMENT11/10/1974
BENCH:
KRISHNAIYER, V.R.
BENCH:
KRISHNAIYER, V.R.
KHANNA, HANS RAJ
BEG, M. HAMEEDULLAH
CITATION:
1975 AIR 349 1975 SCR (2) 384
1975 SCC (4) 127
CITATOR INFO :
RF 1976 SC1187 (6)
D 1985 SC 89 (9)
RF 1985 SC1133 (8)
ACT:
Representation of the People Act (43 of 1951), ss. 77, 101
and 123(6)-Difference between facts constituting corrupt
practice and illustration of corrupt practice-Approach of
trial Court to poll verdict-Approach of appellate Court to
evidence-Declaration’ in favour of rival candidate, when
permissible-Reform of election law in relation to
expenditure, suggested.
HEADNOTE:
The appellant was declared elected to the State Legislative
Assembly and the first respondent, who get the next highest
number of votes, challenged his election on various grounds
and also prayed that he should be declared elected in the
appellant’s place. One of the grounds alleged against the
appellant was that by hiring, 10 cars for campaigning, and
spending money for printing election materials, be ,spent by
way of election expenses, money beyond the legal limit, and
thus committed the corrupt practice under s. 123(6) of the
Representation of the People Act. 1951 The High Court held
this ground proved and also that some of the printed
handbills contained libellous matter, and set aside the
election and declared the first respondent elected.
In appeal to this Court,
HELD : The setting aside of the appellant’s election by the
High Court should be confirmed, but the declaration in
favour of the first respondent should be set aside. [399 B-
C]
(1) The numbers of the some of the cars hired as set out in
the petition were :different from those given in evidence.
But the infirmity would not have any effect on the first
respondent’s case since no prejudice has been sustained by
the appellant by the change and no integral element in the
ground of corrupt practice, namely excessive expenditure for
the election, has been kept back. In the law of election.
facts constitutive of corrupt Practice must be averred in
the petition itself or brought in by amendment by leave of
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court within the limitation period. But particulars
;illustrative of corrupt practices alleged stand on a
different footing. Proof at minor variance with alleged
particulars may be allowed by the court Provided the
opposite party has not sustained any prejudice and is given
an Opportunity for adducing rebutting evidence. [388 G-389E]
Bhagwan Datt Shastri v. R. R. Gupta, 11 E.L.R. 448, 456
followed.
(2) Where the trial court has watched the delivery of
testimony by the witnesses its opinion on their credibility
is entitled to much credit by the appellate court. [389G-H]
(3) An election tribunal must know that there exists an
initial presumption in favour of the poll verdict; and that
the whole constituency is invisibly party to the lis. The
voice of the voters will be interfered with only if the
votes in favour of the elected candidate were illegally
procured. In the present case, the High Court has weighed
the evidence fairly and correctly. The approach of the
court to the evidence is impeccable. There mayhave been
adulteration of evidence; but, after full consideration of
the finding of the High Court that the appellant had
committed the corrupt practice under s. 123(6) must be
confirmed. [390 C-D, E-F; 394H-395A]
(4) But assuming that some of the allegations in the hand
bills undoubtedly amounted to character assasination of the
first respondent and injured his poll prospects, and group
disaffection or threat, as stipulated in s. 123, could be
,read into them the sanctity of the poll verdict will stand
violated, if the tribunal without the strict compulsion of
statutory provisions, substitutes for an elected
representative a court picked candidate. The requirements
under s, 101 before the
385
court can declare a rival candidate as the returned
candidate, are (a) the returned candidate must have obtained
votes by operation of corrupt practices, (b) such tainted
votes must be quantified with judicial assurance, and (c)
after deduction of such void votes the petitioner or some
other candidate must be shown to have secured a majority of
the valid votes. Therefore, in the present case the
decisive factor would be satisfactory proof of the number of
votes, if any, attracted by the appellant into his ballot
box by the corrupt means proved against him. But there is
no evidence to show how many votes were definitely obtained
by the appellant by the use of corrupt practices. There is
no link between the polluted practice and the voters
affected. Further, there is nothing to show why those
voters would have Preferred the first respondent and not any
other candidate, there being as many as
10 contesting candidates. [396 B-C, H-397E; 398B-D]
T. Nagappa v. T. C. Basappa, A.I.R. 1955 S.C. 756 and
Jamuna Prasad v. Lachhi and, AIR1954 S.C. 686, 689: [1955]
S.C.R. 608. referred to.
(5) Money power casts a sinister shadow on our elections
Further, there is a built-in iniquity in the scheme,
because, an independent candidate who exceeds the ceiling
prescribed under the law commits a corrupt practice, but his
rivals set up by political parties with considerable
potential for fund-raising and using, may lay out a hundred
times more in each constituency on their candidates and yet
escape the penalty under s. 77 on the ground that the
excessive expenditure was not spent by the candidate but by
the party for its campaign. This evasion of the law by
using big money through political parties is a source of
pollution of the Indian political process. It may therefore
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be proper to infuse into the election law the cleansing
spirit suggested by this Court in Kanwarlal Gupta v. Amar
Nath Chawla [1975] 2 S. C. R. 259 and by the Select
Committee on the Indian Election Offences and Enquiries
Act, 1920. Elections. constituency wise. are the corner
stone of our parliamentary system and if the law is to
reflect and ensure the democratic norms set by the nation in
this strategic area, serious political consensus. not
sanctimonious platitudes, on reducing the heavy expenditure
on election by parties and candidates, must emerge. it is
only to a limited extent that courts can respond to the
fulfillment of this constitutional aspiration by a benignant
interpretation of the legal limits on election expenditure
set down in s. 77. [399 D-H; 400 A-D]
JUDGMENT:
CIVIL APPELLATE JURISDICTION : Civil Appeal No. 1738 of
1973.
Appeal from the Judgment and order dated the 6th November
1973 of the Karnataka High Court in Election Petition No.
4/72.
V. S. Desai, B. K. Ramachandra Rao, S. B. Chandrasekhar
and R. B. Datar, for the appellant.
A. K. Sen, V. K. Govindrajulu, V. G. Vasanth Kurnar and M.
Veerappa, for respondent No. 1
Dewan Balak Ram, for respondent No. 2
The Judgment of the Court was delivered by
KRISHNA- IYER, J.-The locale of this election litigation,
now at the appellate stage, lies in Bangalore, an industrial
city inhabited by a blend of multireligious poly-lingual
communities. But, when a pathological power-scramble is on,
the politics of stoop-to-conquer shows up in forms of
unscrupulous opportunism and investment in group hatred and
the Chamarajpet constituency in Bangalore City is alleged to
have been injected by this virus by the appellant at about
the time the State Assmbly elections in March, 1972 were
hold. If multi-form corruption corrodes the electoral
process--and that is the imputation here the gutter can come
to power to adopt a phrase used
386
in a different context by a great writer. Judging by the
general trend of vice and violation organised as election
strategy, only glimpses of which Judges get in election
cases, we wonder whether parties and individuals who
practice these oblique techniques, fully realise the moral
of the Frankenstein’s monster episode. These dark
forebodings, however, do not deter us from applying the
sound tests laid down by a long line of cases in
interpreting the provisions and evaluating the evidence in
election cases. Out task has, however, become more uneasy
because both sides have liberally contributed dubious
testimony in a bid to win their respective cases.
A brief diary of events will bring into focus the issues
over which the forensic controversy has raged. Sixteen
persons filed nomination papers from the Chamarajpet
constituency, six discreetly withdrew and the surviving ten
went into battle on March 5, 1972 the date set for the poll.
The voting strength of this constituency was 97,379 but the
actual votes polled was only 52,720. While the D. M. K. and
the Muslim League made a relatively good showing securing
over 7,000 votes each, the real bout was between the
appellant, an Independent glamourised as a heroic agitator
for Kannada, the language of the vast majority of the people
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of the then Mysore State and the 1st respondent, a Congress
Party candidate enjoying consequential advantages. The
appellant won, polling 15,486 but the 1st respondent was
close behind with 14,412. It is art uneasy feature that in
our electoral system, even with hot contest as here,
sometimes only half the voters turn up to exercise their
franchise and he who gets 15 % of the total votes of a
constituency acquires the ’right to speak and act as its
plenary proxy in the Legislature. We do not regard this
aspect as falling within our province since this vexed
question is Parliament’s concern. Anyway, the infirmity of
the poll victory agitated before us is that even this 15 %
was the product of illegal tactics sufficient to invalidate
the election of the appellant and, what is more bathetic,
the further relief sought is that the on(,, who got only 14%
i.e. the 1st respondent, should be declared the authentic
elected member of Chamarajpet.
The charges made by the 1st respondent to demolish the
declaration of the appellant made by the Returning Officer
on March 11, 1972 relate to certain malpractices between
February 11, 1972 and March 5, 1972. It is a melancholy
reflection op. the 1st respondent’s methodology of winning
his election petition that he has adduced evidence. some of
which bears traces of forgery and tricky photography backed
by perjury. This finding by the trial Court has not been
shaken in argument before us. One should have expected a
legislative aspirant representing a national party, an ex-
Deputy Minister and barrister, to be cleaner in the Court
while charging his opponent with corrupt practices at the
polls.
The young appellant had personalised himself as the spear-
head and become the President of the Kannadiga movement and
its Chaluvali Kendra Mandali. The popular identification of
the candidature of Vatal Nagaraj, the appellant, with this
somewhat passionate Organisation is gleaned from the fact
that his Chief Election Agent in
38 7
Chickpet, Sampangi P. W. 8, was the Secretary of the Mandali
and on his resignation in May or June, 1972 Prabhakara
Reddy, the Chief Election Agent of the appellant in
Chamarajpet, took over the Secretaryship (The appellant was
a candidate in. both the constituencies, which were
contiguous). It serves our understanding of the forces at
work better if we also remember that there are sizable Tamil
and Muslim groups in Bangalore. Some of the corrupt
practices alleged are linked up with Tamil presence in the
City. While economic grievances and social backwardness are
the basic causes of what, on the surface, shows up as
language or parochial chauvinism, the fact remains that the
masses are easily inflamed by economic-linguistic appeals
peppered by provincialism.
We may now proceed to set out briefly the charges leveled
against the appellant, highlighting only those which have
found favour with the trial Judge. However, the structure
of s. 123 of the Representation of the People Act, 1951
(hereinafter called the Act, for short) is such that where a
candidate is guilty of one or many of the enumerated corrupt
practices, his election must be set aside and he should be
visited, under s. 77 of the Act, with a six-year period of
disqualification. In that view, it may well be that if we
are satisfied about one of the several charges, the
appellant must lose. However, we shall deal with the
allegations and evidence concisely, so that the conspirator
of the case may not appear distorted, although primarily we
propose to deal with the excess expenditure beyond the legal
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limit held by the trial judge to have been incurred by the
appellant.
While a close-up of the few counts on which the appellant
has been held guilty is necessary, a quick look at the
fasciculus of charges, many of which have been negatived,
may unfold the characters of the play, their integrity and
the foul measure, apparently fair persons resort to,
sacrificing means to ends. Purity in elections is a social
process of public concern and national consensus, not just a
legislative package or judicial verdict.
The publication of many copies of offending leaflets at some
cost, the hiring of tort cars at over Rs. 10,000/- and the
payment of Rs. 500/- to a Kannada Organisation hopefully to
enlist their poll support, are the lethal vices, inter alia,
levelled against appellant Nagaraj to undo his election. In
the unhappy national context, of unprintable flood of
leaflets, movement of fleets of automobiles, slanderous
speeches and huge sums big Parties and rich candidates
regard as the: natural resources to be exploited in aid of
the politics of power-grab through adult franchise, this
election petition projects a mountain. molehill contrast.
But the Court can only correct what comes before it and
perhaps sound warning bells about the enormity of the envi-
ronmental pollution during elections, for statesmanship to
act, if’ law in this area is not to be robbed of pervasive
potency.
The Catalogue of corrupt practices begins with an election-
eve gift of Rs. 500/- by this Kannada fighter and President
of the Kannada Chaluvali Kendra Mandali, to the Karnataka
Yuvaka Pourara Sangha,
0-255Sup.CI/75
388
Bangalore City, motivated by an appealing for voting support
from its members. We are relieved from investigating the
legal import of such financial support to an Organisation
wedded to the programme which is also the passion of the
candidate since the story has been rightly rejected by the
High Court and we agree with it. Certain photographs (Exs.
P-7 and P-15) alleged to have been taken by P. W. 3 (an
enemy of the appellant) at the Mandali Office and the maiden
in Azad Nagar, respectively, on February 20, 1972 were
relied on by the Congress ,candidate in this connection and
the Court, after a detailed study, discovered that there
were really taken on April 14, 1972 long after the ,election
at a school where he (the appellant) was lured,’taking
advantage of the 1st respondent’s age and vanity’ and were
cleverly fobbed off on the Court in hopeful proof of the
offending February gift of Rs. 500/-. The agent used for
this purpose was P. W. 30 and the learned Judge assessed
him thus:
"P. W. 30 Raghunath Singh is a creature of the
petitioner, who acted as a spy in the opposite
camp"
a fifth column tactic hardly fair, if it is
true. A suspicious February ,edition of a
newspaper called Karmika Vani (Ex. P. 10)
carrying two photos taken in April have also
been introduced by the 1st respondent
Dayananda Sagar. He has also placed a make-
believe letter Exhibit P. 26, signed by the
appellant as evidence of car hire payment
although the trial Judge has seen through the
1st respondent’s sharp practice. Vatal
Nagaraj, invited to a school function, gave
his post-election autograph to children in an
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exercise note book which page was later
perverted to appear as a letter forwarding
part of the car hire charges. This shady
species of conduct in election litigation by
seemingly important persons make us wonder
whether character assassination cannot be self
inflicted.
We will now move on the crucial issue of over
spending by the appellant. He is alleged to
have hired, for campaigning, ten cars from the
Bangalore City Cooperative Transport Society,
the hire ,charges being Rs. 12,600/-.
Likewise, a sum of Rs. 7,500/-, it is stated,
,was paid by the appellant to Nirmala Printing
Press which was run by
P. W. 2 Devraj, for printing election
materials.
An initial objection was raised by Shri Desai,
arguing for the appellant, that there was
substantial variation between pleading and
proof in this regard, that the numbers of the
cars hired, as mentioned in the petition, were
different (regarding 6 out of 10) from what
had been put forward in the evidence and this
divergence had the triple crippling effects of
causing prejudice, casting suspicion and
disallowing the plea. Factually, Shri Desai
is right but, legally, his objection is bereft
of force.
389
The law of elections is clear on this branch of pleading and
proof and a sense of brevity forbids citation of a string of
rulings where the rule of law is indubitable. Litigation is
no hide and seek game but a search for truth and parties
must place their cards on the table. And procedure is the
handmaid, not the mistress, of justice and cannot be
permitted to thwart the fact-finding course. In election
jurisprudence tracking down corrupt practices is of
paramount importance. In doing this the rules of the game
must be fairly observed. Facts constitutive of corrupt
practices must be averred in the petition itself or brought
in by amendment by leave of court; within the limitation
period. The opposite party is thus put on his guard as to
what charges he has to meet. Particulars, illustrative of
the corrupt practices alleged stand on a different footing.
Even if there have been initial omissions in pleading, they
can be made up, by Court’s leave, at any time. What is more
to the point here-or it is common case that errors in
particulars of car numbers have at no stage been rectified
in the present case-proof, at minor variance with alleged
particulars, may be allowed, the course open to the opposite
party being to satisfy the trial Judge of prejudice
sustained and of opportunity for adducing rebutting
evidence. To shut out cogent and clear evidence of
particulars of corrupt practice (the ground itself being in
the pleadings) on processual technicalities is to orphan the
real, though absent, party viz., the silent constituency.
This Court, in Bhagwan Datt Shastri v. R. R. Gupta(1) set
out the true rule:
"The question in such a case would not be one
of absence
of jurisdiction but as to whether there has
been any material prejudice occasioned by the
absence of particulars. It is in that light
that the validity of the objection raised by
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the appellant in this behalf before us had to
be judged. It is, therefore, necessary to
scrutinise the nature of the evidence on which
this finding has been arrived at and to
see whether the appellant had a fair
opportunity of meeting it."
Having heard Shri Desai at length, we are not persuaded that
the infirmities he complains of have validity in the case on
hand. No prejudice has been sustained by the change in the
numbers of the taxi cars and no integral element in the
ground of corrupt practice viz.,excessive expenditure for
the election has been kept back. indeed, even most of the
particulars have been correctly set out.
Before proceeding to examine the evidence, we must make a
further cautionary observation. When the trial Court (here a
Judge of the High Court’) has had an overall view of the
case through the very process of oral and documentary
unfolding, that panoramic perception cannot be equated with
the studious perusal of the printed record by a higher
court. Where the tribunal has watched the delivery
oftestimony by the witnesses, some with equivocating
unveracity, others with nervous truthfulness or confident
glibness, its opinion on credibility is entitled to much
credit at the appellate stage. Of course,
(1) 11 E. L. R. 488,456.
390
even among the judiciary a subjective factor in judging men
and matters may creep in and so complete dependence on the
assessment of human candour and cunning by trial Judges can
degenerate into legal superstition.
It is apt to remember the words of Judge
Jerome N. Frank(1) as a warning:
"We do know, from occasional candid remarks by
trial Judges, that some of them utilise absurd
rules of thumb such as these: A witness
unquestionably lies who, while testifying,
throws back his head or wipes his hands or
shifts his gaze rapidly; or blushes, or bites
his lips or taps steadily on his armchair".
Having carefully considered the matter, we are convinced
that the High Court has weighed the evidence fairly, tested
the character carats of witnesses correctly and reached
results rightly.
The trial Court has adopted a legally impeccable approach in
assessing the evidence, as was pointed out by Shri A. K.
Sen, counsel for the 1st respondent. Corrupt practices have
to be viewed as quasicriminal in character and the strict ’
standard of proof applicable in such cases, in tune with the
decisions of this Court, has been used as a touchstone by
the trial Judge. The question is whether the few corrupt
practices, upheld by the High Court, have been proved beyond
reasonable doubt or whether the appellant has been able to
make any big dent in the case found.’ We will now discuss
the heads of charge, itemwise. The printed election
literature has a dual roll in this case (a) to boost the
cost beyond the legal ceilling and (b) to prove character
assasination. Both are corrupt practices. A threat to
Tamils i.e. undue influence; is also alleged to be involved
in the handbills in question, Ex. P. 4 and Ex. P. 5.
Indeed, an election tribunal must know that there exists an
initial presumption in favour of the poll verdict and the
whole constituency is invisibly party to the lis, their
voice being interfered with only if their votes were
illegally pro-cured. As earlier indicated, this leaflet
imputation may, in order of probative importance, be
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considered at a later stage since we are satisfied that its
impact is somewhat indirect and its proof a shade
inconclusive, notwithstanding the use to which Shri A. K.
Sen has sought to Put it in supporting the declaration,
under issue no. 11, that his client "obtained as the
returned candidate.
The critical issue which, in our view, is fatal to the
appellant’s election, is the layout on hiring cars. By
itself, that item exceeds Rs. 10,000/- and if true, the
election must be set aside, without more. Issue 9 (b)
relates to this subject and Paragraph 14(b) of the petition
sets out this ground. As stated earlier, while the numbers
of the ten cars are enumerated therein, the last six do not
tally with the documents produced or the Bangalore City
Cooperative Transport
(1)Judical fact finding and psychology, 14 Ohio State Law
Journal, 183, 186 (Spring 1953)-quoted in Psychology and the
Law by Dwight G. McCartyprentice-Hall, Inc., Englewood
Clifts, N.J., USA (1967 4th Printing).
3 91
Society which was the bailor. The case is that the above
Transport, Society had fallen on evil days and so had
authorised its President, one Swaminath, P. W. 7, to ply its
vehicles on a no profit no loss basis. Swaminath, who had
thus taken over the transport operation with effect from
August 1, 1971 and had, in turn, run a transport service in
the name of Coop. TOUR COMBINED BOOKING Centre is stated to
have agreed to make available 10 cars on hire to the
candidate Nagaraj. Rs. 60/- per day per car, exclusive of
driver and fuel, from February 14, 1972 to March 5, 1972
were the terms alleged. It is further averred that the
candidate had authorised Sampangi, P. W. 8, to arrange for
the hire of these 10 cars on or about February 10, 1972.
The latter had made an initial payment of Rs. 3,000/- on
February 12, 1972 through P. W. 30, Raghunath Singh, already
referred to. The case runs on to the effect that a sum of
Rs. 9,600/- was outstanding as payable to P. W. 7 on April
10, 1972 when the appellant lodged his account of election
expenses, as required by statute. It is common ground that
he did not enter the sums paid or payable by way of hire
charges to P. W. 7 in his account submitted to the Election
Commission. The petition sets out the payment, on April 14,
1972 of a sum of Rs. 1,000/- to P. W. 7’s Society towards
car hire and this sum is stated to have been sent through P.
W. 30, Raghunath Singh. Of Course the appellant, in his
written statement-has denied this story of hiring and piece-
meal payments, knowing fully how noxious its effect would be
on his victory, in the light of s. 77 of the Act.
We may straightway state that the learned Judge who tried
the case has referred to P. Ws. 8, 30 and 7 as the principal
witnesses to prove the hiring in of the cars. However, he
has already described P. W. 30 as a spy of the Congress
candidate who had slyly operated among the flock of Nagaraj,
and has discredited him as an unscrupulous person. The
learned Judge has also discarded the testimony of P. W. 8,
Sampangi, for reasons which are self-evident, even if one
casually peruses his deposition. He is a self-condemned
perjurer and has hardly any claim to judicial credence,
particularly in a case of proof of corrupt practices in an
election petition. Without expanding on these unscrupulous
souls any further, we concur with the trial Court in
proceeding to reject that part of the case of the petitioner
which lives solely on the lips of P. Ws. 8 and 30. But the
fact that these two dubious beings have been frequently
friendly with falsehood does riot destroy the acceptability
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of their testimony to the extent it accords with other
authentic documentary material and reliable verbal
testimony. Indeed the trial Judge has discerningly
observed:
"I am placing dependence mainly on the documentary evidence
under this issue, supported by the testimony of P. W. 7,
Swaminath."
392
This, we think, is a flawless approach. We are constrained
to remark that experience proves the wisdom of scepticism in
assessing oral evidence in Court. In the words of
Osborn(1):
"The astonishing amount of perjury in courts
of law is a sad commentary on human veracity.
In spite of the oath, more untruths are
probably uttered in court than anywhere else.
This deviation from veracity ranges from mere
exaggeration all the way to vicious perjury.
Much of this untrue testimony grows directly
out of human nature under unusual stress and
is not an accurate measure of truth speaking
in general. In order to shield a friend, or
help one to win in what is thought to be a
just cause, or because of sympathy for one in
trouble, many members of the frail human
family are inclined to violate the truth in a
court of law as they will not do elsewhere,."
The High Court’s discussion is exhaustive. The arguments
before us have not suffered from inadequacy and since we are
affirming the principal conclusion of fact of the trial
Judge we content ourselves with stating only the essential
reasons.
The version of the petitioner regarding the vehicles
(although with different registration numbers has been
substantially spoken to by Swaminath, P. W. 7. Most of the
details deposed to by him fit in with the original averments
and trivial discrepancies cannot disturb factual
appreciation of the core.
P.W. 7, the President of the Society, has not been shown to
be either interested in the petitioner or animated against
the appellant. If, as he swears, he did run the business
of transport during the relevant period, there is no
reason to be sceptered about acting on his word on oath.
Exhibit P-22, the proceedings book of the Board of
Management of the Society, contains entries, dated July 2,
1971 (P 22A) evidencing the authorisation in his favour by
the Board of Management. The marginal doubt, generated by
the fact of the resolution, Exhibit P-22A, put him in charge
of the Business only until January 31, 1972 while the period
of the hiring was beyond that date, is insufficient to shake
his testimony in the light of all the other circumstances.
For, until April 17, 1972 the Board of Management had not
made over its transport business to anyone else. On the
other hand, Ex. P. 22B, the proceedings of the Board at its
meeting held on April 17, 1972 (item No. 4) reinforces the
case spoken to by P. W. 7. The criticism that these
proceedings could have been manipulated into life
subsequently stands crushed by the endorsement Exhibit P-
22A(1) made on the proceedings book by the Assistant
Registrar of Cooperative Societies, Shri Bhatia, on April 5,
1972. Even otherwise, P. W. 7’s story suffers form no
inherent improbability and there is no presentable
alternative put forward by the appellant as to how he ran
the automobile part of his election campaign. He swore,
more incredibly, that he covered the 25 square miles of his
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constituency on foot, during the hectic period
(1) ’The Problem of Proof’ Albert S. Osborn, pp. 22.23 New
York, Methew Bender & Co. 1926-quoted In (2) ibid, p. 226.
393
of this bitter election campaign. May be, he had many
volunteers ,Of the Chaluvali Kendra Mandali to support him
and they might well have covered the area on bicycles. May
be, being militantly identified with an agitational issue
(Kannada for Kannadigas, to capsule the movement in a
slogan) his monetary inputs might have been puny compared to
his more prosperous Congress rival. Evan so, the Padayatra
programme, eschewing automobile journeys altogether, is too
unrealistic and mendacious to be taken seriously. Moreover,
there is other documentary evidence in proof of payment of
hire charges. Exhibits P-23, P-24 and P-25 deserve
probative credit, in this context, P. W. 8, Sampangi, is
seen to have signed them and even if we disbelieve the
integrity of P. W. 30 who is alleged to have carried
Exlaibit P-23 or of P. W. 8, who, admittedly, has signed
that letter, there is no gain saying the fact that
documentary evidence of advance payment of Rs. 3,000/- is
forthcoming Exhibit P-24, dated February 12, 1972 is a
letter written by Swaminath to Nagaraj and Exhibit P. 24A is
the office copy. Exhibit P-25 further clinches the matter
since it acknowledges the delivery of the cars and bears the
signature of P. W. 8, Sampangi, appended on behalf of his
principal, Nagaraj. Not P. W. 8 nor P. W. 30, but the
documentary testimony and the credibility of P. W. 7
influence our conclusion.
Two major criticisms were levelled against this branch of
the case by Shri Desai. Certain minor weaknesses were also
pointed out which, for general considerations already
indicated, do not need lengthy scrutiny. He contended that
P. W. 8, Sampangi, was not his election agent in Chamarajpet
Constituency and was an obvious betrayer who had been bought
up by the more powerful petitioner so much so his words or
signatures could not command judicial confidence. Secondly,
he urged that the evidence of P. W. 7 and the documents
stood shaken in view of the reference therein to Exhibit P-
26 which had been found by the trial Court to be a forgery.
We may examine the force, if any, of these submissions.
P. W. 8 is a consummate artist in terminological
inexactitudes who owns up in cross-examination, with
melodramatic audacity both perjury and fabrication. Even
so, his political bond with Nagaraj during the election is
undeniable. They were President and Secretary of the
Chaluvali Kendra Mandali until May or June 1972 when the
latter resigned. P. W. 8 was Chief Election Agent of Nagaraj
in the adjoining Chickpet Constituency and could riot have
confined his busy campaigning, activated by the larger
Kannada cause, to the territorial limits of Chickpet. In
June he ran for the Legislative Council seat from the
Teachers’ constituency and Nagaraj appealed for electoral
support through a newspaper column carrying his photograph.
Haunted though we are by hunches about the distance between
honest processes of proof and the petitioner’s modus
operanti in Court, unhesitatingly we held that Sampangi. P.
W. 8, was an activist lieutenant of the appellant during the
critical months of February, March and April.
394
Exhibit P-26, if we may recapitulate, is that pernicious
paper on which Nagaraj scribbled his then sought-after
autograph at a school function, hardly suspecting its
potential transmigration, into a letter forwarding a part of
the car hire. Without trivialising the trickery played upon
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the appellant for which vicarious guilt must belong to the
1st respondent, we find no difficulty in delinking this
documentary effort at over-kill, through Ex. P. 26, from
the other dependable evidence of hiring 10 cars. Some holes
of perjured evidence somewhere cannot sink the whole case
which can safely float on other tested testimony. All
cobwebs of suspicion are brushed away by Ex. P. 28 and P.
29. Finding a large sum outstanding from Nagaraj by way of
car hire, P. W. 7 Swamiriath, a financially weak person,
wrote to the treasurer of the Mandali pleading that since
the appellant, the President, had owed a substantial amount
in connection with the election where the Mandali had backed
him the treasurer Lakshmipathi had better make good the
money and adjust with the President later. Pat came the
reply Ex. P. 29 from Lakshmipathi disowning liability from
the Mandali. Again,. Swaminath (P. W. 7) pursued his
claim by writing for balance payment to the appellant with a
copy to P. W. 8 (vide Ex. P. 30). What followed (it rings
true) may be rendered in the words of P. W. 7:
"I received the reply Ex. P. 31 from
Sampangi. It is dated 22-4-1972. Through the
reply Ex. P. 31 Sa. Kru. Sampangi asked me
to accept Rs. 8,000/- from 1st respondent
Vatal Nagaraj in full settlement. I went and
collected Rs. 8,000/- from Sa. Kru. Sampangi
on behalf of the I st respondent Vatal Nagaraj
on 24-4-1972, issued a temporary receipt. The
office copy of that receipt is Ex. P. 32. On
25-4-1972 1 wrote to the respondent Vatal
Nagaraj, with a copy to Sa. Kru. Sampangi
and sent that letter by post. The office copy
of that letter is Ex. P. 33."
We have the corroborative evidence of the
receipt book kept by P. W. 7 Ex. P. 34 in
his own words;
"Exs. P. 34(a), P. 34(b), P. 34(c), P. 34(d),
P. 34(c), P. 34(f), P. 34(g) P. 34(h) are the
respective receipts regarding cars Nos. MYA
3981, MYD 9030, MYD 7575, MYD 6756, MYA 4044,
MYA 4114, MYD 9779 and MYA 3633. The receipt
Ex. P. 34(1) refers to the Society Car MYD
7222 and the receipt Ex. P. 34(1) refers to
the Society Car MYD 8600".
These receipts relate to cars of others taken by P. W. 7 to
make up the ten cars agreed to be supplied, his Society
itself being only in possession of two cars. This wealth of
documentary material is convincing enough, in the background
of the trial Court’s remark : P. W. 7 Swaminath has stood
the test of cross-examination well and his answers seemed to
be forthright." Shri Desai did exploit the divergence in car
registration numbers and the unsatisfactory explanation
,offered by the 1st respondent in that behalf. So also the
spurious Ex.P. 26. Adulteration of evidence perhaps there
is, but, after full con-
3 95
sideration of the total material we are satisfied with the
affirmative finding on issue 9(b) given by the High Court.
Shri Desai feebly suggested that P. W. 6 was not his agent
in Chamarajpet but in Chickpet, and P. W. 30 was riot his
men at all. We have disposed of the factual part of this
plea but the law of agency in election jurisprudence, it may
be rioted, is more elastic. In a sense, the corrupt act
need not be done by the candidate or his chief election
agent. It is enough if it is authorised by either, as we
will later show and here the hiring was done as authorised
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by the candidate.
The anxious 1st respondent has made many other charges of
corrupt practice which,havo been repelled by the trial court
and we concur. But two invalidating imputations have been
repelled by the trial Court and we concur. But two
invalidating imputations have been upheld by the learned
Judge, both turning on the printed election material, its
cost and libellous toxicity. We are not disposed to dissect
the evidence in detail on these twin charges since a single
fatal stab is as good as multiple mortal wounds if death is
the goal. But the 1st respondent’s ambition is not merely
to destroy the declaration of the appellant but to instal
himself as the Chamarajpet MLA through the judicial process.
"There’s the rub". of course, if the law allows it he must
get it. Exhibits P-4 and-P. 5 are two handbills in Kannada
and Tamil, respectively and exhibit P-9 is the election
manifesto of the appellant says the 1st respondent. Of
course, the appellant has denied responsibility for this
offending literature and has gone to the extent of con-
tending that the alleged printer P. W. 2 was a vegetable
vendor injected into the scene by the. 1st respondent as an
evenescant lessee of a press who, ostensibly, appeared on
the scene about the time of the election, engaged himself
solely in printing the appellant’s election matter an(
vanished from the printing scene back to his vegetable
vendors job after the election. May be the story, prima
facie, is suspect, but, on a closer scrutiny especially with
Ex. R. 6 in mind, the finding of the trial court must pass
muster. There is also some evidence of these leaflets being
distributed by the workers of Nagaraj. Considerable debate
there was at the bar as to whether Exhibit P-4, ever if
true, amounted to character assassination, or other corrupt
practice, but at least a portion of it relating to payment
of money to voters undoubtly injures the petitioner’s good
morals although many other statements may hover around the
border line or cannot constitute corrupt practice.
Accepting Ex. P. 4 as a passionate plea for Kannada and
criticism of the rival as one who argues for English, it is
not ’Character assassination, nor is a militant demand for
larger areas for Karnataka State corrupt practice. Even
notions on nude dances and or economic exploitation of
people cannot be judged by mid Victorian prudery when
interpreting s. 123 of the Act. We have to be aware of
realities informed by the current ethos of the community and
remember the usual margin of electoral exaggeration, while
construing such speeches and writings. It is indisputable
that if the printing has been done. by the appellant or his
election agent arid. the cost thereof was as pleaded
396
in the petition, the ceiling on election expenses set by the
statute would be further exceeded.
We are not inclined to upset the holding of the High Court
that "there can be no reasonable doubt that regarding the
handbills Exhibits P-4, P-5 and P-9 the petitioner’s version
is true" but do not embark on any long discussion as it is
uncalled for. But the almost astrological’ consequence
claimed to be flowing therefrom that the 1st respondent
would have obtained a majority of valid votes demands fuller
examination. For purposes of argument, let us assume that
Exhibits P-4, P-5 and P-9 were printed and distributed prior
to the election and that P. W. 2 had been paid Rs. 7,500/-
as printing charges. We may similarly assume that personal
aspersions and implicit group disaffection or threat as
stipulated in S. 123 of the Act could read into these
leaflets, as claimed in the petition. Even so, What?
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This takes us to issue No. 11 which, perhaps, is the second
most contested question in the whole case. Having exceeded,
on our own finding, the financial ceiling set by S. 77 of
the Act, a corrupt practice has been committed by the
appellant and his election has been rightly set aside by the
High Court. Inevitably, under S. 8A of the Act, the
appellant has to be visited with the punitive six-year
disqualification. So the High Court’s finding oil issue No.
12 also must stand.
The only bitter bone of contention between the parties which
survives is covered by issue no. 11. The sanctity of the
poll verdict will stand violated if the tribunal, without
the strictest compulsion of statutory provisions,
substitutes for an elected representative a Court Picked
candidate. The relevant part of S. 101 may well be set out
at this stage:
"101. Grounds for which a candidate other
than the returned candidate may be declared to
have been elected:-
If any person who has lodged a petition has,
in addition to calling in question the
election of the returned candidate, claimed a
declaration that he himself or any other
candidate has been duly elected and the High
Court is of opinion.
(b) That but for the votes obtained by the
returned candidate by corrupt practices the
petitioner or such other candidate would have
obtained a majority of the valid votes,
the High Court shall after declaring the
election of the returned candidate to be void
declare the petitioner or such other
candidate, as the case may be, to have been
duly elected.
The insistent requirements of the section are that firstly
the returned candidate must have obtained votes by the
operation of corrupt practices; secondly, such obtained
votes must be Quantified with judicial assurance and
thirdly, after deduction of such void votes, the petitioner
397
or other candidate must be shown to have secured a majority
of the valid votes. In the present case, the decisive
factor is the satisfactory proof of the number of votes, if
any, attracted by the appellant into his ballot box by the
corrupt means. How many. voters were lured for certain by
the expenditure of several thousand rupees more than is
sanctioned by the law ? Did the campaigning in those hired
cars. snatch votes at all ? Did deleterious leaflets draw
into Nagaraj’s net a specific set of voters : To capsule the
enquiry, how many votes were definitely obtained by the use
of each corrupt practice? This hinges not on mystic maybe
And vague imponderables and prejudice to prospects but on
tangible testimony that a number of persons, arithmetically
assessed, swang towards and probably actually’ for the re-
turned candidate, directly magnetised by the corrupt
practice, so that one could positively predicate those votes
as having been obtained by corrupt practices. This clear
nexus is of critical importance. Happy speculation,
hypothetical possibility and clairvoyant surmise, however
imaginatively and objectively made, cannot displace this
drastic requirement. Where, for instance, a certain number
of persons, in violation of the legal ban, have been
transported by the candidate and they have been shown, with
fair assurance, to have cast their votes in his favour or
where specific cases of false personation or double voting
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at the instance of the candidate or his agents have occurred
and the margin of difference between the victor and the
nearest vanquished is narrow and the gap is more than made
up by the illegally procured votes, the case for the
application of s. 101 will surely arise. Courts do not
elect candidates or sign into parliamentary seats those whom
the constituency has not yet favored The normal democratic
process cannot be bypassed conveniently on the score of
corrupt practices by the rival except in those exceptional
cases where s. 101 stands fulfilled. You must win not only
an election petition but an election itself.
The decisions cited before us by Shri A. K. Sen do not take
us further. Indeed there is a paucity of precedents in this
area, for reasons which are not difficult to guess. In T.
Nagappa v. T. C. Basappa(1) this Court had to deal with a
case where the lead of the winner was only 34 votes, there
was cogent proof of about 60 voters having been transported
by the offending candidates to the polling booth of whom 47
voted for him so that, if their votes were struck out, the
margin of difference would disappear and the loser would
have secured the larger number of valid votes. There the
learned Judges were at pains to point cut that the
petitioner got only 34 votes less than the respondent and
that the tribunal (by a majority) had found that the bus
procured by respondent No. I did carry to the polling booths
about 60 voters, leading to the legitimate presumption that
the Majority of them did vote for respondent No. 1. Under
those circumstances; the Court did not care to interfere
with the Tribunal’s factual view that if the votes
attributable to the corrupt practice were left out of
account, the petitioner would have gained an undisputed
majority. In that very case while pointing out that the
High Court should not have:
(1) A. I. R. 1955 $. C. 756.
398
upset a finding of fact of the Tribunal, this Court
cautiously added that "it may be that the view taken by the.
dissenting member of the Tribunal was the more proper."
Apparently, the dissenting member was not inclined to upset
the poll verdict even on this evidence. Where there are a
number of serious candidates contesting from a constituency,
the situation, becomes complex and unpredictable. It is
convenient assumption, not reasoned probability, to guess
for whom, if at all, the voters of the winner who used
corrupt practices would have alternatively cast their
franchise. Sheer disenchantment with the vicious techniques
might well have turned away many sensitive souls from the
polling station. In the appeal before us the lead is over a
thousand votes, no link between the polluted practice and
the voters affected is forged ten candidates were in the
field and some of them had polled well. The observations of
this Court in Jamuna Prasad’s Case(1) that "there is nothing
to show why the majority of the first respondent’s voters
would have preferred the 6th respondent and ignored the 3rd
and 4th respondents" under scores the hazard in such
multiple-contest situations. Shri A. K. Sen’s persuasive
invitation to compute on imperfect date is to ask us to
crystalgaze. We decline the essay in occult.
In the present case the reasoning of the trial Court dealing
with this branch is not brief but a blank. All that the
Court has said is that the difference is only 1044 votes
between the appellant and the respondent and that a
reasonable judicial guess is not taboo: "Therefore it can be
reasonably concluded as per cl. (b) of s. 101 of the R. P.
Act that but for the votes obtained by the returned
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candidate (1st respondent) by corrupt practices, the
petitioner would have obtained a majority of the valid
votes". We are sorry the sequitur is too obscure for us to
see. There were ten candidates in the field and the
,curious plea bearing on this relief in the election
petition appears to be that the petitioner has done social
service and deserved victory and so there was no need to
send him back to the constituency to seek a reelection-
strange compliance with s. 101 of the Act. Indeed, the
petitioner, himself a barrister and a former Deputy
Minister, conversant with the requirements of election law
knows that where a claim for a declaration in his favour is
put forward at least formal averments tacking the corrupt
practice onto obtaining the definite votes was necessary.
On the other hand, all that he states is that as a result of
the hate campaign against the Muslims and the Tamils,
alleged to have been carried on by the appellant and his
agents, "the Tamil speaking people though that it would be
to their advantage to support the D. M. K. candidate and the
Muslim population thought that they would be protected only
if the Muslim League candidate was returned to the
Election." Therefore %bat? After adding that these two
candidates had secured a large number of votes from the
Tamils and the Muslims, the petition makes a puzzling
statement: "These votes would have been polled by the
petitioner and the Congress party but for the corrupt
practices under section 123 committed by the 1st respondent,
his election agent and the agents of the 1st respondent.. "
-The abstruse logic, the bare assertion and the total
absence of a tie-up
(1) A. 1. R. 1954 S. C. 686, 689 (jamuna Prasad v. Lachhi
Ram) [1955] S.C.R. 608.
399
between specific corrupt practices and the number of votes
obtained thereby lead us to an outright rejection of the
relief, not merely for want of proper averments but also for
a total void in proof. Absent visible welding of the
electoral vice established into the numerical measure of the
victory, the votes at the polls alone, not the writ of the
Court, can seat him in the legislature. We have no
hesitation in reversing the finding on issue No. 11.
The conclusion therefore is that the appellants’ election is
set aside: and the constituency has to choose its
representative by a fresh poll. It must be noted that half
the term has already run out since the election which we now
set aside. Having regard to the democratic process and the
duty not to keep Chamarajpet orphaned in the legislature, we
expect the Chief Election Commissioner. to proceed
expeditiously to hold a fresh election.
The fate of this case has been the direct result, among
other grounds, of the cost of campaigns, beyond the legal
ceiling; incurred by the appellant who contested as an
Independent. To give all candidates a fair chance, an
operationally fairer, perhaps even radical plan to finance
our elections, particularly the campaigning process, may
have to be devised. Money power casts a sinister shadow on
our elections and the political payoff of undue expenditure
in the various constituencies is too alluring for parties to
resist temptation. Moreover,, there is a built-in iniquity
in the scheme because an independent candidate who exceeds
the ceiling prescribed under the law legally commits a
corrupt practice. His rival, set up by political parties
with considerable potential for fund raising and using, may
lay out a hundred times more in each constituency on their
candidates and yet hope to escape the penalty under s. 77.
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The convenient-not necessarily correct-plea would be that
the candidate spent for his election but the party for its
campaign. This likely evasion of the law by using big money
through political parties is a source of pollution of the
Indian political process. To channel funds into the
campaign for specific candidates getting around the
requirements of the law by establishing party committees is
all too familiar in this and some other countries. in this
context it may be apt to draw attention to a recent ruling
of this Court in Kanwarlal Gupta V. Amar Nath Chawla (1) on
election expenses. it may be proper to infuse into the
election law the cleansing spirit which was emphasized way
back in 1920 by the Select Committee or), the Indian
Election Offence and Enquiries Act (XXXIV of 1920). Half a
century ago it was observed there:
"We feel that there are distinct advantages at
the present time when election is to play so
important a part in the new public life of
India that the public conscience should be
markedly drawn in relation to the franchise
whether that franchise relates to legislative
or other bodies."
Elections, constituency-wise, are the cornerstone of our
parliamentary culture and if the law is to reflect and
ensure the democratic-,
(1) [19751 2’S. C R. 259.
400
norms set by the nation in this strategic area, serious
political consensus (not sanctimonious platitudes) on heavy
cut-back on poll outlay by Parties and candidates and basic
morality in the electioneering methodology must emerge-a
consummation devoutly to be wished. if campaigns run berserk
and expenses unlimited become the rule general elections
become national nightmares and the fabric of our freedom
shakes. Courts come in only when specific cases are filed
and cannot arrest this cultural contamination. We can only
express the wish, with a sense of social awareness, that
campaign finances reform, imposing, realistic limitations on
spending on behalf of candidates directly or vicariously
seem necessary if inequality of influence is not cooperate
upon the elect oral process and later upon government
decisions. To a limited extent Courts can respond to the
fulfilment of this constitutional aspiration by a benignant
interpretation of the legal limits on election expenditure
s. 77 clamps down. This election case is also a caveat on
election methodology. True, large monetary inputs are
necessary evils of modern elections, but "once we assuage
our ,conscience by calling something a ’necessary evil’, it
begins to look more and more necessary and less and less
evil" (1). The manumission of the electoral process from
money power is the dharma of our Republic.
In the hope that a fresh election for Chamarajpet would be
held ,early and in the expectation that the candidates,
independents and ’Party-nominees alike would keep within the
pecuniary limits set by the law as laid down by this Court,
we allow the appeal in part, as above indicated. Parties
will bear their own costs throughout.
V.P.S. Appeal partly
Allowed.
(1) Sydney Harris-quoted by Hidayatullah J. (as he then
was) in "Democracy in India and the Judicial Process"-
Lajpatrai Memorial Lectures, 1965-Asia Publising House-P-60.
401
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