KAUSHAL KISHOR vs. THE STATE OF UTTAR PRADESH GOVT. OF U.P. HOME SECRETARY

Case Type: Writ Petition Criminal

Date of Judgment: 03-01-2023

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REPORTABLE IN THE SUPREME COURT OF INDIA CRIMINAL ORIGINAL/CIVIL APPELLATE JURISDICTION WRIT PETITION (CRIMINAL) NO. 113 OF 2016 KAUSHAL KISHOR                                             … PETITIONER(S) VERSUS STATE OF UTTAR PRADESH & ORS. …RESPONDENT(S) WITH SPECIAL LEAVE PETITION @ (DIARY) NO. 34629 OF 2017 J U D G M E N T V. RAMASUBRAMANIAN, J. PRELUDE தயயனனறசடறடபணறஉளறளனறமறஆறனதத நனவயனனறசடறடவட Said the Tamil Poet­Philosopher Tiruvalluvar of the Tamil Sangam age   (31,   BCE)   in   his   classic   “ Tirukkural ”.   Emphasizing   the importance of sweet speech, he said that the scar left behind by a Signature Not Verified burn injury may heal, but not the one left behind by an offensive Digitally signed by Anita Malhotra Date: 2023.01.03 16:58:23 IST Reason: 1 speech. The translation of this verse by G.U. Pope in English reads thus: “In flesh by fire inflamed, nature may thoroughly heal the sore;  In soul by tongue inflamed, the ulcer healeth never more.” A Sanskrit Text contains a piece of advice on what to speak and how to speak.
सतय बरययतब पपपब य बरययनन बरययतब सतयमपपपब यम ब ।<br>पपपब य च नयनतय बरययदष धमर सनयतनर ॥
satyam brūyāt priyaṃ brūyān na brūyāt satyam apriyam |<br>priyaṃ ca nān ṛtaṃ brūyād e ṣa dharma ḥ sanātanaḥ ||
The meaning of this verse is: “Speak what is true; speak what is<br>pleasing; Do not speak what is unpleasant, even if it is true;<br>And do not say what is pleasing, but untrue; this is the<br>eternal law.”
The “Book of Proverbs” (16:24) says:
“Pleasant words are a honeycomb, sweet to the soul and<br>healing to the bones”
Though religious texts of all faiths and ancient literature of all<br>languages and geographical locations are full of such moral<br>injunctions emphasising the importance of sweet speech (more than
2 free speech ), history shows that humanity has consistently defied those diktats. The present reference to the Constitution Bench is the   outcome   of   such   behaviour   by   two   honourable   men,   who occupied the position of Ministers in two different States. I.   Questions formulated for consideration By an order dated 05.10.2017, a Three Member Bench of this 1. Court directed Writ Petition (Criminal) No.113 of 2016 to be placed before the Constitution Bench, after two learned senior counsel, appointed as  amicus curiae,  submitted that the questions arising for consideration in the writ petition were of great importance. Though the Bench recorded, in its order dated 05.10.2017, the questions that   were   submitted   by   the   learned   amicus   curiae ,   the   Three Member Bench did not frame any particular question, but directed the matter to be placed before the Constitution Bench. 2. At this juncture, a Special Leave Petition (Diary) No.34629 of 2017 arising out a judgment of the Kerala High Court came up before the same Three Member Bench. Finding that the questions raised in the said SLP were also similar, this Court passed an order 3 on 10.11.2017, directing the said SLP also to be tagged with Writ Petition (Criminal) No.113 of 2016. 3. Thereafter,   the   Constitution   Bench,   by   an   order   dated 24.10.2019, formulated the following five questions to be decided by this Court:­ “…1)   Are   the   grounds   specified   in   Article   19(2)   in relation to which reasonable restrictions on the right to free speech can be imposed by law, exhaustive, or can restrictions on the right to free speech be imposed on grounds not found in Article 19(2) by invoking other fundamental rights?  2) Can a fundamental right under Article 19 or 21 of the Constitution of India be claimed other than against the ‘State’ or its instrumentalities?  3) Whether the State is under a duty to affirmatively protect the rights of a citizen under Article 21 of the Constitution   of   India   even   against   a   threat   to   the liberty of a citizen by the acts or omissions of another citizen or private agency?  4) Can a statement made by a Minister, traceable to any affairs of State or for protecting the Government, be   attributed   vicariously   to   the   Government   itself, especially   in   view   of   the   principle   of   Collective Responsibility?  5)   Whether   a   statement   by  a  Minister,   inconsistent with the rights of a citizen under Part Three of the Constitution,   constitutes   a   violation   of   such constitutional   rights   and   is   actionable   as ‘Constitutional Tort”? …” 4 II. A brief backdrop 4. Without a brief reference to the factual matrix, the questions to be answered by us may look abstract. Therefore, we shall now refer to the background facts in both these cases.    Writ Petition (Criminal) No.113 of 2016 was filed under Article 5. 32   of   the   Constitution   praying   for   several   reliefs   including monitoring   the   investigation   of   a   criminal   complaint   in   FIR No.0838/2016 under Section 154 Cr.P.C., for the offences under Sections 395, 397 and 376­D read with the relevant provisions of the   Protection   of   Children   from   Sexual   Offences   Act,   2012   (for short, ‘POCSO Act’) and for the trial of the case outside the State and also for registering a complaint against the then Minister for Urban   Development   of   the   Government   of   U.P.   for   making statements outrageous to the modesty of the victims. The case of the petitioner in Writ Petition (Criminal) No.113 of 2016 in brief was that on 29.7.2016 when he and the members of his family were travelling from Noida to Shahjahanpur on National Highway 91 to attend the death ceremony of a relative, they were waylaid by a 5 gang. According to the writ petitioner, the gang snatched away cash and   jewelry   in   the   possession   of   the   petitioner   and   his   family members and they also gang raped the wife and minor daughter of the   petitioner.   Though   an   FIR   was   registered   on   30.7.2016   for various   offences   and   newspapers   and   the   television   channels reported   this   ghastly   incident,   the   then   Minister   for   Urban Development   of   the   Government   of   U.P.   called   for   a   press conference   and   termed   the   incident   as   a   political   conspiracy. Therefore, the petitioner apprehended that there may not be a fair investigation. The petitioner claims that he was also offended by the irresponsible statement made by the Minister and hence he was compelled to file the said writ petition for the reliefs stated supra. 6. Insofar as Special Leave Petition (Diary) No.34629 of 2017 is concerned, the same arose out of a judgment of the Division Bench of the Kerala High Court dismissing two writ petitions. The writ petitions were filed in public interest on the ground that the then Minister   for   Electricity   in   the   State   of   Kerala   issued   certain statements   in   February   2016,   7.4.2017   and   22.4.2017.   These statements were highly derogatory of women. Though according to 6 the petitioners in the public interest litigation, the political party to which the Minister belonged, issued a public censure, no action was taken officially against the Minister. Therefore, the petitioner in one writ petition prayed among other things for a direction to the Chief Minister to frame a Code of Conduct for the Ministers who have   subscribed   to   the   oath   of   office   as   prescribed   by   the Constitution with a further direction to the Chief Minister to take suitable action if any of the Ministers failed to live upto the oath. The prayer in the second writ petition was for a direction to the concerned Authorities to take action against the Minister for his utterances. 7. Both the writ petitions were dismissed by a Division Bench of the Kerala High Court, on the ground that the prayer of the public interest writ petitioners were in the realm of moral values and that the question whether the Chief Minister should frame a code of conduct for the Ministers of his cabinet or not, is not within the domain   of   the   Court   to   decide.   Therefore,   challenging   the   said common order, the petitioner in one of those public interest writ petitions has come up with Special Leave Petition (Diary) No.34629 7 of 2017.  Since the questions raised by the petitioner in the Special Leave   Petition   overlapped   with   the   questions   raised   in   the   Writ Petition, they have been tagged together.  III. Contentions We   have   heard   Shri   R.   Venkataramani,   learned   Attorney 8. General for India, Ms. Aparajita Singh, learned senior counsel who assisted   us   as   amicus   curiae,   Shri   Kaleeswaram   Raj,   learned counsel for  the  petitioner  in the   special leave petition and  Shri Ranjith B. Marar, learned counsel appearing for the person who sought to intervene/implead. III.A. Preliminary note submitted by learned Attorney General for India 9. The   learned   Attorney   General   for   India   submitted   a preliminary note containing his submissions question­wise, which can be summed up as follows:­ Question No.1 (i) On question No.1 it is his submission that as a matter of constitutional principle, any addition, alteration or change in the   norms   or   criteria   for   imposition   of   restrictions   on   any fundamental   right   has   to   come   up   through   a   legislative 8 process. The restrictions already enumerated in clauses (2) and   (6)   of   Article   19   have   to   be   taken   to   be   exhaustive. Therefore, the Court cannot, under the guise of invoking any other fundamental right such as the one in Article 21, impose restrictions   not   found   in   Article   19(2).   Under   the Constitutional scheme, there can be no conflict between two different fundamental rights or freedoms. Question No. 2 (ii) The   Constitution   itself   sets   out   the   scheme   of   claims   of fundamental rights against the State or its instrumentalities and it has also enacted in respect of breaches or violations of fundamental   rights   by   persons   other   than   State   or   its instrumentalities. Any proposition, to add or insert subjects or matters   in   respect   of   which   claims   can   be   made   against persons other than the State, would amount to Constitutional change. The concept of State action propounded and applied in US Constitutional Law and the enactment of 42 US Code § 1983 have to be seen in the context of peculiar state of affairs dealing with governmental and official immunities from legal proceedings. In view of specific provisions in Articles 15(2), 17, 23 and 24 of the Indian Constitution, there may not be a strict need to take recourse to the law obtaining in the USA. Claims against persons other than the State, either through enacted law or otherwise must be confined to constitutionally enacted subjects or matters.  9 Question No. 3 (iii) There are sufficient Constitutional and legal remedies available for a citizen whose liberty is threatened by any person. Beyond the Constitutional and legal remedy and protection available, there may not be any other additional duty to affirmatively protect   the   right   of   a   citizen   under   Article   21.   Cases   of infringement of fundamental rights are taken care of under Articles 32 and 226.  Question No. 4 (iv) Conduct of public servants like a Minister, if it is traceable to the  discharge  of  public  duty  or  the  duties  of  the  office, is subject to scrutiny of the law. Sanction for prosecution can be granted   if   misconduct   is   committed   under   colour   of   office. Such misconduct including statements that may be made by a Minister   cannot   be   linked   to   the   principles   of   collective responsibility. The concept of vicarious liability is incapable of being applied to situations and no government can ever be vicariously liable for malfeasance or misconduct of Minister not traceable to statutory duty or statutory violations for the purpose of legal remedies. Ministerial misdemeanors, which have nothing to do with the discharge of public duty and not traceable to the affairs of the State, will have to be treated as acts of individual violation and individual wrong. To extend in the abstract, the liability of the State to such situations or instances without necessary limitations can be problematic. 10 Post   M/s.  Kasturi Lal Ralia Ram Jain   vs.   The State of 1 2 Uttar Pradesh   and following  Rudul Sah  vs.  State of Bihar , this   Court   has   treated   misconduct   of   public   servants   or officers and consequent infringement of Constitutional rights as ground for grant of compensation. However, there is need for   clarity   and   certainty   as   far   as   the   conceptual   basis   is concerned. This may be better resorted through enacted law. Question No. 5 (v) While the principle of Constitutional tort has been conceived in  Nilabati Behera (Smt.) alias Lalita Behera (Through the 3 Supreme Court Legal Aid Committee)  vs.  State of Orissa , and   subsequently   applied   to   provide   in   regard   to   the constitutional remedies, the matter pre­eminently deserves a proper   legal   framework   in   order   that   the   principles   and procedures are coherently set out without leaving the matter open­ended or vague. III.B. Notes of submissions by Amicus 10. Ms. Aparajita Singh, learned senior counsel and  amicus curiae submitted a written note question­wise, which can be summed up as follows:­ Question No. 1 1  AIR 1965 SC 1039 2  (1983) 4 SCC 141 3  (1993) 2 SCC 746 11 (i) The right to free speech under Article 19(1)(a) is subject to clearly defined restrictions under Article 19(2). Therefore, any law seeking to limit the  right under Article 19(1)(a) has to necessarily fall within the limitations provided under Article 19(2). Whenever two fundamental rights compete, the Court will balance the two to allow the meaningful exercise of both. This conundrum is not new, as the rights under Article 21 and under Article 19(1)(a) have been interpreted and balanced on numerous   occasions.   Take   for   instance   the   Right   to Information Act, 2005. The Act balances the citizen’s right to know under Article 19(1)(a) with the right to fair investigation and right to privacy under Article 21. This careful balancing was   explained   by   this   Court   in   Thalappalam   Service 4 Cooperative Bank Ltd.  vs .  State of Kerala .   The decision of this Court in   R. Rajagopal alias R.R. Gopal   vs.   State of 5 is another example of reading down the restrictions (in T.N.   the   form   of   defamation)   on   the   right   to   free   speech   under Article 19(2), in its application to public officials and public figures in larger public interest. Again, in  People’s Union for 6 Civil   Liberties   (PUCL)   vs .   Union   of   India ,   the   right   to privacy of the spouse of the candidate contesting the election was   declared   as  subordinate  to  the   citizens’   right   to  know under   Article   19(1)(a).   In   Jumuna   Prasad   Mukhariya   vs. 4  (2013) 16 SCC 82 5  (1994) 6 SCC 632 6  (2003) 4 SCC 399 12 7 Lachhi Ram , a challenge to Sections 123(5) and 124(5) of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 ( as they prevailed at that   time )   was   rejected,   on   the   ground   that   false   personal attacks against the contesting candidate was not violative of the right to free speech. But when it comes to private citizens who are not public functionaries, the right to privacy under Article 21 was held to trump the right to know under Article 19(1)(a). This was in the case of  vs. Ram Jethmalani   Union 8 ,  which concerned the right to privacy of account of India holders. In  Sahara India Real Estate Corporation Limited 9 vs.   Securities and Exchange Board of India ,  this Court struck a balance between the right of the media under Article 19(1)(a)   with   the   right   to   fair   trial   under   Article   21.   The argument that free speech under Article 19(1)(a) was a higher right than the right to reputation under Article 21 was rejected by this Court in  vs. Subramanian Swamy    Union of India, 10 in   which   Section   499   IPC   was   under Ministry   of   Law challenge. The right to free speech was balanced with the right 11 to pollution free life in   Noise Pollution (V.), in Re   and the right to fair trial of the accused was balanced with the right to 12 fair trial of the victim in  vs. .  Asha Ranjan   State of Bihar 7 (1955) 1 SCR 608 8 (2011) 8 SCC 1 9 (2012) 10 SCC 603 10 (2016) 7 SCC 221 11 (2005) 5 SCC 733 12 (2017) 4 SCC 397 13 Question No. 2 (ii) There   are   some   fundamental   rights   which   are   specifically granted against non­State actors. Article 15(2)(a) – access to shops,   public   restaurants,   hotels   and   places   of   public entertainment, Article 17 – untouchability, Article 23 – forced labour and Article 24­ prohibition of employment of children in factories, mines etc., are rights which are enforceable against private citizens also. Some aspects of Article 21 such as the right to clean environment have been enforced against private parties as well. The State is also under a Constitutional duty to ensure that the rights of its citizens are not violated even by non­State actors and ensure an environment where each right can   be   exercised   without   fear   of   undue   encroachment.   In 13 vs.  , People’s Union for Democratic Rights  Union of India while   rejecting   the   contention   of   the   State   that   it   was  the obligation of the private party i.e., the contractor to follow the mandate of Article 24 of the Constitution and the relevant laws, it was clarified that the primary obligation to protect fundamental rights was that of the State even in the absence of   an   effective   legislation.   In   vs. Bodhisattwa   Gautam   14 ,  interim   compensation   was Subhra   Chakraborty   (Ms.) awarded holding that fundamental rights under Article 21 can be enforced even against private bodies and individuals. Public law remedy has been repeatedly resorted to even against non­ 13 (1982) 3 SCC 235 14 (1996) 1 SC 490 14 State actors when their acts have violated the fundamental rights of other citizens. Award of damages against non­State actors for violation of the right to clean environment under 15 Article 21 was laid down in   vs.   . M.C. Mehta   Kamal Nath Similarly, the majority and concurring opinion in  Justice K.S. 16 Puttaswamy   vs.   Union of India ,  while elaborating on the duty of the State and non­State actors to protect the rights of citizens,   pointed   out   that   recognition   and   enforcement   of claims   qua   non­State   actors   may   require   legislative intervention.   However,   when   it   comes   to   Article   19,   a Constitution Bench in  vs. P.D. Shamdasani   Central Bank of 17 ,  has held it to be inapplicable against private India Ltd. persons. Question No. 3 (iii) Fundamental rights of citizens enshrined in the Constitution are   not   only   negative   rights   against   the   State   but   also constitute a positive obligation on the State to protect those rights. The Constitution Bench in   vs. State of West Bengal  Committee   for   Protection   of   Democratic   Rights,   West 18 ,  while   upholding   the   power   of   the   Constitutional Bengal Court   to   transfer   an   investigation   to   the   CBI   without   the consent of the concerned State, emphasized the duty of the 15 (2000) 6 SCC 213 16 (2017) 10 SCC 1 17 1952 SCR 391 18 (2010) 3 SCC 571 15 State to conduct a fair investigation which is a fundamental right of the victim under Article 21.  The majority judgment in Justice  K.S.   Puttaswamy   (supra),   defines   the   positive obligation of the State to ensure the meaningful exercise of the 19 right of privacy. In  S. Rangarajan  vs.  P. Jagjivan Ram , this Court has categorically laid down that the State cannot plead its inability to protect the fundamental rights of the citizens. In 20 vs. , Section 6(1) of the Union of India   K.M. Shankarappa Cinematograph   Act,   1952   which   granted   the   Central Government, the power to review the decision of the quasi­ judicial Tribunal under the Act, was sought to be defended on the   ground   of   law   and   order.   The   contention   was   rejected holding that it was the duty of the Government to ensure law and   order.   In   vs. Indibly   Creative   Private   Limited   21 ,  the   negative   restraint   and Government   of   West   Bengal positive obligation under Article 19(1) (a) has been explained. 22 In  Pt. Parmanand Katara  vs.  Union of India , it was held that even the doctors in Government hospitals are duty bound to fulfil the constitutional obligation of the State under Article 21.  Question No. 4 19 (1989) 2 SCC 574 20 (2001) 1 SCC 582 21 (2020) 12 SCC 436 22 (1989) 4 SCC 286 16 (iv)  The Minister being a functionary of the State, represents the State   when   acting   in   his   official   capacity.   Therefore,   any violation   of   the   fundamental   rights   of   the   citizens   by   the Minister in his official capacity, would be attributable to the State. The State also has a positive obligation to protect the rights of citizens under Article 21, whether the violation is by its   own   functionaries   or   a   private   person.   It   would   be preposterous   to   suggest   that   while   the   State   is   under   an obligation   to   restrict   a   private   citizen   from   violating   the fundamental rights of other citizens, its own Minister can do so with impunity. However, the factum of violation would need to be established on the facts of a given case. It would involve a   detailed   inquiry   into   questions   such   as     whether   the (a) statement by the Minister was made in his personal or official capacity;   whether the statement was made on a public or (b) private issue;  (c)  whether the statement was made on a public 23 or private platform. In   Amish Devgan   vs.   Union of India , while dealing with hate speech, the impact of the speech of “ a person of influence ” such as a Government functionary, was explained.   vs .   State   of   Maharashtra   Sarangdharsingh 24 ,  provides a clear instance of direct Shivdassingh Chavan interference with the investigation by a Chief Minister. The Court   held   the   action   of   the   Chief   Minister   to   be   " wholly unconstitutional " and contrary to the oath of allegiance to the Constitution and imposed costs on the State. The concurring opinion emphasizes the responsibility that the oath of office casts on the Minister under the Constitution. In   Secretary, Jaipur   Development   Authority,   Jaipur   vs.   Daulat   Mal 23 (2021) 1 SCC 1 24 (2011) 1 SCC 577 17 25 Jain ,   while  dealing   with   a   case   involving   the   misuse   of public   office   by   a   Minister,   this   Court   elaborated   on   the responsibility and liability of the Ministerial office under the Constitution. The importance of the Oath of Office under the Constitution was also emphasized by the Constitution Bench 26 in   Manoj   Narula   vs.   Union   of   India .  However,   the Ministerial code of conduct was held to be not enforceable in a 27 court of law in   R .   Sai Bharathi   vs.   J. Jayalalitha ,  as it does not have any statutory force. An argument can be made that the Minister is personally bound by the oath of his office to bear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of India under   Articles   75(4)   and   164(3)   of   the   Constitution.   The Constitution imposes a solemn obligation on the Minister as a Constitutional functionary to protect the fundamental rights of the citizens. The code of conduct for Ministers (Both for Union and States) specifically lays down that the Code is in addition to the “. . .  observance of the provisions of the Constitution, the Representation   of   the   People   Act,   1951 ”.   Therefore,   a Constitutional functionary is duty bound to act in a manner which is in consonance with this constitutional obligation of the State. Question No. 5 (v) The   State   acts   through   its   functionaries.   Therefore,   the official act of a Minister which violates the fundamental rights of   the   citizens,   would   make   the   State   liable   under constitutional tort. The principle of sovereign immunity of the 25 (1997) 1 SCC 35 26 (2014) 9 SCC 1 27 (2004) 2 SCC 9 18 State for the tortious acts of its servant, has been held to be inapplicable in the case of violation of fundamental rights. The principle of State liability under Constitutional tort was expounded in  (supra). In  Nilabati Behera  Common Cause, 28 A Registered Society  vs.  Union of India. the position in the case of a public functionary was explained. III.C.  Written submissions of Shri Kaleeswaram Raj, Advocate for the SLP petitioner Shri   Kaleeswaram   Raj,   learned   counsel   appearing   for   the 11. petitioner in the special leave petition submitted an elaborate note. This note is divided into several chapters dealing with the nature and extent of the freedom of speech, the restrictions on the same, the horizontality of fundamental rights, constitutional rights and constitutional values, statements made by Ministers and collective responsibility, self­regulation as the best mode of regulation, hate speech not being  a  protected  speech and   the  way  forward.  The contents of this note are summarized as follows:­ (i) The Constitutional mandate of freedom of expression and free   speech   is   to   be   preserved   without   imposing unconstitutional   restrictions.   It   is   a   right   available   to everyone including political personalities. 28 (1999) 6 SCC 667 19 (ii) But even while upholding such a right, efforts should be taken to frame a voluntary code of conduct for Ministers etc., to ensure better accountability and transparency; (iii) There   is   an   imperative   need   to   evolve   a   device   such   as Ombudsman to act as a Constitutional check on the misuse of the freedom of expression by public functionaries using the apparatus of the State; (iv) The right under Article 19(1)(a) is limited by restrictions expressly   indicated   in   Article   19(2),   under   which   the restrictions should be reasonable and must be provided for by law, by the State.  Therefore this Court cannot provide for any additional restriction by an interpretative exercise or otherwise; (v) It is too remote to suggest that the right of a victim under Article 21 stands violated if there is a statement by someone that   the   case   was   born   out   of   political   conspiracy. Therefore, there is actually no conflict of any other right with Article 21; (vi) Unlike Article 25 which makes the right thereunder subject to public order, morality and health, Article 19(1)(a) does not   contain   such   restrictions.   As   held   by   this   Court   in 29  vs.  , freedom of Sakal Papers (P) Ltd. The Union of India speech can be restricted only in the interest of security of 29 (1962) 3 SCR 842 20 the State, friendly relations with foreign states, public order, decency   or   morality   or   in  relation  to  contempt   of   court, defamation   or   incitement   to   an   offence.   It   cannot   be curtailed, in the interest of the general public, as in the case of freedom to carry on business; (vii) Restricting speech by public figures, such as politicians, on serious crimes will have great impact on the  freedom of speech.   Such criticism which calls out true conspiracies and true miscarriage of justice, plays an important role in a democracy; (viii) In so far as the enforcement of fundamental rights against non­State   actors   is   concerned,   the   vertical   approach   is giving   way   to   the   concept   of   horizontal   application.   The vertical   approach   connotes   a   situation   where   the enforceability   is   only   against   the   Government   and   not against   private   actors.   But   with   Nation   States   gradually moving from  laissez faire  governance to welfare governance, the role of the State is ever expanding, which justifies the shift. (ix) While   the   South   African   Constitution   has   adopted   a horizontal application by providing in Section 9(4) of the Bill of Rights of Final Constitution of 1996 that no person may unfairly discriminate directly or indirectly against anyone on one or more grounds in terms of sub­Section (3) which 21 sets out the grounds that bind the State, the judiciary itself has adopted a direct horizontal effect, in Ireland as could be seen   from   the   decisions   in   John   Meskell   vs .   Córas 30 and   vs. Iompair   Éireann Murtagh   Properties   Limited   31 In  (supra), the Irish Supreme Court Cleary John Meskell  granted damages against the employer who dismissed the employee for not joining a particular union after serving a due   notice   to   persuade   him.   In   Murtagh   Properties (supra), the High Court recognized and enforced Limited   the   right   to   earn   livelihood   without   any   discrimination based   on   sex   against   a   private   employer.   Countries   like Canada  and   Germany   have   developed  indirect  horizontal application, meaning thereby that the rights regulate the laws and statutes, which in turn regulate the conduct of citizens; (x) In the Indian context, direct horizontal effect has limited application as can be seen from Articles 15(2), 17 and 24; (xi) Paradigm   cases   of   horizontality   should   be   distinguished from ordinary cases. For instance, the U.S. Supreme Court 32 held in   Shelly   vs.   Kraemer   a covenant contained in a contract prohibiting the sale of houses in a neighbourhood to African­Americans, as unenforceable, for they have the effect   of   denying   equal   protection   under   the   laws.   The 30 1973 IR 121 31 1972 IR 330 32 334 U.S. 1 (1948) 22 Federal Constitutional Court of Germany took a similar view 33 in   L th ϋ   case  (1958)  where a call for  boycott of  a film directed by a person who had worked on anti­semitic Nazi propaganda was challenged. The German Court held that there was an objective order of values that must affect all spheres of law; (xii) It has been repeatedly held by this Court that the power under   Article   226   is   available   not   only   against   the Government and its instrumentalities but also against “ any person or authority ”. A reference may be made in this regard to two decisions  namely  Praga Tools Corporation  vs.  Shri 34 C.A.   Imanual   and   Andi   Mukta   Sadguru   Shree Muktajee Vandas Swami Suvarna Jayanti Mahotasav 35 vs. ; Smarak Trust  V.R. Rudani (xiii) There are several instances where this Court has issued writs under Article 32 against non­State actors. Broadly those cases fall under two categories,   namely,   (i)   private players performing public duties/functions; and   (ii)   non­ State actors performing statutory activities that impact the rights   of   citizens.   Cases   which   fall   under   these   two categories have been held by this Court to be amenable to writ jurisdiction as seen from several decisions including 33 Luth (1958) BVerfGE 7, 198  34 (1969) 1 SCC 585 35 (1989) 2 SCC 691 23 36 M.C.  Mehta   vs.   Union of India .  Absent any  of  these parameters,   the   Court   has   refused   to   exercise   writ 37 jurisdiction as seen from  vs.  . ; Binny Ltd.  V. Sadasivan (xiv) Even   in   jurisdictions   where   socio   economic   rights   have been elevated in status to that of constitutional rights, the enforcement   of   those   rights   were   made   available   only against the State and not against private actors, as held by this Court in   Society for Unaided Private Schools of 38 Rajasthan  vs.  Union of India ; (xv) On the issue of potential conflict of rights, it is important to   bear   in   mind   the   distinction   between   constitutional rights and constitutional values. On a formal level, values are understood teleologically as things to be promoted or maximized.   Rights,   on   the   other   hand,   are   not   to   be promoted but rather to be respected. It would not show proper concern for a right to allow the violation of one right in order to prevent the violation of other rights. This would promote   the   non­violation   of   rights,   but   it   would   not 39 respect rights ; (xvi) Instead of values whose satisfaction is to be maximized, rights act as constraints on the actions of the state. They confer individuals with a sphere of liberty that is inviolable. 36  AIR 1987 SC 1086 37  (2005) 6 SCC 657 38  (2012) 6 SCC 1 39  Frances Kamm, Morality, Mortality Vol.2, Oxford University Press, 1996 24 Rights thereby act as restrictions on the government on how to pursue values, including constitutional values. It is, therefore, crucially important that we draw a distinction between   the   constitutional   rights   and   constitutional values. Not every increase in liberty or every improvement in  leading  a dignified life is a  constitutional right.  This position has been accepted by this Court; (xvii) As held by this Court in   Justice  K.S. Puttaswamy , the Court will strike a balance, wherever a conflict between two sets of fundamental rights is projected. Strictly speaking, what is actually conceived by some and noted in several decisions including  , is not the Justice K.S. Puttaswamy conflict of rights in abstractum, at a doctrinal level, but the conflict in the notion/invocation/practice of rights; (xviii) On   the   issue   of   statements   made   by   Ministers   and collective   responsibility,   a   reference   has   to   be   made   to Articles 75(3) and 164(2).   Both these Articles speak of collective responsibility of the Council of Ministers. Though the language employed in these Articles indicate that such a collective responsibility is to the House of the People/ Legislative Assembly, it is actually a responsibility to the people at large. Since every utterance by a Minister will have a direct bearing on the policy of the Government, there   is   an   imperative   need   for   a   voluntary   code   of conduct. As pointed out by this Court in  Common Cause 25 (supra), collective responsibility has two meanings, namely, (i)   that   all   members   of   the   Council   of   Ministers   are unanimous   in   support   of   its   policies   and   exhibit   such unanimity in public; and   that they are personally and (ii) morally responsible for its success and failure; (xix) Individual aberrations on the part of Ministers are serious threats to constitutional governance and as such the head of the Council of Ministers has a duty to ensure that such breaches do not happen; (xx) A code of conduct to self­regulate the speeches and actions of Ministers is constitutionally justifiable and this Court can definitely examine its requirement. Ideally, a Minister is   not   supposed   to   breach   his   collective   responsibility towards the Cabinet and the Legislature and hence, it is advisable to have a cogent code of conduct as occurring in advanced democracies; (xxi) While it is not possible to impose additional restrictions on the freedom of speech, it is certainly desirable to have a code  of  conduct for  public  functionaries,  as followed in other jurisdictions.  The Court may keep in mind the fact that   this   Court   in   Sahara   India   Real   Estate (supra)  cautioned  against  framing Corporation Limited   guidelines across the board to restrict the freedom of Press; 26 (xxii) Coming to hate speeches, there has been a steep increase in the number of hate speeches since 2014. From May­ 2014 to date, there have been 124 reported instances of derogatory   speeches   by   45   politicians.   Social   media platforms have connived the proliferation of targeted hate speech.   Such   speeches   provide   fertile   ground   for incitement to violence; (xxiii)  On the role of the Court in dealing with the question of hate speech, the decisions in  Pravasi Bhalai Sangathan 40 vs. ;   vs   Union   of   India Kodungallur   Film   Society   . 41 and   (supra)   lay   down Union   of   India Amish   Devgan   broad parameters; (xxiv)   At the international level, the definition of hate speech was formulated in the UN Strategy and Plan of Action on Hate Speech, to mean “… any kind of communication in speech, writing or behavior,   that   attacks   or   uses   pejorative   or discriminatory language with reference to a person or a group on the basis of who they are, in other words,   based   on   their   religion,   ethnicity, nationality, race, colour, descent, gender or other identity factor.” The   Role   and   Responsibilities   of   Political   Leaders   in Combating   Hate   Speech   and   Intolerance   (Provisional version)   dated   12   March   2019,   was   submitted   by   the 40  (2014) 11 SCC 477 41  (2018) 10 SCC 713 27 Committee   on   Equality   and   Non­Discrimination   to   the Parliamentary   Assembly   of   the   Council   of   Europe.   The Assembly passed the resolution adopting the text proposed by rapporteur Ms. Elvira Kovacs, Serbia; (xxv)   Finally, the way forward is,  (i)  for the legislature to adopt a voluntary model code of conduct for persons holding public offices,   which   would   reflect   Constitutional   morality   and values   of   good   governance;   and   (ii)   the   creation   of   an appropriate   mechanism   such   as   Ombudsman,   in accordance with the Venice principles and Paris principles. Till such an Ombudsman is constituted, the National and State Human Rights Commissions have to take pro­active measures,   in   terms   of   the   provisions   of   Protection   of Human Rights Act, 1993. IV. Discussion and Analysis Question No. 1 12. Question No.1 referred to us, is as to whether the grounds specified in Article 19(2) in relation to which reasonable restrictions on the right to free speech can be imposed by law are exhaustive, or can restrictions on the right to free speech be imposed on grounds not found in Article 19(2) by invoking other fundamental rights? 28 History of evolution of clause (2) of Article 19 13. For finding an answer to this question, it may be necessary and   even   relevant   to   take   a   peep   into   history.   Since   Dr.   B.R. Ambedkar’s original draft in this regard followed Article 40(6) of the Irish   Constitution,   the   original   draft   of   the   Advisory   Committee included   restrictions   such   as   public   order,   morality,   sedition, obscenity,   blasphemy   and   defamation.   Sardar   Vallabhbhai   Patel suggested the inclusion of libel also.  These restrictions were sought 42 to be justified by citing the decision in  Gitlow  vs.  New York . Since the country had witnessed large scale communal riots at 14. that time, Sir Alladi Krishnaswamy Iyer forcefully argued for the inclusion of security and defence of the State or national security as one of the restrictions.  Discussion also took place about restricting speech that is intended to spoil communal harmony and speech which is seditious in nature. With suggestions, counter suggestions and   objections   so   articulated,   the   initial   report   of   the   Sub­ Committee on Fundamental Rights underwent a lot of changes. The evolution of clauses (1) and (2) of Article 19 stage by stage, from the 42  286 US 652 (1925) 29 time when the draft report was submitted in April 1947, upto the time when the Constitution was adopted, can be presented in a 43 tabular form  as follows:
DraftProvision
Draft Report of the<br>Subcommittee on<br>Fundamental Rights, April<br>1947 (BSR II, 139)9. There shall be liberty for the exercise of<br>the following rights subject to public order<br>and morality:<br>(a) The right of every citizen to freedom of<br>speech and expression. The publication or<br>utterance of seditious, obscene, slanderous,<br>libellous or defamatory matter shall be<br>actionable or punishable in accordance with<br>law.
Final Report of the Sub­<br>Committee on Fundamental<br>Rights, April 1947 (BSR II,<br>172)10. There shall be liberty for the exercise of<br>the following rights subject to public order<br>and morality or to the existence of grave<br>emergency declared to be such by the<br>Government of the Union or the unit<br>concerned whereby the security of the Union<br>or the unit, as the case may be.
Interim Report of the<br>Advisory Committee, April<br>30, 1947There shall be liberty for the exercise of the<br>following rights subject to public order and<br>morality or to the existence of grave<br>emergency declared to be such by the<br>Government of the Union or the Unit<br>concerned whereby the security of the Union<br>or the Unit, as the case may be, is<br>threatened:<br>(a) The right of every citizen to freedom of<br>speech and expression:<br>Provision may be made by law to make the<br>publication or utterance of seditious,<br>obscene, blasphemous, slanderous, libellous<br>or defamatory matter actionable or<br>punishable.
Draft Constitution prepared15. (1) There shall be liberty for the exercise
43   Sourced from the article “Arguments from Colonial Continuity­ the Constitution (First Amendment)   Act,   1951”   (2008)   of   Burra,   Arudra,   Assistant   Professor,   Department   of Humanities and Social Sciences , IIT (Delhi),  30
by B. N. Rau, October 1947<br>(BSR III, 8­9)of the following rights subject to public order<br>and morality, namely:<br>(a) the right of every citizen to freedom of<br>speech and expression;<br>…<br>(2) Nothing in this section shall restrict the<br>power of the State to make any law or to take<br>any executive action which under this<br>Constitution it has power to make or to take,<br>during the period when a Proclamation of<br>Emergency issued under sub­section (I) of<br>section 182 is in force, or, in the case of a<br>unit during the period of any grave<br>emergency declared by the Government of<br>the unit whereby the security of the unit is<br>threatened.
Draft Constitution prepared<br>by the Drafting Committee<br>and submitted to the<br>President of the Constituent<br>Assembly, February 1948<br>(BSR III, 522)13. (1) Subject to the other provisions of this<br>Article, all citizens shall have the right –<br>(a) to freedom of speech and expression;<br>…<br>(2) Nothing in sub­clause (a) of clause (1) of<br>this Article shall affect the operation of any<br>existing law, or prevent the State from<br>making any law, relating to libel, slander,<br>defamation, sedition or any other matter<br>which offends against decency or<br>morality or undermines the authority or<br>foundation of the State.
Proposal introduced in the<br>Constituent Assembly in<br>October 1948 (BSR IV, 39)13. (1) Subject to the other provisions of this<br>Article, all citizens shall have the right –<br>(a) to freedom of speech and expression;<br>…<br>(2) Nothing in sub­clause (a) of clause (1) of<br>this article shall affect the operation of any<br>existing law, or prevent the State from<br>making any law, relating to libel, slander,<br>defamation, sedition or any other matter<br>which offends against decency or morality or<br>undermines the security of, or tends to<br>overthrow, the State.
31
Revised Draft Constitution,<br>introduced and adopted in<br>November 1949 (BSR IV,<br>755)19. (1) All citizens shall have the right ­­­<br>(a) to freedom of speech and expression;<br>…<br>(2) Nothing in sub­clause (a) of clause (1)<br>shall affect the operation of any existing law<br>in so far as it relates to, or prevent the State<br>from making any law relating to, libel,<br>slander, defamation, contempt of Court or<br>any matter which offends against decency or<br>morality or which undermines the security<br>of, or tends to overthrow, the State.
Immediately after the adoption of the Constitution, this Court 15. had an occasion to deal with a challenge to an order passed by the Government   of   Madras   in   exercise   of   the   powers   conferred   by Section   9(1­A)   of   the   Madras   Maintenance   of   Public   Order   Act, 44 1949 , banning the entry and circulation of a weekly journal called ‘ Cross Roads ’ printed and published in Bombay. The ban order was challenged on the ground that it was violative of Article 19(1)(a). The validity of the statutory provision under which the ban order was issued, was also attacked on the basis of Article 13(1) of the Constitution. A Seven Member Constitution Bench of this Court, while upholding the challenge in   Romesh Thappar   vs.   State of 45 held as follows: ­ Madras   44  1949 Act 45  AIR 1950 SC 124 32 “[12]   We are therefore of opinion that unless a law restricting   freedom   of   speech   and   expression   is directed solely against the undermining of the security of the State or the overthrow of it, such law cannot fall within   the   reservation   under   clause   (2)   of Art.   19, although the restrictions which it seeks to impose may have been conceived generally in the interests of public order. …”  16. An argument was advanced in  Romesh Thappar  (supra) that Section 9(1­A) of the 1949 Act could not be considered wholly void, as the securing of public safety or maintenance of public order would include the security of the State and that therefore the said provision, as applied to the latter purpose was covered by Article 19(2).  However, the said argument was rejected on the ground that where a law purports to authorise the imposition of restrictions on a fundamental right, in language wide enough to cover restrictions, both within or without the limits of Constitutionally permissible legislative action affecting such right, it is not possible to uphold it even so far as it may be applied within the Constitutional limits, as it is not severable. 17. On the same date on which the decision in  Romesh Thappar was delivered, the Constitution Bench of this Court also delivered 46 another judgment in  vs.  . It also Brij Bhushan  The State of Delhi 46  AIR 1950 SC 129 33 arose out of a writ petition under Article 32 challenging an order passed by the Chief Commissioner of Delhi in exercise of the powers conferred by Section 7(1)(c) of the East Punjab Public Safety Act, 1949, requiring the Printer and the Publisher  as well as the Editor of an English weekly by name ‘ Organizer ’, to submit for scrutiny, before   publication,   all   communal   matters   and   news   and   views about  Pakistan   including   photographs   and   cartoons,   other   than those derived from the official sources. Following the decision in Romesh Thappar , the Constitution Bench held that the imposition of pre­censorship on a journal is a restriction on the liberty of the Press, which is an essential part of the right to freedom of speech and expression. The Bench went on to hold that Section 7(1)(c) of the East Punjab Public Safety Act, 1949 does not fall within the reservation of clause (2) of Article 19. 18. After aforesaid two decisions, the Parliament sought to amend the Constitution through the Constitution (First Amendment) Bill, 1951.   In   the   Statement   of   Objects   and   Reasons   to   the   First Amendment, it was indicated that the citizen's right to freedom of speech and expression guaranteed by Article 19(1)(a) has been held 34 by some Courts to be so comprehensive as not to render a person culpable, even if he advocates murder and other crimes of violence. Incidentally,   the   First   Amendment   also   dealt   with   other   issues, about which we are not concerned in this discussion.  Clause (2) of Article 19 was substituted by a new clause under the Constitution (First   Amendment)   Act,   1951.   For   easy   appreciation   of   the metamorphosis that clause (2) of Article 19 underwent after the first amendment, we present in a tabular column, Article 19(2) pre­first amendment and post­first amendment as under: ­
Pre­First Amendment – Article<br>19(2)Post­First Amendment – Article<br>19(2)
(2) Nothing in sub­clause (a) of clause<br>(1) shall affect the operation of any<br>existing law in so far as it relates to,<br>or prevents the State from making<br>any law relating to, libel, slander,<br>defamation, contempt of court or any<br>matter which offends against decency<br>or morality or which undermines the<br>security of, or tends to overthrow, the<br>State.(2) Nothing in sub­clause (a) of<br>clause (1) shall affect the operation<br>of any existing law, or prevent the<br>State from making any law, in so far<br>as such law imposes reasonable<br>restrictions on the exercise of the<br>right conferred by the said sub­<br>clause in the interests of the<br>security of the State, friendly<br>relations with foreign States, public<br>order, decency or morality, or in<br>relation to contempt of court,<br>defamation or incitement to an<br>offence.
19. It is significant to note that Section 3(1)(a) of the Constitution (First Amendment) Act, 1951, declared that the  newly substituted 35 clause (2) of Article 19 shall be deemed always to have been enacted   in   the   amended   form,   meaning   thereby   that   the amended clause (2) was given retrospective effect. 20. Another important feature to be noted in the amended clause (2)   of   Article   19   is   the   inclusion   of   the   words   ‘ reasonable restrictions ’. Thus, the test of reasonableness was introduced by the first amendment and the same fell for jural exploration within no 47 time, in  State of Madras  vs.  V.G. Row .  The said case arose out of a judgment of the Madras High Court quashing a Government Order declaring a society known as ‘ People’s Education Society ’ as an   unlawful   association   and   also   declaring   as   unconstitutional, Section 15(2)(b) of the Indian Criminal Law Amendment Act, 1908, as amended by the Indian Criminal Law Amendment (Madras) Act, 1950. While upholding the judgment of the Madras High Court, this Court indicated as to how the test of reasonableness has to be expounded.  The relevant portion of the judgment reads as follows: ­ “23. It is important in this context to bear in mind that the   test   of   reasonableness,   wherever   prescribed, should be applied to each individual statute impugned, and   no   abstract   standard,   or   general   pattern   of 47 (1952) 1 SCC 410 36 reasonableness can be laid down as applicable to all cases.  The nature of the right alleged to have been infringed,   the   underlying   purpose   of   the restrictions imposed, the extent and urgency of the evil   sought   to   be   remedied   thereby,   the disproportion   of   the   imposition,   the   prevailing conditions at the time, should all enter into the judicial verdict. In evaluating such elusive factors and   forming   their   own   conception   of   what   is reasonable,   in   all   the   circumstances   of   a   given case, it is inevitable that the social philosophy and the scale of values of the Judges participating in the decision should play an important part, and the limit   to   their   interference   with   legislative judgment in  such  cases can  only  be  dictated  by their sense of responsibility and self­restraint and the   sobering   reflection   that   the   Constitution   is meant not only for people of their way of thinking but for all, and that the majority of the elected representatives of the people have, in authorizing the imposition of the restrictions, considered them to be reasonable .” 21. After the First Amendment to the Constitution, the country witnessed cries for secession, with parochial tendencies showing their   ugly   head,   especially   from   a   southern   State.   Therefore,   a National   Integration   Conference   was   convened   in   September­ October,   1961   to   find   ways   and   means   to   combat   the   evils   of communalism,   casteism,   regionalism,   linguism   and   narrow mindedness.   This   Conference   decided   to   set   up   the   National Integration Council. Accordingly, it was constituted in 1962. The constitution of the Council assumed significance in the wake of the 37 Sino­India war in 1962. This National Integration Council had a Committee on national integration and regionalism. This Committee recommended two amendments to the Constitution,  namely(i)  the amendment of clause (2) of Article 19 so as to include the words “ ” as one of the restrictions; and the sovereignty and integrity of India (ii)  the amendment of 8 F orms of oath or affirmation contained in the Third Schedule .  Until 1963, no one taking a constitutional oath was required to swear that they would “ uphold the sovereignty and integrity of India ”. But, the Constitution (Sixteenth Amendment) Act, 1963 expanded the forms of oath to ensure that “ every candidate for the membership of a State Legislature or Parliament, and every aspirant to, and incumbent of, public office ” – to quote its Statement of  Objects   and   Reasons   –  “ pledges  himself  .  .  .  to  preserve  the integrity   and   sovereignty   of   the   Union   of   India .”   Thus,   by   the Constitution   (Sixteenth   Amendment)   Act,   1963,   “ the   sovereignty and integrity of India ”, was included as an additional ground of restriction on the right guaranteed under Article 19(1)(a). Having seen the history of evolution of clause (2) of Article 19, 22. let us now turn to the first question.  38 Two parts of Question No.1 23. Question No.1 is actually in two parts.  The first part raises a poser as to whether reasonable restrictions on the right to free speech enumerated in Article 19(2) could be said to be exhaustive. The second part of the Question raises a debate as to whether additional restrictions on the right to free speech can be imposed on grounds not found in Article 19(2), by invoking other fundamental rights. First part of Question No.1 24. The judicial history of the evolution of clause (2) of Article 19 which we have captured above shows that lot of deliberations went into the articulation of the restrictions now enumerated. The draft Report   of   the   Sub­Committee   on   Fundamental   Rights   itself underwent several changes until the Constitution was adopted in November, 1949. In the form in which the Constitution was adopted in   1949,   the   restrictions   related   to   (i)   libel;   (ii)   slander;   (iii) defamation;     contempt of court;     any matter which offends (iv) (v) 39 against decency or morality; and  (vi)  any matter which undermines the security of the State or tends to overthrow the State. st   th   After   the   1 and   16 Amendments,   the   emphasis   is   on 25. reasonable restrictions relating to,   (i)   interests of sovereignty and integrity of India;   the security of the State;   friendly relations (ii) (iii) with foreign states;   (iv)   public order;   (v)   decency or morality;   (vi) contempt   of   court;   defamation;   and     incitement   to   an (vii)   (viii) offence.  26. A careful look at these eight heads of restrictions would show that they save the existing laws and enable the State to make   laws,   restricting   free   speech   with   a   view   to   afford protection to (i) individuals (ii) groups of persons (iii) sections of society (iv) classes of citizens (v) the Court (vi) the State and (vii) the country . This can be demonstrated by providing in a table, the provisions of the Indian Penal Code that make some speech or expression a punishable offence, thereby impeding the right to free speech,   the   heads   of   restriction   under   which   they   fall   and   the 40 category/class  of   person/persons   sought  to  be  protected   by  the restriction: Table of Provisions under IPC restricting freedom of speech and expression
Laws restricting free<br>speechHeads of Restriction<br>traceable to Article 19(2)Person/Class of Person<br>sought to be protected<br>and the nature of<br>protection.
Section 117 of the IPC<br>­Abetting commission of<br>offence by the public or by<br>more than ten persons.<br>There is an illustration<br>under the section which<br>forms part of the statute.<br>This illustration seeks to<br>restrict freedom of<br>expression<br>Illustration:<br>A affixes in a public place a<br>placard instigating a sect<br>consisting of more than ten<br>members to meet at a<br>certain time and place, for<br>the purpose of attacking the<br>members of an adverse sect,<br>while engaged in a<br>procession. A has committed<br>the offence defined in this<br>section.1. Public Order<br>2. Incitement to an OffenceIndividual Persons ­<br>Protection from<br>incitement to commit<br>offence.
Section 124A of the IPC ­<br>Sedition481. Public Order<br>2. Decency and MoralityState – Protection against<br>disaffection
Section 153A(1)(a) of the<br>IPC ­ Promoting enmity<br>between different groups on<br>ground of religion, race,<br>place of birth, residence,<br>language, etc., and doing<br>acts prejudicial to<br>maintenance of harmony1.Public Order<br>2. Decency and MoralityGroups of Persons ­<br>Protection from<br>disrupting harmony<br>among different sections<br>of society.
48  Subject matter of challenge pending before this Court. 41
Section 153B of the IPC ­<br>Imputations, assertions<br>prejudicial to the national­<br>integration1. Sovereignty and<br>Integrity of the State<br>2. Public Order<br>3. Decency and Morality1. Nation<br>2. Group of persons<br>belonging to different<br>religions, races,<br>languages, etc,.
Section 171C of the IPC<br>­Undue Influence at<br>Elections1. Public OrderCandidates contesting<br>the Election and Voters –<br>To ensure free and fair<br>election and to keep the<br>purity of the democratic<br>process
Section 228 of the IPC ­<br>Intentional insult or<br>interruption to public<br>servant sitting in judicial<br>proceedingsContempt of CourtCourt –To prevent people<br>from undermining the<br>authority of the court.
Section 228A of the IPC­<br>Disclosure of identity of the<br>victim of certain offences<br>etc.1. Public Order<br>2. Decency and MoralityIndividual persons<br>(Victims of offences u/s<br>376)­ Protection of<br>identity of women and<br>minors.
Section 295A of the IPC ­<br>Deliberate and malicious<br>acts, intended to outrage<br>religious feelings of any<br>class by insulting its<br>religion or religious beliefs.1. Public order,<br>2. Decency and moralitySections of society<br>professing and practicing<br>different religious<br>beliefs/sentiments.
Section 298 of the IPC­<br>Uttering words, etc., with<br>deliberate intent to wound<br>religious feelings.1. Public order,<br>2. Decency and moralitySections of society<br>professing and practicing<br>different religious<br>beliefs/sentiments.
Section 351 of the IPC –<br>Assault. The definition of<br>assault includes some<br>utterances, as seen from<br>the Explanation under the<br>Section.<br>Explanation:<br>Mere words do not amount<br>to an assault. But the words<br>which a person uses may<br>give to his gestures or<br>preparation such a meaning1. Public Order<br>2. Decency and moralityIndividual Persons –<br>Protection from Criminal<br>Force.
42
as may make those gestures<br>or preparations amount to<br>an assault.
Section 354 of the IPC­<br>Assault to woman with<br>intent to outrage her<br>modesty<br>Note:<br>The Definition of Assault<br>includes the use of words.1. Public Order<br>2. Decency and morality<br>3. DefamationIndividual Persons –<br>Protection of Modesty of<br>a Woman.
Section 354A of the IPC –<br>Sexual Harassment (It<br>includes sexually colored<br>remarks).1. Public Order<br>2. Decency and morality<br>3. DefamationIndividuals – Protection<br>of Modesty of a Woman.
Section 354C of the IPC –<br>Voyeurism1. Public Order<br>2. Decency and morality<br>3. DefamationIndividuals – Protection<br>of Modesty of a Woman.
Section 354D of the IPC –<br>Stalking1. Decency and Morality<br>2. DefamationIndividuals – Protection<br>of Modesty of a Woman.
Section 354E of the IPC –<br>Sextortion1. Public Order<br>2. Decency and morality<br>3. DefamationIndividual Persons –<br>Protection of Modesty of<br>a Woman.
Section 355 of the IPC ­<br>Assault or criminal force<br>with intent to dishonour<br>person, otherwise than on<br>grave provocation.<br>Note:<br>The Definition of Assault<br>includes use of words.1. Public Order<br>2. Decency and morality<br>3. DefamationIndividual Persons –<br>Protection of reputation.
Section 383 of the IPC –<br>Extortion (The illustration<br>under the Section includes<br>threat to publish<br>defamatory libel).<br>Illustration:<br>A threatens to publish a<br>defamatory libel concerning<br>Z unless Z gives him money.<br>He thus induces Z to give1. Public Order<br>2. Decency and MoralityIndividuals – Protection<br>from fear of injury/<br>Protection of Property.
43
him money. A has<br>committed extortion.
Section 390 of the IPC –<br>Robbery<br>Note:<br>In all robbery there is either<br>theft or extortion.1. Public Order<br>2. Decency and MoralityIndividuals – Protection<br>from fear of injury/<br>Protection of Property.
Section 499 of the IPC –<br>DefamationDefamationIndividual Persons and<br>Group of People –<br>Reputation sought to be<br>protected.
Section 504 of the IPC –<br>Intentional insult with<br>intent to provoke breach of<br>peace.1. Incitement to an offense<br>2. Public Order<br>3. Decency and moralityThe public – Protection of<br>Peace.
Section 505(1)(b) of the IPC<br>– Statement likely to cause<br>fear or alarm to the public<br>whereby any person may be<br>induced to commit an<br>offence against the State or<br>against the public<br>tranquility.1. Sovereignty and Integrity<br>of the State<br>2. Incitement to an offense<br>3. Public OrderState – Protection from<br>the commission of<br>offences against the State<br>and protection of public<br>tranquility.
Section 505(1)(c) of the IPC­<br>Statement intended to incite<br>any class or community of<br>persons to commit any<br>offence against any other<br>class or community.Public OrderClass/community of<br>people.<br>Protection from<br>incitement to commit<br>violence against class or<br>community.
Section 509 of the IPC –<br>Word, Gesture or Act<br>intended to insult the<br>modesty of a woman.1. Defamation<br>2. Decency or MoralityIndividual persons –<br>Protection of Modesty of<br>a Woman.
We have taken note of, in the above Table, only the provisions 27. of the Indian Penal Code that curtail free speech. There are also other special enactments such as The Scheduled Castes and The 44 Scheduled   Tribes   (Prevention   of   Atrocities)   Act,   1989,   The Prevention of Insults to National Honour Act, 1971 etc., which also impose certain restrictions on free speech. From these it will be clear that the eight heads of restrictions contained in clause (2) of Article 19 are so exhaustive that the laws made for the purpose of protection of the individual, sections of society, classes of citizens, court, the country and the State have been saved.  28. The   restrictions   under   clause   (2)   of   Article   19   are comprehensive   enough   to   cover   all   possible   attacks   on   the individual,   groups/classes   of   people,   the   society,   the   court,   the country and the State. This is why this Court repeatedly held that any restriction which does not fall within the four corners of Article 19(2) will  be   unconstitutional.   For  instance,   it  was   held   by  the Constitution Bench in  vs.  Express Newspapers (Private) Ltd.  The 49 Union of India , that a law enacted by the legislature, which does not come squarely within Article 19(2) would be struck down as unconstitutional. Again, in  (supra), this Court held Sakal Papers  that   the   State   cannot   make   a   law   which   directly   restricts   one freedom even for securing the better enjoyment of another freedom. 49 1959 SCR 12 45 29. That the Executive cannot transgress its limits by imposing an additional   restriction   in   the   form   of   Executive   or   Departmental instruction was emphasised by this Court in  vs. Bijoe Emmanuel  50 State of Kerala .  The Court made it clear that the reasonable restrictions sought to be imposed must be through “ ” having a law statutory   force   and   not   a   mere   Executive   or   Departmental instruction.   The restraint upon the Executive not to have a   While   Courts back­door   intrusion   applies   equally   to   Courts. may be entitled to interpret the law in such a manner that the rights existing in blue print have expansive connotations, the Court cannot   impose   additional   restrictions   by   using   tools   of interpretation. What this Court can do and how far it can afford to go,   was   articulated   by   B.   Sudharshan   Reddy,   J.,   in   Ram Jethmalani  (supra) as follows: 85 . An argument can be  made  that  this  Court  can make exceptions under the peculiar circumstances of this case, wherein the State has acknowledged that it has not acted with the requisite speed and vigour in the case   of   large   volumes   of   suspected   unaccounted   for monies   of   certain   individuals.   There   is   an   inherent danger in making exceptions to fundamental principles and rights on the fly. Those exceptions, bit by bit, would then   eviscerate   the   content   of   the   main   right   itself. 50 (1986) 3 SCC 615 46 Undesirable lapses in upholding of fundamental rights by the legislature, or the executive, can be rectified by assertion   of   constitutional   principles   by   this   Court. However, a decision by this Court that an exception could be carved out remains permanently as a part of judicial canon, and becomes a part of the constitutional interpretation itself. It can be used in the future in a manner and form that may far exceed what this Court intended or what the constitutional text and values can bear. We are not proposing that Constitutions cannot be interpreted in a manner that allows the nation­State to tackle   the   problems   it   faces.   The   principle   is   that exceptions cannot be carved out willy­nilly, and without forethought as to the damage they may cause. .One of the chief dangers of making exceptions to 86 principles that have become a part of constitutional law, through aeons of human experience, is that the logic, and   ease   of   seeing   exceptions,   would   become entrenched as a part of the constitutional order. Such logic   would   then   lead   to   seeking   exceptions,   from protective walls of all fundamental rights, on grounds of expediency and claims that there are no solutions to problems   that   the   society   is   confronting   without   the evisceration   of   fundamental   rights.   That   same   logic could   then   be   used   by   the   State   in   demanding exceptions   to   a   slew   of   other   fundamental   rights, leading to violation of human rights of citizens  on a massive scale.” 30. Again,   in   Secretary,   Ministry   of   Information   & vs. Broadcasting,   Govt.   of   India     Cricket   Association   of 51 Bengal , this Court cautioned that the restrictions on free speech can   be   imposed   only   on   the   basis   of   Article   19(2).   In   Ramlila 52 ,  this Court developed a three­pronged Maidan Incident, in re. 51 (1995) 2 SCC 161 52  (2012) 5 SCC 1 47 test namely,  (i)  that the restriction can be imposed only by or under the authority of law and not by exercise of the executive power;  (ii) that   such   restriction   must   be   reasonable;   and   (iii)   that   the restriction must be related to the purposes mentioned in clause (2) of Article 19.  31. That the eight heads of restrictions contained in clause (2) of Article   19   are   exhaustive   can   be   established   from   another perspective   also.   The   nature   of   the   restrictions   on   free   speech imposed by law/judicial pronouncements even in countries where a higher threshold is maintained, are almost similar. To drive home this point, we are presenting in the following table, a comparative note relating to different jurisdictions:
JurisdictionThe Document<br>from which the<br>Right to Freedom<br>of Speech and<br>Expression flowsThe Document<br>from which the<br>restrictions on<br>the right to<br>freedom of<br>Speech and<br>Expression flowNature of<br>Restrictions
IndiaArticle 19(1)(a) ­<br>Constitution of<br>IndiaArticle 19(2) ­<br>Constitution of<br>India1. Sovereignty and<br>integrity of the<br>State,<br>2. Security of the<br>State,<br>3. Friendly relations
48
with foreign<br>countries,<br>4. Public order,<br>5. Decency and<br>morality,<br>6. Contempt of court,<br>7. Defamation,<br>8. Incitement to an<br>offense.
UKArticle 10(1) of the<br>Human Rights Act,<br>1998Article 10(2) of the<br>Human Rights Act,<br>19981. National security,<br>2. Territorial integrity<br>or public safety,<br>3. For the prevention<br>of disorder or<br>crime, for the<br>protection of<br>health or morals,<br>4. For the protection<br>of the reputation<br>or rights of others,<br>5. For preventing the<br>disclosure of<br>information<br>received in<br>confidence, or<br>6. For maintaining<br>the authority and<br>impartiality of the<br>judiciary.
USAFirst Amendment<br>to the US<br>ConstitutionNo restriction is<br>specifically<br>provided in the<br>Constitution. But<br>Judicial Review by<br>the Supreme Court<br>has admitted<br>certain restrictionsRecognised forms of<br>Unprotected Speech:<br>1. Obscenity as held<br>in Roth v. United<br>States, 354 U.S. 476,<br>483 (1957).<br>2.Child Pornography<br>as held in Ashcroft v.<br>Free Speech Coalition,<br>435 U.S. 234 (2002).<br>3. Fighting Words
National security,
Territorial integrity
or public safety,
For the prevention
of disorder or
crime, for the
protection of
health or morals,
For the protection
of the reputation
or rights of others,
For preventing the
disclosure of
information
received in
confidence, or
For maintaining
the authority and
impartiality of the
judiciary.
49
and True Threat as<br>held in Chaplinsky v.<br>New Hampshire, 315<br>U.S. 568 (1942) and<br>Virginia v. Black, 538<br>U.S. 343, 363 (2003),<br>respectively.
AustraliaAustralian<br>Constitution does<br>not expressly<br>speak about<br>freedom of<br>expression.<br>However, the High<br>Court has held<br>that an implied<br>freedom of political<br>communication<br>exists as an<br>indispensible part<br>of the system of<br>representative and<br>responsible<br>government<br>created by the<br>Constitution. It<br>operates as a<br>freedom from<br>government<br>restraint, rather<br>than a right<br>conferred directly<br>on individuals.<br>Australia is a party<br>to seven core<br>international<br>human rights<br>treaties. The right<br>to freedom of<br>opinion and<br>expression is<br>contained in<br>Articles 19 and 20<br>of the International<br>Covenant on Civil<br>and Political<br>Rights (ICCPR)and<br>Articles 4 and 5 of1. Article 19(3), 20<br>of the ICCPR<br>contains<br>mandatory<br>limitations on<br>freedom of<br>expression, and<br>requires countries,<br>subject to<br>reservation/declar<br>ation, to outlaw<br>vilification of<br>persons on<br>national, racial or<br>religious grounds.<br>Australia has<br>made a declaration<br>in relation to<br>Article 20 to the<br>effect that existing<br>Commonwealth<br>and state<br>legislation is<br>regarded as<br>adequate, and that<br>the right is<br>reserved not to<br>introduce any<br>further legislation<br>imposing further<br>restrictions on<br>these matters.<br>2. Criminal Code<br>Act 1995<br>3. Racial<br>Discrimination<br>Act 1975Under International<br>Treaties:<br>1. Rights of<br>Reputation of<br>Others,<br>2. National Security,<br>3. Public Order,<br>4. Public Health, or<br>5. Public Morality<br>Under the Criminal<br>Code Act, 1995<br>1.Offences relating to<br>urging by force or<br>violence the overthrow<br>of the Constitution or<br>the lawful authority of<br>the Government; and<br>2. Offences relating to<br>the use of a<br>telecommunications<br>carriage service in a<br>way which is<br>intentionally<br>menacing, harassing<br>or offensive, and<br>using a carriage<br>service to<br>communicate content<br>which is menacing,<br>harassing or<br>offensive.<br>Speech or<br>Expression<br>amounting to Racial
Australian
Constitution does
not expressly
speak about
freedom of
expression.
However, the High
Court has held
that an implied
freedom of political
communication
exists as an
indispensible part
of the system of
representative and
responsible
government
created by the
Constitution. It
operates as a
freedom from
government
restraint, rather
than a right
conferred directly
on individuals.
Australia is a party<br>to seven core<br>international<br>human rights<br>treaties. The right<br>to freedom of<br>opinion and<br>expression is<br>contained in<br>Articles 19 and 20<br>of the International<br>Covenant on Civil
and Political
Rights (ICCPR)and<br>Articles 4 and 5 of
50
the Convention on<br>the Elimination of<br>All Forms of Racial<br>Discrimination<br>(CERD) , Articles<br>12 and 13 of the<br>Convention on the<br>Rights of the Child<br>(CRC) and Article<br>21 of the<br>Convention on the<br>Rights of Persons<br>with Disabilities<br>(CRPD).Discrimination<br>under the Racial<br>Discrimination Act,<br>1975
European<br>UnionArticle 10(1),<br>European<br>Convention on<br>Human Rights,<br>1950Article 10(2),<br>European<br>Convention on<br>Human Rights,<br>19501. In the interests of<br>national security,<br>territorial integrity<br>or public safety,<br>2. For the prevention<br>of disorder or<br>crime,<br>3. For the protection<br>of health or<br>morals,<br>4. For the protection<br>of the reputation<br>or rights of others,<br>5. For preventing the<br>disclosure of<br>information<br>received in<br>confidence, or<br>6. For maintaining<br>the authority and<br>impartiality of the<br>judiciary.
Republic of<br>South AfricaBill of Rights,<br>Article 16(1) of the<br>Constitution of the<br>Republic of South<br>Africa, 1996Bill of Rights,<br>Article 16(2) of the<br>Constitution of the<br>Republic of South<br>Africa, 19961. Propaganda for<br>war,<br>2. Incitement of<br>imminent violence,<br>3. Advocacy of hatred<br>that is based on<br>race, ethnicity,<br>gender, religion,<br>and that
the Convention on<br>the Elimination of
All Forms of Racial
Discrimination<br>(CERD) , Articles<br>12 and 13 of the<br>Convention on the
Rights of the Child
(CRC) and Article<br>21 of the<br>Convention on the
Rights of Persons
with Disabilities
(CRPD).
51
constitutes<br>incitement to<br>cause harm.
32. Since the eight heads of restrictions contained in clause (2) of Article 19 seek to protect:    the   individual   –   against   the   infringement   of   his   dignity, (i) reputation, bodily autonomy and property;   different sections of society professing and practicing, different (ii) religious   beliefs/sentiments   ­   against   offending   their   beliefs   and sentiments;   classes/groups of citizens belonging to different races, linguistic (iii) identities etc.­ against an attack on their identities;    women   and   children   –   against   the   violation   of   their   special (iv) rights;   the State ­ against the breach of its security;  (v) (vi)  the country ­ against an attack on its sovereignty and integrity;  the Court – against an attempt to undermine its authority,  (vii) we think that the restrictions contained in clause (2) of Article 19 are exhaustive and no further restriction need to be incorporated. 33. In any event,  the  law imposing any restriction in terms of clause (2) of Article 19 can only be made by the State and not by 52 the Court.  The role envisaged in the Constitutional scheme for the Court, is to be a gate­keeper (and a conscience keeper) to check   strictly   the   entry   of   restrictions,   into   the   temple   of fundamental   rights.   The   role   of   the   Court   is   to   protect fundamental rights limited by lawful restrictions and not to protect restrictions and make the rights residual privileges . Clause (2) of Article 19 saves   the operation of any existing law; (i) and  (ii)  the making of any law by the State. Therefore, it is not for us to add one or more restrictions than what is already found. Second part of Question No.1 34. The second part of Question No.1 is as to whether additional restrictions on the right to free speech can be imposed on grounds not found in Article 19(2) by invoking other fundamental rights. 35. This part of Question No.1 already stands partly answered while dealing with the first part of Question No.1.  The decisions of this   Court   in   (supra),   the Express   Newspapers   (Private)   Ltd.   Cricket   Association   of   Bengal   (supra)   and   Ramlila   Maidan 53 Incident, in re.  (supra), provide a complete answer to the question whether additional restrictions on the right to free speech can be imposed on grounds not found in Article 19(2). The   question   whether   additional   restrictions   can   peep   into 36. Article  19(2),   by   invoking   other   fundamental  rights,   also   stands answered by this Court in   Sakal Papers .  In   Sakal Papers ,  the Central Government issued an order called Daily Newspaper (Price and Page) Order, 1960 in exercise of the power conferred under the Newspaper (Price and Page) Act, 1956, fixing the maximum number of pages that might be published by a newspaper according to the price  charged.   Therefore,   the   publisher   of   a   Marathi   Newspaper challenged the constitutionality of both the Act and the Order.  One of the arguments raised on behalf of the State in the said case was that there are two aspects of the activities of newspapers namely, (i)   the dissemination of news and views; and   (ii)   the commercial aspect.  While the former would fall under Article 19(1)(a), the latter would fall under Article 19(1)(g).   Since   these   two   rights   are   independent   and   since   the 37. restrictions on the right under Article 19(1)(g) can be placed in the 54 interest of the general public under Article 19(6), it was contended by the State in  Sakal Papers  that the Act and the Order are saved by clause (6) of Article 19. But the said argument of the State was rejected   by   the   Constitution   Bench   in   Sakal   Papers ,   in   the following words:
“It may well be within the power of the State to place,
in the interest of the general public, restrictions upon
the right of a citizen to carry on business but it is not
open to the State to achieve this object by directly and
immediately curtailing any other freedom of that
citizen guaranteed by the Constitution and which is
not susceptible of abridgement on the same grounds
as are set out in cl. (6) of Art. 19.Therefore, the right
of freedom of speech cannot be taken away with the
object of placing restrictions on the business activities
of a citizen. Freedom of speech can be restricted only
in the interests of the security of the State, friendly
relations with foreign State, public order, decency or
morality or in relation to contempt of court,
defamation or incitement to an offence. It cannot, like
the freedom to carry on business, be curtailed in the
interest of the general public.If a law directly
affecting it is challenged it is no answer that the
restrictions enacted by it are justifiable under cls.
(3) to (6). For, the scheme of Art. 19 is to
enumerate different freedoms separately and then
to specify the extent of restrictions to which they
may be subjected and the objects for securing
which this could be done. A citizen is entitled to
enjoy each and every one of the freedoms together
and cl. (1) does not prefer one freedom to another.
That is the plain meaning of this clause. It
follows from this that the State cannot make a
law which directly restricts one freedom even for
securing the better enjoyment of another freedom.
All the greater reason, therefore, for holding that
55
the State cannot directly restrict one freedom by
placing an otherwise permissible restriction on
another freedom.
38. We are conscious of the fact that   Sakal Papers   was a case where the petitioner before the Court had two different fundamental rights and  the  law  made   by  the   State  fell  within  the  permitted restrictions   upon   the   exercise   of   one   of   those   two   fundamental rights.  However, the restriction traceable to clause (6) of Article 19 was   not   available   in   clause   (2)   of   Article   19.   It   is   in   such circumstances   that   this   Court   held   that   the   restriction   validly imposed   upon   the   exercise   of   one   fundamental   right   cannot automatically become valid while dealing with another fundamental right   of   the   same   person,   the   restriction   of   which   stands Constitutionally on different parameters. 39. In   the   conflict   was   neither   between   one Sakal   Papers   individual’s   fundamental   right   qua   another   individual’s fundamental   right   nor   one   fundamental   right   qua   another fundamental right of the same individual. It was a case where a restriction validly made upon a fundamental right was held invalid  another fundamental right of the same individual.  In the cases qua 56 on hand, what is sought to be projected is a possible conflict arising out of the exercise of a fundamental right by one individual, in a manner infringing upon the free exercise of the fundamental right of another person. But this conflict is age old. The exercise of all fundamental rights by all citizens is possible 40. only when each individual respects the other person’s rights. As acknowledged by the learned Attorney General and Ms. Aparjita Singh, learned   Amicus ,  this   Court  has   always  struck   a  balance whenever it was found that the exercise of fundamental rights by an individual, caused inroads into the space available for the exercise of fundamental rights by another individual. The emphasis even in the Preamble on “ ” is an indication that the survival of all fraternity fundamental rights and the survival of democracy itself depends upon mutual respect, accommodation and willingness to co­exist in peace and tranquility on the part of the citizens. Let us now see a few examples. The Fundamental Duty enjoined upon every citizen of the country under Article 51­A (e) to   “promote harmony and the spirit   of   common   brotherhood   amongst   all   the   people   of   India transcending religious, linguistic and regional or sectional diversities 57 and to renounce practices derogatory to the dignity of women” , is also an indicator that no one can exercise his fundamental right in a manner that infringes upon the fundamental right of another.  41. As articulated by Jeevan Reddy, J. in  Cricket Association of no one can exercise his right of speech in such a manner Bengal,  as to violate another man’s right. In paragraph 152 of the decision in  Cricket Association of Bengal , Jeevan Reddy, J. said :  “Indeed it may be the duty of the State to ensure that this right is available to all in equal measure and that  it is not hijacked by a few to the detriment of the rest. This obligation flows from the Preamble to our Constitution, which seeks to secure all   its   citizens   liberty   of   thought,   expression,   belief   and worship………...Under our Constitutional scheme, the State is not merely under an obligation to respect the fundamental rights guaranteed by Part­III but under an equal obligation to ensure conditions in which those rights can be meaningfully and effectively enjoyed by one and all.” 58
42.The above passage from the opinion of Jeevan Reddy, J., in
Cricket Association of Bengal,was quoted with approval by the
Constitution Bench inSahara India Real Estate Corporation
Limitedcase.
43. There are several instances where this Court either struck a balance or placed on a slightly higher pedestal, the fundamental right of one over that  of the  other.  Interestingly,  the  competing claims arose in many of those cases, in the context of Article 19(1) (a) right of one person  qua  Article 21 right of another. Let us now take a look at some of them.  (i)  In  (supra), the rights pitted against one another R. Rajagopal  were the freedom of expression under Article 19(1)(a) and the right to privacy of the Officers of the Government under Article 21. This Court propounded:  .   We   may   now   summarise   the   broad   principles 26 flowing from the above discussion: (1) The right to privacy is implicit in the right to life and liberty guaranteed to the citizens of this country by Article 21. It is a "right to be let alone". A citizen has a right to safeguard the privacy of his own, his family, marriage, procreation, motherhood, child­bearing and education   among   other   matters.   None   can   publish anything   concerning   the   above   matters   without   his consent — whether truthful or otherwise and whether laudatory   or   critical.   If   he   does   so,   he   would   be 59 violating the right to privacy of the person concerned and would be liable in an action for damages. Position may,   however,   be   different,   if   a   person   voluntarily thrusts himself into controversy or voluntarily invites or raises a controversy. (2) The rule aforesaid is subject to the exception, that any   publication   concerning   the   aforesaid   aspects becomes unobjectionable if such publication is based upon public records including court records. This is for the reason that once a matter becomes a matter of public record, the right to privacy no longer subsists and it becomes a legitimate subject for comment by press and media among others. We are, however, of the opinion that in the interests of decency [Article 19(2)] an exception must be carved out to this rule, viz., a female who is the victim of a sexual assault, kidnap, abduction or a like offence should not further be   subjected   to   the   indignity   of   her   name   and   the incident being publicised in press/media. (3) There is yet another exception to the rule in (1) above   —   indeed,   this   is   not   an   exception   but   an independent rule. In the case of public officials, it is obvious,   right   to   privacy,   or   for   that   matter,   the remedy of action for damages is simply not available with respect to their acts and conduct relevant to the discharge of their official duties. This is so even where the publication is based upon facts and statements which are not true, unless the official establishes that the   publication   was   made   (by   the   defendant)   with reckless disregard for truth. In such a case, it would be enough for the defendant (member of the press or media)   to   prove   that   he   acted   after   a   reasonable verification of the facts; it is not necessary for him to prove   that   what   he   has   written   is   true.   Of   course, where   the   publication   is   proved   to   be   false   and actuated   by   malice   or   personal   animosity,   the defendant would have no defence and would be liable for damages. It is equally obvious that in matters not relevant   to   the   discharge   of   his   duties,   the   public official enjoys the same protection as any other citizen, as   explained   in   (1)   and   (2)   above.   It   needs   no reiteration  that   judiciary,  which  is   protected   by   the power to punish for contempt of court and Parliament 60 and  legislatures   protected  as  their   privileges   are  by Articles 105 and 104 respectively of the Constitution of India, represent exceptions to this rule. (4) So far as the Government, local authority and other organs and institutions exercising governmental power are   concerned,   they   cannot   maintain   a   suit   for damages for defaming them. (5) Rules 3 and 4 do not, however, mean that Official Secrets   Act,   1923,   or   any   similar   enactment   or provision having the force of law does not bind the press or media. (6) There is no law empowering the State or its officials to prohibit, or to impose a prior restraint upon the press/media.” (ii)  In   (supra) the People’s   Union   for   Civil   Liberties   (PUCL)   ,   rights that were perceived as competing with each other were the right to privacy of the spouse of a candidate contesting election   qua   the  voter’s right to information.  In his separate but   near   concurring   opinion,   P.   Venkatarama   Reddi,   J. articulated the position thus : “121. … …W hen there is a competition between the right to privacy   of   an   individual   and   the   right   to information of the citizen, the former right has to be subordinated to the latter right as it serves the larger public interest. …” (iii)  In   (supra) ,   the   rights   that Noise   Pollution   (V.),   in   Re   competed   with   one   another,   were   the   rights   enshrined   in Article   19(1)(a)   and   Article   21.   The   clash   was  between 61 individuals and the persons in the neighborhood. This Court held:
11.Those who make noise often take shelter
behindArticle 19(1)(a)pleading freedom of speech and
right to expression. Undoubtedly, the freedom of
speech and right to expression are fundamental rights
but the rights are not absolute. Nobody can claim a
fundamental right to create noise by amplifying the
sound of his speech with the help of loudspeakers.
While one has a right to speech, others have a right to
listen or decline to listen. Nobody can be compelled to
listen and nobody can claim that he has a right to
make his voice trespass into the ears or mind of
others. Nobody can indulge into aural aggression. If
anyone increases his volume of speech and that too
with the assistance of artificial devices so as to
compulsorily expose unwilling persons to hear a noise
raised to unpleasant or obnoxious levels, then the
person speaking is violating the right of others to a
peaceful, comfortable and pollution­free life
guaranteed byArticle 21.Article 19(1)(a) cannot be
pressed into service for defeating the fundamental
right guaranteed by Article 21. …”
(iv) In   the right to know, inhering in Article Ram Jethmalani   19(1)(a) and the right to privacy under Article 21, were seen to be in conflict. Right to privacy was asserted by individuals holding bank accounts in other countries. The court had to balance the same with the citizens’ right to know. This Court propounded as follows:
84.The rights ofcitizens, to effectively seek the
protection of fundamental rights, under clause (1)
ofArticle 32have to be balanced against the rights of
citizens and persons underArticle 21.The latter
cannot be sacrificed on the anvil of fervid desire to find
instantaneous solutions to systemic problems such as
unaccounted for monies, for it would lead to
62
dangerous circumstances, in which vigilante
investigations, inquisitions and rabble rousing, by
masses of other citizens could become the order of the
day. The right of citizens to petition this Court for
upholding of fundamental rights is granted in order
that citizens, interalia, are ever vigilant about the
functioning of the State in order to protect the
constitutional project. That right cannot be extended
to being inquisitors of fellow citizens. An inquisitorial
order, where citizens’ fundamental right to privacy is
breached by fellow citizens is destructive of social
order. The notion of fundamental rights, such as a
right to privacy as part of right to life, is not merely
that the State is enjoined from derogating from them.
It also includes the responsibility of the State to
uphold them against the actions of others in the
society, even in the context of exercise of fundamental
rights by those others.”
(v) In  freedom Sahara India Real Estate Corporation Limited  of press and the right to fair trial were the competing rights. In this case, the Constitution Bench was dealing with a question whether   an   order   for   postponement   of   publication   of   the proceedings   pending   before   a   Court,   would   constitute   a restriction   under   Article   19(1)(a)   and   as   to   whether   such restriction is saved under Article 19(2).   This question was answered by the Constitution Bench in para 42 as follows:
42.At the outset, we must understand the nature of
such orders of postponement. Publicity postponement
orders should be seen in the context of Article 19(1)(a)
not being an absolute right. The USclash modelbased
on collision between freedom of expression (including
free press) and the right to a fair trial will not apply to
the Indian Constitution. In certain cases, even the
accused seeks publicity (not in the pejorative sense) as
openness and transparency is the basis of a fair trial
in which all the stakeholders who are a party to a
63
litigation including the Judges are under scrutiny and
at the same time people get to know what is going on
inside the courtrooms. These aspects come within the
scope of Article 19(1) and Article 21. When rights of
equal weight clash, the Courts have to evolve
balancing techniques or measures based on
recalibration under which both the rights are given
equal space in the constitutional scheme and this is
what the “postponement order” does, subject to the
parameters mentioned hereinafter. But, what happens
when the courts are required to balance important
public interests placed side by side. For example, in
cases where presumption of open justice has to be
balanced with presumption of innocence, which as
stated above, is now recognised as a human right.
These presumptions existed at the time when the
Constitution was framed [existing law under Article
19(2)] and they continue till date not only as part of
rule of law under Article 14 but also as an Article 21
right. The constitutional protection in Article 21 which
protects the rights of the person for a fair trial is, in
law, a valid restriction operating on the right to free
speech under Article 19(1)(a), by virtue of force of it
being a constitutional provision. Given that
thepostponement orderscurtail the freedom of
expression of third parties, such orders have to be
passed only in cases in which there isreal and
substantial riskof prejudice to fairness of the trial or to
the proper administration of justice which in the words
of Justice Cardozo is “the end and purpose of all laws”.
However, such orders of postponement should be
ordered for a limited duration and without disturbing
the content of the publication. They should be passed
only when necessary to prevent real and substantial
risk to the fairness of the trial (court proceedings), if
reasonable alternative methods or measures such as
change of venue or postponement of trial will not
prevent the said risk and when the salutary effects of
such ordersoutweighthe deleterious effects to the free
expression of those affected by the prior restraint. The
order of postponement will only be appropriate in
cases where the balancing test otherwise favours non­
publication for a limited period. …”
64
(vi)InThalapplam Service Cooperative Bank Ltd.(supra),the
right to know held as part of Article 19(1)(a) and the right to privacy being part of Article 21 were perceived as competing with each other, in a matter between holders of accounts in cooperative  banks  and  members   of  the   public  who  wanted details. This Court in paragraph 64 held: “64.  Recognising the fact that the right to privacy is a sacrosanct facet of Article 21 of the Constitution, the legislation has put a lot of safeguards to protect the rights under Section 8(j), as already indicated.  If the information   sought   for   is   personal   and   has   no relationship with any public activity or interest or it will   not   subserve   larger   public   interest,   the   public authority or the officer concerned is not legally obliged to provide those information.  Reference may be made to   a   recent   judgment   of   this   Court   in   Girish Ramchandra   Deshpande   v.     Central   Information Commr.,  (2013) 1 SCC 212, wherein this Court held that   since   there   is   no   bona   fide   public   interest   in seeking information, the disclosure of said information would cause unwarranted invasion of privacy of the individual under Section 8(1)(j) of the Act.  Further, if the authority finds that information sought for can be made available in the larger public interest, then the officer   should   record   his   reasons   in   writing   before providing   the  information,  because  the   person   from whom information is sought for, has also a right to privacy   guaranteed   under   Article   21   of   the Constitution.” (vii)  In   (supra),  the   right   to   freedom   of Subramanian   Swamy   speech of an individual guaranteed under Article 19(1)(a)  qua the   right   to   dignity   and   reputation   of   another   individual guaranteed under Article 21 were the competing rights. In this case, the Court held as follows:  65
“98.Freedom of speech and expression in a spirited
democracy is a highly treasured value. Authors,
philosophers and thinkers have considered it as a
prized asset to the individuality and overall
progression of a thinking society, as it permits
argument, allows dissent to have a respectable place,
and honours contrary stances. There are proponents
who have set it on a higher pedestal than life and not
hesitated to barter death for it. Some have condemned
compelled silence to ruthless treatment. William
Dougles has denounced regulation of free speech like
regulating diseased cattle and impure butter. The
Court has in many an authority having realised its
precious nature and seemly glorified sanctity has put
it in a meticulously structured pyramid. Freedom of
speech is treated as the thought of the freest who has
not mortgaged his ideas, may be wild, to the artificially
cultivated social norms; and transgression thereof is
not perceived as a folly. Needless to emphasise,
freedom of speech has to be allowed specious castle,
but the question is: should it be so specious or
regarded as so righteous that it would make
reputation of another individual or a group or a
collection of persons absolutely ephemeral, so as to
hold that criminal prosecution on account of
defamation negates and violates right to free speech
and expression of opinion…”
(viii)  In  (supra), the right to free trial, of an accused Asha Ranjan  vis­à­vis   the   victim,   came   up   for   consideration.   The   Court propounded in paragraph 61:
“61.Be it stated, circumstances may emerge that may
necessitate for balancing between intra­fundamental
rights. It has been distinctly understood that the test
that has to be applied while balancing the two
fundamental rights or inter fundamental rights, the
principles applied may be different than the principle
to be applied in intra­conflict between the same
fundamental right. To elaborate, as in this case, the
accused has a fundamental right to have a fair trial
under Article 21 of the Constitution. Similarly, the
66
victims who are directly affected and also form a part
of the constituent of the collective, have a fundamental
right for a fair trial. Thus, there can be two individuals
both having legitimacy to claim or assert the right. The
factum of legitimacy is a primary consideration. It has
to be remembered that no fundamental right is
absolute and it can have limitations in certain
circumstances. Thus, permissible limitations are
imposed by the State. The said limitations are to be
within the bounds of law. However, when there is
intra­conflict of the right conferred under the same
article, like fair trial in this case, the test that is
required to be applied, we are disposed to think, it
would be “paramount collective interest” or
“sustenance of public confidence in the justice
dispensation system”. An example can be cited. A
group of persons in the name of “class honour”, as has
been stated inVikas Yadavv.State of U.P.,(2016) 9
SCC 541: (2016) 3 SCC (Cri) 621], cannot curtail or
throttle the choice of a woman. It is because choice of
woman in choosing her partner in life is a legitimate
constitutional right. It is founded on individual choice
that is recognised in the Constitution under Article 19,
and such a right is not expected to succumb to the
concept of “class honour” or “group thinking”. It is
because the sense of class honour has no legitimacy
even if it is practised by the collective under some kind
of a notion. Therefore, if the collective interest or the
public interest that serves the public cause and
further has the legitimacy to claim or assert a
fundamental right, then only it can put forth that their
right should be protected. There can be no denial of
the fact that the rights of the victims for a fair trial is
an inseparable aspect of Article 21 of the Constitution
and when they assert that right by themselves as well
as the part of the collective, the conception of public
interest gets galvanised. The accentuated public
interest in such circumstances has to be given
primacy, for it furthers and promotes “Rule of Law”.
…”
67 (ix)  In   Railway   Board   representing   the   Union   of   India   vs . 53 Niranjan Singh ,  a trade union worker was charged of the misconduct   of   addressing   meetings   within   the   railway premises,   in   contravention   of   the   directions   issued   by   the employer. When he sought protection under clauses (a), (b) and (c) of Article 19(1), this Court rejected the same by holding “ that the exercise of those freedoms will come to an end as soon as the right of someone else to hold his property intervenes . ” This Court went on to state that “ the validity of that limitation is not to be judged by the test prescribed in sub­Articles (2) and (3) of Article 19 ”. (x) In  Life Insurance Corporation of India  vs.  Prof. Manubhai 54 D. Shah , two fundamental rights were not competing or in conflict with each other. But the right to free speech and the right to propagate one’s ideas, in the context of censorship under the Cinematograph Act, 1952 and in the context of a State institution refusing to publish an Article in an in­house magazine were in question. In Paragraph 23 of the Report, this Court said: “ every right has a corresponding duty or obligation and so is the fundamental right of speech and expression.  The freedom conferred by Article 19(1((a) is therefore not absolute as perhaps in the case of the US First Amendment: it carries with it certain responsibilities towards fellow citizens and society at 53 (1969) 1 SCC 502 54  (1992) 3 SCC 637 68 large.   A   citizen   who   exercises   this   right   must   remain conscious that his fellow citizen too has a similar right. Therefore, the right must be so exercised as not to come in direct conflict with the right of another citizen .” The series of decisions discussed above shows that whenever 44. two or more fundamental rights appeared either to be on a collision course or to be seeking preference over one another, this Court has dealt   with   the   same   by   applying   well­established   legal   tools. Therefore, we are of the view that under the guise of invoking other fundamental rights, additional restrictions, over and above those prescribed in Article 19(2), cannot be imposed upon the exercise of one’s fundamental rights. 45. In fine, we answer Question No.1 in the following manner:  “The grounds lined up in Article 19(2) for restricting the right to free speech are exhaustive. Under the guise of invoking other fundamental rights or under the guise of two fundamental rights staking a competing claim against each   other,   additional   restrictions   not   found   in   Article 19(2),   cannot   be   imposed   on   the   exercise   of   the   right conferred by Article 19(1)(a) upon any individual.” 69 Question No.2 46. The   second   question   referred   to   us   is   as   to   whether   a fundamental right under Article 19 or 21 can be claimed against anyone other than the State or its instrumentalities. Actually, the question is not about “ claim ” but about “ enforceability ”. 47. To use the phraseology adopted by the philosophers of Law, the   question   on   hand   is   as   to   whether   Part   III   of   the   Wherever Constitution has a “vertical” or “horizontal” effect. Constitutional rights regulate and impact only the conduct of the Government and Governmental actors, in their dealings with private individuals, they are said to have “ a vertical effect ”. But wherever Constitutional   rights   impact   even   the   relations   between   private individuals, they are said to have “ a horizontal effect ”. 48. In   his   scholarly   article,   “The   ‘ Horizontal   Effect ’   of Constitutional Rights”, published in Michigan Law Review (Volume 2. Issue 3, 2003) Stephen Gardbaum, states that the horizontal position has been adopted to varying degrees in Ireland, Canada, Germany,   South   Africa   and   European   Union.   According   to   the 70 learned  author, this  issue  has also been the  topic  of sustained debate   in   the   United   Kingdom   following   the   enactment   of   the 55 Human Rights Act of 1998 . No jurisdiction in the world appears to be adopting, at least as 49. on date, a purely vertical approach or a wholly horizontal approach. A   vertical   approach   provides   weightage   to   individual   autonomy, choice and privacy, while the horizontal approach seeks to imbibe Constitutional values in all individuals. These approaches which appear   to   be   bipolar   opposites,   raise   the   age­old   question   of ‘ individual vs. society ’. 50. Even in countries where the individual reigns supreme, as in the United States, the Thirteenth Amendment making slavery and involuntary   servitude   a   punishable   offence,   has   actually   made inroads into individual autonomy. Therefore, some scholars think that the Thirteenth Amendment provided a shift from the ‘purely vertical’ approach in a direct way. Subsequently, an indirect effect of   the   horizontality   was   found   in   certain   decisions   of   the   U.S. Supreme Court, two of which are of interest. 55 Interestingly The Protection of Human Rights Act, 1993 was enacted in India five years  before a similar Act came in United Kingdom. 71 51. After the American Civil War (1861­1865), the Reconstruction Era began in the United States. During this period, the Fourteenth Amendment   came   (1866­1868)   followed   by   the   Civil   Rights   Act, 1875 (also called Enforcement Act or Force Act). This Civil Rights Act,   1875   entitled   everyone,   to   access   accommodation,   public transport  and   theaters   regardless   of   race   or   color.   Finding   that despite the Act, they were excluded from “ whites only ” facilities in hotels,   theaters   etc.,   the   victims   of   discrimination   (African­ Americans) filed cases. All those five cases were tagged together and the U.S. Supreme Court held in (year 1883) what came to be known 56 as   ”   that   the   Thirteenth   and   Fourteenth “Civil   Rights   Cases Amendments   did   not   empower   Congress   to   outlaw   racial discrimination by private individuals. But after nearly 85 years, this 57 decision   was   overturned   in   Jones   vs.   Alfred   H.   Mayer   Co wherein it was held that Congress could regulate sale of private property to prevent racial discrimination. This was done in terms of 42 U.S. Code  § 1 982  which entitled a ll citizens of the United States to have the same right, in every State and Territory, as is enjoyed by 56 109 US 3 (1883) 57 392  US  409 (1968) 72 white citizens thereof to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold, and convey real and personal property. 52. But a good 20 years before the decision in  Jones  (supra) was delivered, the U.S. Supreme Court had an occasion to consider a clash between contractual rights and Constitutional rights. It was in   Shelly   (supra) where an African­American family ( Shellys ) who purchased a property in a neighbourhood in St. Louis, Missouri was sought   to   be   restrained   from   taking   possession,   because   of   a racially restrictive covenant contained in an Agreement of the year 1911 to which a majority of property owners in the neighbourhood were parties. The covenant restricted the sale of any property or part thereof for a term of 50 years to African­Americans and Asian­ Americans.   The   Missouri   Supreme   Court   upheld   the   racially restricted covenant. But the U.S. Supreme Court reversed it holding that   the   enforcement   of   such   covenants   violated   the   Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.   In other words the   contractual   rights   were   trumped   by   the   Constitutional obligations. 73 58 53. Then came the decision in  New York Times  vs.  Sullivan It was a case where the City Commissioner in Montgomery, Alabama filed an action for libel against the New York Times for publishing an allegedly defamatory statement in a paid advertisement. The jury awarded damages and the judgment was affirmed by the Supreme Court of Alabama. However, the U.S. Supreme Court reversed the decision and held that the First Amendment which prohibited a public official from recovering damages for a defamatory falsehood relating to the public official’s official conduct except in the case of actual malice, bound the plaintiff from exercising his private right. The above decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court were seen by 54. scholars as indicating a shift from a ‘purely vertical approach’ to a ‘horizontal approach’. 55. While   the   U.S.   Constitution   represented   (to   begin   with)   a purely vertical approach, the Irish Constitution was found to be on the opposite side of the spectrum, with the rights provided therein having horizontal effect. Article 40 of the Irish Constitution deals with Personal Rights under the Chapter “ Fundamental Rights ”. Sub­ 58 376 U.S. 254 (1964) 74 Article (3) of Article 40 states that “ The State guarantees in its laws to respect, and, as far as practicable,  by its laws to defend and ”.  In other words, two vindicate the personal rights of the citizen rights are guaranteed namely   (i)   respect for the personal rights of the citizen; and  to defend and vindicate the personal rights of its (ii)  citizen. 56. The second clause of sub­Article (3) of Article 40 of the Irish Constitution states that “ The State shall, in particular, by its laws protect as best it may from unjust attack and, in the case of injustice done, vindicate the life, person, good name, and property rights of every citizen ”. 57. The   above   provisions   have   been   interpreted   by   the   Irish Supreme Court as imposing a positive obligation on all State actors, including the Courts to protect and enforce the rights of individuals. It appears that full horizontal effect was given by the Irish Supreme Court   to   Constitutional   rights   such   as   freedom   of   association, freedom from sex discrimination and the right to earn a livelihood. For instance, the Irish Supreme Court had an occasion to consider 75 in   John   Meskell ,  the   Constitutional   rights   of   citizens   to   form associations and unions guaranteed by Article 40.6.1. This case arose out of an agreement reached between certain trade unions and the employer to terminate the services of all workers and to reemploy them on condition that they agree to be members of the specified trade unions at all times. One employee whose services were terminated was not reemployed, as he refused to accept the special condition.  Therefore, he sued the company for damages and claimed   a   declaration   that   his   dismissal   was   a   violation   of   the Constitutional   rights.   Holding   that   the  Constitutional  right  of citizens   to   form   associations   and   unions   necessarily recognized   a   correlative   right   to   abstain   from   joining associations   and   unions ,   the   Irish   Supreme   Court   awarded damages on the ground that the non­State actors actually violated the   Constitutional   right   of   the   plaintiff.   In   other   words,   the Constitutional rights were considered to have horizontal effect. 58. The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 also provides horizontal effect to certain rights.  Section 8.2 of the said Constitution states: “ A provision of the Bill of Rights binds a 76 natural   or   a   juristic   person   if,   and   to   the   extent   that,   it   is applicable, taking into account the nature of the right and the nature of any duty imposed by the right.” 59. The manner in which Section 8.2 has to be applied is spelt out in Section 8.3.  The same reads thus: “8.  Application ….. 3. When applying a provision of the Bill of Rights to a natural or juristic person in terms of subsection (2), a court  a. in order to give effect to a right in the Bill, must apply, or if necessary develop, the common law to the extent that legislation does not give effect to that right; and b. may develop rules of the common law to limit the   right,   provided   that   the   limitation   is   in accordance with section 36(1).” 60. Section 9 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa guarantees equality before law and equal protection and the benefit of the law to everyone.   Section 9.3 mandates the State not to unfairly discriminate directly or indirectly against anyone, on one or more grounds including race, gender, sex, pregnancy, 77 marital   status,   ethnic   or   social   origin,   colour,   sexual orientation,   age,   disability,   religion,   conscience,   belief, culture, language, and birth.   If Section 9.3 is a mandate against the State, what follows in Section 9.4 is a mandate against every person.  Section 9.4 reads as follows: “9. Equality ….. 4.  No person may unfairly discriminate directly or indirectly against anyone on one or more grounds in   terms   of   sub­section   (3).   National   legislation must   be   enacted   to   prevent   or   prohibit   unfair discrimination.” 61. Again,   Section   10   recognises   the   right   to   human   dignity. While doing so, it employs a language, which applies to non­ State actors also .  Section 10 states that “ Everyone has inherent dignity and the right to have their dignity respected and protected ”. During the period from April 1994 to February 1997, when the 62. Republic   of   South   Africa   had   an   Interim   Constitution,   the Constitutional Court of South Africa had an occasion to deal with a defamation action in   vs Du Plessis and Others   . De Klerk and 78 59 Another .  The   defamation   action   was   instituted   by   an   Airline company, against a newspaper for publishing an article implicating the Airline in the unlawful supply of arms to UNITA (National Union for the Total Independence of Angola). After the Interim Constitution came into  force,   the  defendant­newspaper  raised  a  defence  that they were insulated against the defamation action, under Section 15 of the Constitution which protected the freedom of the press. The Transvaal Provincial Division of the Supreme Court referred two issues   to   the   Constitutional   Court.   One   of   the   issues   was whether Chapter 3 (fundamental rights) of the Constitution was applicable to legal relationships between private parties. The majority (11:2) of the Court held that Chapter 3 could not be applied   directly   to   the   common   law   in   actions   between   private parties.   But   they   left   open   the   question   whether   there   were particular   provisions   of   the   Chapter   that   could   be   so   applied. However,   the   Court   held   that   in   terms   of   Section   35(3)   of   the Interim Constitution, Courts were obliged in the application and development   of   common   law,   to   have   due   regard   to   the   spirit, purport and objects of Chapter 3. The majority held that it was the 59  1996 ZACC 10 79 task of the Supreme Court to apply and develop the common law as required by Section 35(3). 63.     Interestingly,   the   dissenting   opinion   given   by   Kriegler,   J. became the subject matter of lot of academic debate. To begin with, Kriegler, J. rejected the idea that the debate was one of “ verticality ”.  He said that Chapter 3 rights do not operate versus horizontality only   as   against   the   State   but   also   horizontally   as   between individuals   where   Statutes   are   involved.   Calling   “ direct horizontality”  as a bogeyman, Kriegler, J. said as follows:
“The Chapter has nothing to do with the ordinary
relationships between private persons or associations.
What it does govern, however, is all law, including that
applicable to private relationships.Unless and until
there is a resort to law, private individuals are at liberty
to conduct their private affairs exactly as they please as
far as the fundamental rights and freedoms are
concerned.As far as the Chapter is concerned a
landlord is free to refuse to let a flat to someone
because of race, gender or whatever; a white bigot
may refuse to sell property to a person of colour;
a social club may black­ball Jews, Catholics or
Afrikaners if it so wishes.An employer is at
liberty to discriminate on racial grounds in the
engagement of staff; a hotelier may refuse to let a
room to a homosexual; a church may close its
doors to mourners of a particular colour or class.
But none of them can invoke the law to enforce or
protect their bigotry.One cannot claim rescission
of a contract or specific performance thereof if
such claim, albeit well­founded at common law,
80
infringes a Chapter 3 right.One cannot raise a
defence to a claim in law if such defence is in conflict
with a protected right or freedom.The whole gamut of
private relationships is left undisturbed.But the state,
as the maker of the laws, the administrator of laws and
the interpreter and applier of the law, is bound to stay
within the four corners of Chapter 3.Thus, if a man
claims to have the right to beat his wife, sell his
daughter into bondage or abuse his son, he will
not be allowed to raise as a defence to a civil
claim or a criminal charge that he is entitled to
do so at common law, under customary law or in
terms of any statute or contract.That is a far cry
from the spectre of the state placing its hand on
private relationships.On the contrary, if it were to try
to do so by legislation or administrative action, sections
4, 7(1) and the whole of Chapter 3 would stand as a
bastion of personal rights.”
64. After the Final Constitution was adopted and it came into force on February 4, 1997, the first case to come up on this issue was 60 vs.  .  In this case, Bantu Holomisa, the leader Khumalo  Holomisa of the South African opposition political party sued a newspaper for publishing   an   article   alleging   as   though  he   was   under   a  police investigation   for   his   involvement   with   a   gang   of   bank   robbers. Heavy reliance was placed in this case on the majority decision of the Constitutional Court of South Africa in  (supra) But Du Plessis  as pointed out earlier,  Du Plessis  was a case which was decided at a   time   when   South   Africa   had   only   an   Interim   Constitution. 60  (2002) ZACC 12 81 Therefore, while dealing with  Khumalo  (supra), the Constitutional Court of South Africa applied the Final Constitution, as it had come into force by then. What is relevant for our purpose is the opinion of the   Constitutional   Court   in   paragraph   33   which   dealt   with   the enforcement of the rights against non­State actors. Paragraph 33 reads thus: “[33] In this case, the applicants are members of the media   who   are   expressly   identified   as   bearers   of constitutional rights to freedom of expression.   There can be no doubt that the law of defamation does affect the right to freedom of expression.   Given the intensity of   the   constitutional   right   in   question,   coupled with  the potential  invasion  of that right which could   be   occasioned   by   persons   other   than   the state or organs of state, it is clear that the right to freedom of expression is of direct horizontal application   in   this   case   as   contemplated   by section 8(2) of the Constitution .   The first question we need then to determine is whether the common law of defamation unjustifiably limits that right.  If it does, it will be necessary to develop the common law in the manner   contemplated   by   section   8(3)   of   the Constitution.” 65.    The horizontal effect was taken to another extreme by the Constitutional Court of South Africa in   Governing Body of the Juma   Musjid   Primary   School   &   Others   vs.   Essay   N.O.   and 61 wherein it was held that an eviction order obtained by the Others   61 (CCT 29/10) [2011] ZACC 13; 2011 (8) BCLR 761 (CC) 82 owner of a private land on which a public school was located, could not be enforced as it would impact the students’ right to basic education   and   the   best   interests   of   the   child   under   the   South African Constitution (Sections 28 and 29). The Court held that a private   landowner   and   non­State   actor   has   a   Constitutional obligation not to impair the right to basic education under Section 29 of the Constitution.  The relevant portion reads thus: “[57] In order to determine whether the right to a basic education in terms of section 29(1)(a) binds the Trust, section 8(2) requires that the nature of the right of the learners to a basic education and the duty imposed by that right be taken into account.  From the discussion in the previous paragraphs of the general nature of the right and the MEC’s obligation in relation to it, the form of the duty that the right to a basic education imposed   on   the   Trustees   emerges.     It   is   clear   that there is no primary positive obligation on the Trust to provide basic education to the learners.  That primary positive obligation rests on the MEC.  There was also no   obligation   on   the   Trust   to   make   its   property available to the MEC for use as a public school.   A private landowner may do so, however, in accordance with section 14(1) of the Act which provides that a public school may be provided on private property only in terms of an agreement between the MEC and the owner of the property. [58]   This   Court,   in   Ex   Parte   Chairperson   of   the Constitutional Assembly: In re Certification of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, made it clear that socio­economic rights (like the right to a   basic   education)   may   be   negatively   protected from improper invasion. Breach of this obligation occurs directly when there is a failure to respect the right, or indirectly, when there is a failure to 83 prevent   the   direct   infringement   of   the   right   by another   or   a   failure   to   respect   the   existing protection   of   the   right   by   taking   measures   that diminish that protection. It needs to be stressed however   that   the   purpose   of   section   8(2)   of   the Constitution is not to obstruct private autonomy or to impose on a private party the duties of the state in protecting the Bill of Rights.   It is rather to require private parties not to interfere with or diminish the enjoyment of a right.  Its application also depends on the intensity of the constitutional right   in   question,   coupled   with   the   potential invasion of that right which could be occasioned by   persons other than the State or organs of State.   ” Coming to the United Kingdom, they ratified the European 66. Convention on Human Rights in 1951.  But the rights conferred by the Convention had to be enforced by British citizens only in the European Court of Human Rights, for a long time. Finding that it took an average of five years to get an action in the European Court of Human Rights after all domestic remedies are exhausted and also finding that on an average, the same costed £30,000, a white paper was submitted in 1997 under the title “ Rights Brought Home” .  This led   to   the   enactment   of   the   Human   Rights   Act,   1998   by   the Parliament of the United Kingdom. It came into force on 2.10.2000 (coincidentally  Gandhi Jayanti  Day).  This Act sought to incorporate into   the   domestic   law,   the   rights   conferred   by   the   European 84 Convention, so that the citizens need not go to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.  After the enactment of the Human Rights Act, the horizontal effect of Convention Rights became the subject matter of debate in several cases. 62 For instance,  vs. was a case where the 67. Douglas   Hello! Ltd.   right to privacy of an individual was pitted against the right of free speech and expression. In that case, a magazine called   OK! was given the exclusive right to publish the photographs of the wedding reception of a celebrity couple that took place at New York. On the day of the wedding, certain paparazzo had infiltrated the venue and took   few   unauthorized   photographs   which   were   shared   with potential   competitor   viz.   Hello!   Ltd.   (another   magazine).   Hello! published the photographs in the next issue of their magazine even before Ok! could publish it. The question before the Court of Appeal (Civil Division) was whether there was violation of right to privacy, among others   and whether it could be enforced against a private person.  The Court said: “49.   It follows that the ECtHR has recognised an obligation   on   member   states   to   protect   one 62 [2001] QB 967 85 individual from an unjustified invasion of private   and an obligation on the life by another individual courts of a member state to interpret legislation in a way which will achieve that result.  50. Some, such as the late Professor Sir William Wade, th in Wade & Forsyth Administrative Law (8  Ed.) p 983, and   Jonathan   Morgan,   in Privacy,   Confidence   and Horizontal   Effect:"   Hello"   Trouble (2003)   CLJ   443, contend  that the Human Rights Act should be given 'full, direct, horizontal effect'. The courts have notbeen prepared to go this far. … 102.   To summarise our conclusion at this stage: disregarding the effect of the OK! contract, we are satisfied that the Douglases' claim for invasion of their privacy falls to be determined according to the   English   law   of   confidence.   That   law,   as extended   to   cover   private   and   personal information,   protected   information   about   the Douglases' wedding.” 63 68. In   X vs. Y , the Court of Appeals dealt with the case of an employee X, who was cautioned by the Police for committing a sex offence   with   another   man   in   a   public   bathroom.   The   offence occurred when X was off duty. On finding about the incident, the employer Y suspended X and dismissed him after a disciplinary hearing. The dismissal was challenged as violative of Convention Rights.   An   argument   was   raised   that   these   rights   are   not enforceable against private parties. Though on facts, the claim of 63 [2004] EWCA Civ 662 86 the   dismissed   employee   was   dismissed,   the   legal   issue   was articulated by the Court thus: “55. The applicant invoked articles 8 and 14 of the Convention in relation to his cause of action in private law. (1) As appears from the authorities cited in section C above, article 8 is not confined in its effect to relations between   individuals   and   the   state   and   public authorities .   It   has   been   interpreted   by   the Strasbourg court as imposing a positive obligation on   the   state   to   secure   the   observance   and enjoyment of the right between private individuals. (2)  If the  facts  of  the  case  fall within  the ambit  of article 8, the state is also under a positive obligation under article 14 to secure to private individuals the enjoyment   of   the   right   without   discrimination, including   discrimination   on   the   ground   of   sexual orientation. (3) A person's sexual orientation and private sex life fall within the scope of the Convention right to respect for private life (see ADT v. UK [2000] 2 FLR 697) and the right to non­discrimination in respect that right. Interference with the right within article 8.1 has to be justified under article 8.2.”
InPlattform "Ärzte Für Das Leben"vs.Austria
arose as to the enforceability of the right to freedom of assembly against non­State actors, who obstructed the assembly. The case
On 28 December 1980, theanti­
abortionNGO "Ärzte für das Leben" (Physicians for Life) organised a
religious service and a march to the clinic of a doctor who carried 64 [1988] ECHR 15 87 out abortions in Stadl­Paura. A number of counter­demonstrators disrupted the march to the hillside by mingling with the marchers and shouting down their recitation. At the end of the ceremony, special riot­control units – which had until then been standing by –
formed a cordon between the opposing groups.One person caught
in the act of throwing eggs was fined. The association lodged a disciplinary   complaint   against   police   for   failing   to   protect   the demonstration, which was refused. When the matter was taken to the Constitutional Court, it held that it had no jurisdiction over the case.   Therefore,   the   association   applied   to   the   European Commission   on   13   September   1982,   alleging   violation   of
Articles9(conscience and religion),10(expression),11(association)
and13(effective remedy) of theEuropean Convention on Human
Rights. The European Court on Human Rights held:
“32.  A demonstration may  annoy  or  give offence to persons   opposed to   the   ideas   or   claims   that   it   is seeking   to   promote. The participants   must,   however, be able to hold the demonstration without having to fear that they will be subjected to physical violence by their   opponents;   such   a   fear   would   be   liable   to deter associations or other groups supporting common ideas   or   interests   from   openly expressing   their opinions   on   highly   controversial   issues   affecting the community. In a democracy the right to counter­ demonstrate cannot extend to inhibiting the exercise of the right to demonstrate. 88 Genuine,   effective   freedom   of   peaceful   assembly cannot, therefore, be reduced to a mere duty on the   part   of   the   State   not   to   interfere:   a purely negative conception would not be compatible with the object and purpose of Article 11 (art. 11). Like Article   8   (art.   8),   Article   11 (art.   11)   sometimes requires positive measures to be taken, even in the sphere of relations between individuals, if need be (see, mutatis mutandis, the X and Y v. the Netherlands judgment of 26 March 1985, Series A no. 91, p. 11, § 23)” 65 70. In  X and Y  vs.  The Netherlands , a privately­run home for children with mental disabilities was sued on the ground that a 16­ year­old inmate was subjected to sexual assault. When the case was dismissed by the domestic court on a technical plea, the father of the victim approached the European Court of Human Rights. ECHR outlined the extent of State obligation on the protection of the right to life even against private persons as follows: “23.   The   Court   recalls   that   although   the   object   of Article 8 (art. 8) is essentially that of protecting the individual against arbitrary interference by the public authorities,   it   does   not   merely   compel   the   State   to abstain   from   such   interference:   in   addition   to   this primarily negative undertaking, there may be positive obligations inherent in an effective respect for private or   family   life   (see   the   Airey   judgment   of   9   October 1979,   Series   A   no.   32,   p.   17,   para.   32).   These obligations may involve the adoption of measures designed to secure respect for private life even in the sphere of the relations of individuals betweenthemselves. 65 [1985] ECHR 4 89 71. Having   taken   an   overview   of   the   theoretical   aspect   of “ ”   and   the   approach   of   Constitutional verticality   vs   horizontality Courts in other jurisdictions, let us now come back to the Indian context.  72. Part­III of the Indian Constitution begins with Article 12 which defines the expression “ the State ” to include the Government and the Parliament of India and the Government and the Legislature of each of  the   States   and   all  local  or   other   authorities   within  the territory of India or under the control of the Government of India. 73. After defining the expression “ the State ” in Article 12 and after declaring   all   laws   inconsistent   with   or   in   derogation   of   the fundamental   rights   to   be   void   under   Article   13,   Part­III   of   the Constitution proceeds to deal with rights.  There are some Articles in  Part­III  where  the  mandate  is   directly  to the  State  and there are other Articles where without injuncting the State, certain   rights   are   recognized   to   be   inherent,   either   in   the citizens of the country or in persons . In fact, there are two sets of dichotomies that are apparent in the Articles contained in Part 90 III. One set of dichotomy is between  (i)  what is directed against the State; and   what is spelt out as inhering in every individual (ii)   without  reference   to  the  State.   The   other   dichotomy   is   between citizens; and   persons. This can be illustrated easily in the (i)   (ii)   form of a table as follows:
Sl.<br>Nos.Provisions containing a<br>mandate to the StateProvisions declaring<br>the rights of the<br>individuals without<br>reference to “the<br>State”on whom the<br>right is<br>conferred
1.Article 14 mandates the State<br>not to deny to any person<br>equality before law or the<br>equal protection of the laws<br>within the territory of India.­Any person
2.Article 15(1) mandates the<br>State not to discriminate<br>against any citizen on<br>grounds only of religion, race,<br>caste, sex, place of birth or<br>any of them.­Any citizen
3.­Article 15(2) mandates<br>that no citizen shall<br>be subject to any<br>disability, liability,<br>restriction or<br>condition, with regard<br>to— (i) access to<br>shops, public<br>restaurants, hotels<br>and places of public<br>entertainment; or (ii)<br>the use of wells,<br>tanks, bathing ghats,<br>roads and places ofCitizen
91
public resort<br>maintained wholly or<br>partly out of State<br>funds or dedicated to<br>the use of general<br>public,<br>only on grounds of<br>religion, race, caste,<br>sex, place of birth or<br>any of them.
4.Article 16(1) declares that<br>there shall be equality of<br>opportunity for all citizens in<br>matters relating to<br>employment or appointment<br>to any office under the State.­Only citizens
5.Article 16(2) states that no<br>citizen shall on grounds of<br>only religion, race, caste, sex,<br>descent, place of birth,<br>resident or any of them be<br>ineligible for or discriminated<br>against in respect of any<br>employment or office under<br>the State.­Citizen
6.­Article 17 abolishes<br>untouchability and<br>forbids the practice of<br>the same in any form<br>and declares it to be a<br>punishable offence.Neither the<br>word “citizen”<br>nor the word<br>“person” is<br>mentioned in<br>Article 17. It<br>means that<br>what is<br>abolished is<br>the practice<br>and any<br>violation of<br>this<br>injunction is<br>punishable.
7.­Six types of rights are<br>listed in Article 19(1),<br>as available to allCitizens
92
citizens.
8.Article 20 confers three<br>different rights namely (i) not<br>to be convicted except by the<br>application of a law in force at<br>the time of the commission of<br>offence; (ii) not to be<br>prosecuted and punished for<br>the same offence more than<br>once; and (iii) right against<br>self­incrimination.­Persons
9.­Article 21 protects life<br>and liberty of all<br>persons.Persons
10.Article 21A mandates the<br>State to provide free and<br>compulsory education to all<br>children of the age of six to<br>fourteen years.­Children
11.Article 22 provides protection<br>against arrest and detention<br>generally and saves preventive<br>detention with certain<br>limitations.­All persons<br>except an<br>enemy alien<br>(Article 22(3)<br>(a) makes the<br>provision<br>inapplicable<br>to an enemy<br>alien).
12.­Article 23(1) prohibits<br>traffic in human<br>beings and begar and<br>other similar forms of<br>forced labour. Any<br>contravention is made<br>a punishable offence.Any person
13.­Article 24 prohibits<br>the employment of<br>children below the age<br>of fourteen years in<br>any factory or mine.Children
14.­Article 25(1) declares<br>the right of all persons<br>to freedom ofPersons
93
conscience and the<br>right freely to profess,<br>practice and<br>propagate religion.
15.­Article 26 confers four<br>different types of<br>rights upon every<br>religious<br>denomination or any<br>section thereof.Religious<br>denomination
16.Article 27 confers right not to<br>be compelled to pay any<br>taxes, for the promotion of<br>any particular religion.­Person
17.­Article 28(1) forbids<br>religious instructions<br>being provided in any<br>educational<br>institution wholly<br>maintained out of<br>State funds, with the<br>exception of those<br>established under any<br>endowment or trust.Person
18.­A right not to take<br>part in any religious<br>instruction imparted<br>in an educational<br>institution recognised<br>by the State or<br>receiving aid out of<br>State funds, is<br>conferred by Article<br>28(3).Person
19.­A right to conserve the<br>language, script or<br>culture distinct to any<br>part of the territory of<br>India is conferred by<br>Article 29(1).Citizens
20.A right not to be denied<br>admission into anyThis applies to<br>institutionsCitizen
94
educational institution<br>maintained by the State or<br>receiving aid out of State<br>funds, on grounds only of<br>religion, race, caste, language<br>or any of them is conferred by<br>Article 29(2).maintained by the<br>State or even to<br>institutions receiving<br>aid out of State funds.
21.(i) A right to establish and<br>administer educational<br>institutions of their choice is<br>conferred by Article 30(1)<br>upon the religious as well as<br>linguistic minorities.<br>(ii) The State is mandated<br>under Article 30(2) not to<br>discriminate against any<br>educational institution while<br>granting aid.­Religious and<br>linguistic<br>minorities
22.­The right to move the<br>Supreme Court for the<br>enforcement of the<br>rights conferred by<br>Part III is guaranteed<br>under Article 32.The words<br>“State”,<br>“citizen” or<br>“person” are<br>not mentioned<br>in Article 32,<br>indicating<br>thereby that<br>the right is<br>available to<br>one and all,<br>depending<br>upon which<br>right is sought<br>to be<br>enforced.
74. The above table would show that some of the Articles of Part­ III are in the form of a directive to the State, while others are not. This is an indication that some of the rights conferred by Part­III are to be honored by and also enforceable against, non­State actors. 95 75. For instance, the rights conferred by Articles 15(2)(a) and (b), 17, 20(2), 21, 23, 24, 29(2) etc., are obviously enforceable against non­State actors also. The owner of a shop, public restaurant, hotel or place of entertainment, though a non­State actor cannot deny access to a citizen of India on grounds only of religion, race etc., in view of Article 15(2)(a). So is the case with wells, tanks, bathing ghats, roads and places of public resort maintained wholly or partly out of State funds or dedicated to the use of general public, in view of Article 15(2)(b). The right not to be enforced with any disability arising out of untouchability is available against non­State actors under Article 17. The right against double jeopardy, and the right against self­incrimination available under sub­Articles (2) and (3) of Article 20 may also be available even against non­State actors in the   case   of   prosecution   on   private   complaints.   We   need   not elaborate   more,   as   the   table   given   above   places   all   rights   in perspective. 76. That takes us to the question as to how the Courts in India have dealt with cases where there were complaints of infringement by   non­State   actors,   of   fundamental   rights,   other   than   those 96 covered in column 2 of the Table in para 73 above. To begin with, this Court was weary of extending the enforcement of fundamental rights against private individuals. But this reluctance changed over a period of time. Let us now see how the law evolved: (i) In   (supra), a Five Member Bench of this P.D. Shamdasani   Court was dealing with a writ petition under Article 32, filed by a person who lost a series of proceedings both civil and otherwise, against the Central Bank of India Limited, which was at that time a company incorporated under Companies Act. The grievance of the petitioner in that case was that the shares held by him in the company were sold by the bank in exercise of its right of lien for recovery of a debt. Therefore, the petitioner pitched his claim under Article 19(1)(f) and Article 31(1)( which was available at that time ). But while making a comparison between Article 31(1) ( as it stood at that time ) and Article 21, both of which contained a declaration in the same negative form, this Court observed in   P.D. Shamdasani   as follows:   “ T here   is   no   express   reference   to   the   State   in Article 21 But could it be suggested on that account that that Article was intended to afford protection to life and personal liberty against violation by private individuals? The   words   “except   by   procedure   established   by   law” . plainly exclude such a suggestion 97 (ii) The aforesaid principle in  P.D. Shamdasani  was reiterated by another   Five   Member   Bench   of   this   Court   in   Smt.   Vidya 66 Varma   vs.   Dr.   Shiv   Narain   Varma holding   that   the language of Article 31(1) and Article 21 are similar and that they do not apply to invasions of a right by a private individual and that consequently no writ will lie in such cases. (iii) In   Sukhdev   Singh   vs.   Bhagatram   Sardar   Singh 67 Raghuvanshi   two   questions   arose   before   a   Constitution Bench of this Court. One of the questions was whether an employee of a statutory corporation is entitled to protection of Articles 14 and 16 against the corporation on the premise that these   statutory   corporations   are   authorities   within   the meaning of Article 12. In his separate but concurring opinion, Mathew,   J.   pointed   out   that   the   concept   of   State   has undergone   drastic   changes   in   recent   years   and   that   today State cannot be conceived of simply as a coercive machinery wielding   the   thunderbolt   of   authority.   The   learned   Judge quoted the decision of the US Supreme Court in   vs. Marsh   68 ,  where a person who was a Jehovah’s witness was Alabama arrested   for   trespassing   and   distributing   pamphlets,   in   a company town owned by a corporation. Though the property in question was private, the Court said that the operation of a town was a public function and that therefore, the private 66 AIR 1956 SC 108 67 (1975) 1 SCC 421 68 326 US 501 (1946) 98 rights   of   the   corporation   must   be   exercised   within constitutional limitations. After quoting the decision in  Marsh, K.K. Mathew, J. went on to hold as follows:
“95.But how far can this expansion go? Except in
very few cases, our Constitution does not, through its
own force, set any limitation upon private action.
Article 13(2) provides that no State shall make any law
which takes away or abridges the rights guaranteed by
Part III. It is the State action of a particular character
that is prohibited. Individual invasion of individual
right is not, generally speaking, covered by Article
13(2). In other words, it is against State action that
fundamental rights are guaranteed. Wrongful
individual acts unsupported by State authority in the
shape of laws, customs, or judicial or executive
proceeding are not prohibited. Articles 17, 23 and 24
postulate that fundamental rights can be violated by
private individuals and that the remedy under Article
32 may be available against them. But, by and large,
unless an act is sanctioned in some way by the State,
the action would not be State action. In other words,
until some law is passed or some action is taken
through officers or agents of the State, there is no
action by the State…”
(iv) In  (supra) this Court People’s Union for Democratic Rights  pointed   out   that   the   fundamental   right   guaranteed   under Article   24   is   enforceable   against   everyone,   including   the contractors.  The Court went a step further by holding that the Union   of   India,   the   Delhi   Administration   and   the   Delhi Development   Authority   have   a   duty   to   ensure   that   this Constitutional obligation is obeyed by the contractors. Going further, this Court held that certain fundamental rights such as   those   found   in   Articles   17,   23   and   24   are   enforceable against the whole world. 99 (v) S. Rangarajan  (supra) was a case where a division Bench of the Madras High Court revoked the ‘U’ certificate issued to a Tamil   feature   film,   on   the   ground   that   it   offended   the reservation policy. The Government of Tamil Nadu supported the decision of the  High Court on the ground that several organizations   in   Tamil   Nadu   were   agitating   that   the   film should   be   banned   as   it   hurt   the   sentiments   of   people belonging to the reserved categories.  After pointing out that this Court was amused and troubled by the stand taken by the State Government, this Court indicated that it is the duty of the State to protect the freedom of expression since it is a liberty granted against the State and that the State cannot plead its inability to handle the hostile audience problem.   Holding that the State cannot negate the rule of law and surrender to blackmail and intimidation, this Court said that it the obligatory duty of the Court to prevent it and protect the freedom. (vi) In   , this Court made   Smt. Nilabati a distinction between, (i) the decision in Kasturi Lal upholding the State’s plea of sovereign immunity for tortious acts of its servants, which was confined to the sphere of liability in tort; and (ii) the State’s liability for contravention of fundamental rights to which the doctrine of sovereign immunity has no application in the constitutional scheme . In paragraph 100 34,   which  contains  the   separate   but concurring   opinion of Dr. A.S. Anand, J., the law was summarised as follows:­
“34.The public law proceedings serve a different
purpose than the private law proceedings. The relief of
monetary compensation, as exemplary damages, in
proceedings under Article 32 by this Court or under
Article 226 by the High Courts, for established
infringement of the indefeasible right guaranteed
under Article 21 of the Constitution is a remedy
available in public law and is based on the strict
liability for contravention of the guaranteed basic and
indefeasible rights of the citizen. The purpose of public
law is not only to civilize public power but also to
assure the citizen that they live under a legal system
which aims to protect their interests and preserve their
rights. Therefore, when the court moulds the relief by
granting “compensation” in proceedings under Article
32 or 226 of the Constitution seeking enforcement or
protection of fundamental rights, it does so under the
public law by way of penalising the wrongdoer and
fixing the liability for the public wrong on the State
which has failed in its public duty to protect the
fundamental rights of the citizen. The payment of
compensation in such cases is not to be understood,
as it is generally understood in a civil action for
damages under the private law but in the broader
sense of providing relief by an order of making
‘monetary amends’ under the public law for the wrong
done due to breach of public duty, of not protecting
the fundamental rights of the citizen. The
compensation is in the nature of ‘exemplary damages’
awarded against the wrongdoer for the breach of its
public law duty and is independent of the rights
available to the aggrieved party to claim compensation
under the private law in an action based on tort,
through a suit instituted in a court of competent
jurisdiction or/and prosecute the offender under the
penal law.”
(vii)InLucknow Development Authorityvs.M.K. Gupta
this
Court pointed out that the administrative law of accountability 69 (1994) 1 SCC 243 101
of public authorities for their arbitrary and evenultra vires
actions has taken many strides and that it is now accepted by both by this Court and English Courts that the State is liable to compensate for the loss or injury suffered by a citizen due to arbitrary actions of its employees. (viii) The decision in   (supra), arose under Bodhisattwa Gautam   special  circumstances.   A  girl  student  of   a  college   lodged a complaint   against   a   Lecturer   for   alleged   offences   under Sections 312, 420, 493, 496 and 498­A IPC.   The Lecturer moved the High Court under Section 482 Cr.P.C. for quashing the complaint. The High Court dismissed the quash petition. When the Lecturer filed a special leave petition, this Court not only dismissed the SLP but also issued notice   on the suo motu question as to why he should not be asked to pay reasonable monthly maintenance during the pendency of the prosecution. Finally,   this   Court   ordered   payment   of   a   monthly   interim compensation after   holding that what was violated was the fundamental right of the women under Article 21 and that therefore a remedy can be provided by this Court under Article 32 even against the non­state actor  ( namely the   accused ).     This   decision   was   cited   with   approval   in vs.   Chairman,   Railway   Board  &   Ors.   Chandrima   Das 70 (Mrs.) &Ors. . 70 (2000) 2 SCC 465 102 (ix) As rightly highlighted by the learned   amicus,   this Court has awarded   damages   against   non­State   actors   under   the environmental law regime, whenever they were found to have violated the right under Article 21. For instance this Court was 71 concerned   with   a   case   in   M.C.   Mehta   vs.   Kamal   Nath   where a company built a club on the banks of River Beas, partly   taken   on   lease   from   the   Government   and   partly   by encroaching into forest land and virtually turning the course of   the   River.   Invoking   the   “ polluter   pays   principle ”   and “ precautionary   principle ”   landscaped   in   Vellore   Citizens’ 72 Welfare   Forum   vs.   Union   of   India and   also   applied   in Indian   Council   for   Enviro­Legal   Action   vs.   Union   of 73 India , this Court held the owner of the private motel to be liable to pay compensation towards the cost of restoration of the ecology of the area. Thereafter, a show cause notice was issued to the motel as to why they should not be asked to pay compensation to reverse the degraded environment and as to why a pollution fine should not be imposed. In response, the motel contended before this Court that though in proceedings under   Article   32   it   was   open   to   this   Court   to   grant compensation to the victims whose fundamental rights were violated or who are victims of arbitrary Executive action or victims of atrocious behavior of public authorities, the Court cannot impose any fine on those who are guilty of that action. 71 (1997) 1 SCC 388 72 (1996) 5 SCC 647 73 (1996) 3 SCC 212 103 The motel also contended that fine is a component of criminal jurisprudence   and   hence   the   imposition   of   fine   would   be violative   of   Articles   20   and   21.   This   Court,   even   while accepting the said argument in so far as the component of fine is concerned, directed the issue of fresh notice to the motel to show   cause   why   exemplary   damages   be   not   awarded,   in addition   to   the   damages   already   awarded.   Thereafter,   this Court held in  M.C. Mehta  vs.  Kamal Nath  (supra at footnote no.15) as follows:­ “ 10.  In   the   matter   of   enforcement   of   fundamental rights under Article 21, under public law domain, the Court, in exercise of its powers under Article 32 of the Constitution, has awarded damages against those who have   been   responsible   for   disturbing   the   ecological balance either by running the industries or any other activity which has the effect of causing pollution in the environment. The Court while awarding damages also POLLUTER PAYS PRINCIPLE enforces the “ ­   ” which is widely accepted as a means of paying for the cost of pollution and control. To put in other words, the wrongdoer, the polluter,   is   under   an   obligation   to   make   good   the damage caused to the environment . ” (x) In   Consumer   Education   &   Research   Centre  &   Ors.   vs. 74 Union of India  &Ors. , this Court held that in appropriate cases   the   Court   could   give   appropriate   directions   to   the employer,   be   it   the   State   or   its   undertaking   or   private employer , to make the right to life meaningful, to prevent pollution of work place, protection of environment, protection of   the   health   of   the   workmen   and   to   preserve   free   and 74 (1995) 3 SCC 42 104 unpolluted water for the safety and health of the people. The Court was dealing in that case with the occupational health hazards   and   diseases   afflicting   the   workmen   employed   in asbestos industries. In paragraph 29 of the Report, this Court said, “… It is therefore settled law that in public law claim for compensation is a remedy available under Article 32 or Article 226   for the   enforcement   and   protection  of  fundamental and human   rights.   …   It   is   a   practical   and   inexpensive   mode   of redress available for the contravention made by the State, its servants, its instrumentalitiesa company or a person in the purported exercise of their powers and enforcement of the rights claimed either under the statutes or licence issued under the statute or for the enforcement of any right or duty under the Constitution or the law .” 75 (xi) In  vs. ,  this Court laid down Vishaka     State of Rajasthan . guidelines, in the absence of a legislation, for the enforcement of the right to gender equality of working women, in a class action petition that was filed to enforce fundamental rights of working women and to prevent sexual harassment of women in workplace. The guidelines imposed an obligation upon both public and private employers not to violate the fundamental rights   guaranteed   to   working   women   under   Article   14,   15, 19(1)(g) and 21. In  vs. Medha Kotwal Lele  & Ors.   Union of
75(1997) 6 SCC 241
105 76 India ,this   Court   noted   that   even   after   15   years   of   the judgment in  Vishaka  (supra) , many States had not made the necessary amendments or failed to effectively implement the guidelines. This Court issued a direction in Paragraph 44.4 : “ 44.4     The   State   functionaries   and   private   and public   sector   undertakings/organisations/bodies/ institutions,   etc.   shall   put   in   place   sufficient mechanism to ensure full  implementation of  Vishaka [Vishaka v. State of Rajasthan, (1997) 6 SCC 241 : 1997  SCC   (Cri)  932]   guidelines  and  further   provide that   if   the   alleged   harasser   is   found   guilty,   the complainant victim is not forced to work with/under such harasser and where appropriate and possible the alleged   harasser   should   be   transferred.   Further provision   should   be   made   that   harassment   and intimidation of witnesses and the complainants shall be met with severe disciplinary action.” (xii) In  Githa Hariharan (Ms.)  & Anr vs Reserve Bank of India 77 & Anr. , this Court was dealing with a challenge to Section 6(a) of the Hindu Minority and Guardianship Act, 1956 and Section 19(b) of the Guardians and Wards Act, 1890 which declared the father to be the natural guardian of the person and property of a minor son and unmarried daughter. The mother was recognised as the natural guardian under these provisions   “ after   the   father”.   These   provisions   resulted   in hardship to spouses separated from each other while dealing with the wards. Reading the obligations of the State under certain International Conventions like CEDAW into the right to 76 (2013) 1 SCC 297 77 (1999) 2 SCC 228 106 dignity of women and gender equality, traceable to Article 21 and 14, this Court read down the word “ after ” to mean “ in the absence   of ”.   By   such   interpretation,   this   Court   invoked fundamental rights to interpret a word in the sphere of family law. 78 (xiii) In   Indian Medical Association   vs.   Union of India . , the policy of an Army College of Medical Sciences to admit only those   who   are   wards   of   army   personnel,   based   on   scores obtained   in   an   entrance   test,   was   under   challenge.   The question   that   came   up   for   consideration   was   whether   this discriminatory   practice   by   a   private   entity   would   be   in violation   of   Article   15   of   the   Constitution.   This   Court   in Paragraph 187 stated:
187.Inasmuch as education, pursuant to T.M.A. Pai
[(2002) 8 SCC 481], is an occupation under sub­clause
(g) of clause (1) of Article 19, and it is a service that is
offered for a fee that takes care of all the expenses of
the educational institution in rendering that service,
plus a reasonable surplus, and is offered to all those
amongst the general public, who are otherwise
qualified, then such educational institutions would
also be subject to the discipline of clause (2) of Article
15. In this regard,the purport of the above
exposition of clause (2) of Article 15, when read in
the context of egalitarian jurisprudence inherent in
Articles 14, 15, 16 and Article 38, and read with
our national aspirations of establishing a society in
which equality of status and opportunity, and
justice, social, economic and political, would imply
that the private sector which offers such facilities
ought not to be conducting their affairs in a
manner which promote existing discriminations
and disadvantages.”
78  ( 2011) 7 SCC 179 107 (xiv) In   Society   for   Unaided   Private   Schools   of   Rajasthan (supra) ,  the   constitutionality   of   Section   12   of   the   Right   of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act, 2009 was challenged on the ground that it violated Articles 19(1)(g) and 30 of those who had established schools in the private sector. While upholding the Constitutionality of the provision, which required all schools, private and State­funded, to reserve 25% of its intake for students from disadvantaged background, this Court held: 
222.The provisions referred to above and other
provisions of international conventions indicate that
the rights have been guaranteed to the children and
those rights carry corresponding State obligations to
respect, protect and fulfil the realisation of children's
rights.The obligation to protect implies the
horizontal right which casts an obligation on the
State to see that it is not violated by non­State
actors. For non­State actors to respect children's
rights casts a negative duty of non­violation to
protect children's rights and a positive duty on
them to prevent the violation of children's rights
by others, and also to fulfil children's rights and
take measures for progressive improvement. In
other words, in the spheres of non­State activity
there shall be no violation of children's rights.”
79 (xv) In   vs. ,   the   petitioner,   a Jeeja   Ghosh     Union   of   India disabled   person   suffering   from   cerebral   palsy,   was unceremoniously ordered off a SpiceJet aircraft by the flight crew on account of the disability. The petition was filed for putting in place a system to ensure such a violation of human 79 (2016) 7 SCC 761 108 dignity and  inequality is not meted out to similarly placed persons. This Court observed as follows:  “ 10.  It is submitted by the petitioner that the Union of India (Respondent 1) has an obligation to ensure that its   citizens   are   not   subject   to   such   arbitrary   and humiliating   discrimination.   It   is   a   violation   of   their fundamental rights, including the right to life, right to equality, right to move freely throughout the territory of India, and right to practise their profession.   The State   has   an   obligation   to   ensure   that   these rights are protected  — particularly for those who are disabled. …” This Court awarded compensation to the petitioner against the private Airline on the ground that the airline, though a private enterprise, ought not to have violated her fundamental right. 80 (xvi) In   Zee Telefilms Ltd.   vs.   Union of India , this Court held that  though   BCCI   does  not  fall  within  the  purview  of   the   term “ State ”, it  discharges   public   duties  and   that  therefore   even  if a remedy under Article 32 is not available, the aggrieved party can always seek a remedy before the ordinary courts of law or by way of a writ petition under Article 226.  This Court pointed out that the violator   of   a   constitutional   right   could   not   go   scot­free   merely because it is not a State.  The said logic was extended by this Court to   a   “Deemed   to   be   University”   in   Janet   Jeyapaul   vs.   SRM 80 (2005) 4 SCC 649 109 81 University , on the ground that though it is a private university, it was discharging “public functions”, by imparting education. All the above decisions show that on a case­to­case basis, this 77. Court applied horizontal effect, considering the nature of the right violated and the extent of obligation on the part of the violator. But to enable the courts to have certain basic guidelines in place, for dealing with such cases, this Court developed a tool in  Justice K.S. Puttaswamy.  While affirming the right to privacy as a fundamental right, this Court laid down the landscape as follows: “ 397.   Once we have arrived at this understanding of the nature of fundamental rights, we can dismantle a core assumption of the Union's argument:  that a right must   either   be   a   common   law   right   or   a fundamental   right .   The   only   material   distinctions between the two classes of right—of which the nature and content may be the same—lie in the incidence of the duty to respect the right and in the forum in which a  failure  to do  so  can  be  redressed.   Common   law rights are horizontal in their operation when they are violated by one's fellow man, he can be named and   proceeded   against   in   an   ordinary   court   of law.   Constitutional   and   fundamental   rights,   on the   other   hand,   provide   remedy   against   the violation of a valued interest by the “State”, as an abstract   entity,   whether   through   legislation   or otherwise,   as   well   as   by   identifiable   public officials,   being   individuals   clothed   with   the powers of the State. It is perfectly possible for an 81 (2015) 16 SCC 530 110 interest   to   simultaneously   be   recognised   as   a common   law   right   and   a   fundamental   right. Where the interference with a recognised interest is by the State or any other like entity recognised by   Article   12,   a   claim   for   the   violation   of   a fundamental right would lie. Where the author of an identical interference is a non­State actor, an action at common law would lie in an ordinary . court 398.  Privacy has the nature of being both a common law right as well as a fundamental right. Its content, in both forms, is identical. All that differs is the incidence of   burden   and   the   forum   for   enforcement   for   each form.” Thus, the answer to Question No. 2 is partly found in the 9­ 78. Judge Bench decision in  Justice  K.S. Puttaswamy  itself. We have seen from the line of judicial pronouncements listed above that 82 a fter  vs.   lost its hold, this Court A.K. Gopalan  State of Madras has  expanded   the   width   of   Article   21   in   several   areas   such  as health, environment, transportation, Education and Prisoner’s life etc.  As Vivian Bose, J., put it in a poetic language in  S. Krishnan 83 vs   State   of   MadrasBrush   aside   for   a   moment   the pettifogging   of   the   law   and   forget   for   the   nonce   all   the learned disputations about this and that, and "and" or "or ", or  "may"   and   "must   ".   Look   past   the   mere   verbiage   of   the 82 AIR 1950 SC 27 83  AIR 1951 SC 301 111 words and penetrate deep into the heart and spirit of the The original thinking of this Court that these rights Constitution.”.  can be enforced only against the State, changed over a period of time.   The   transformation   was   from   “State”   to   “Authorities”   to “instrumentalities   of   State”   to   “agency   of   the   Government”   to “impregnation   with   Governmental   character”   to   “enjoyment   of monopoly   status   conferred   by   State”   to   “deep   and   pervasive 84 85 control”   to   the   “nature   of   the   duties/functions   performed” . Therefore, we would answer  Question No. 2 as follows:  “A fundamental right under Article 19/21 can be  enforced  even against  persons  other than the State or its instrumentalities Question No. 3 “Whether the State is under a duty to affirmatively protect the 79. rights of a citizen under Article 21 of the Constitution of India even against a threat to the liberty of a citizen by the acts or omissions of another citizen or private agency?” is the third question referred to us. 84  R.D. Shetty vs International Airport Authority (1979) 3 SCC 489  85  Andi Mukta vs V.R. Rudani (1989) 2 SCC 691  112 80. Before we proceed further, it is necessary to make a small correction. Article 21 right is available not only to citizens but to all persons. Therefore, the word ‘ citizen ’ mentioned in Question No.3 has to be read as ‘ person ’.    As   we   have   pointed   out   in   the   Table   under   paragraph   73 81. above, the expression “ the State ” is not used in Article 21.   This Article 21 guarantees every person that he shall not be deprived of his life and liberty except according to the procedure established by law. Going by the scheme of Part­III which we have outlined both in the preceding paragraphs and in the Table in paragraph 73, it is clear that the State has two obligations,  (i)  not to deprive a person of his life and liberty except according to procedure established by law; and   (ii)   to ensure that the life and liberty of a person is not deprived even otherwise.  Article 21 does not say “the State shall not deprive a person of his life and liberty”, but says that “no person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty” . 82. When the Constitution was adopted, our understanding of the words “ life ” and “ personal liberty ” was not as it has evolved over the 113 past seven decades. Similarly, it was not imagined or conceived at that time that anyone other than the State is capable of depriving the life and personal liberty of a person, except by committing a punishable   offence.   But   with   the   expanding   horizons   of   our philosophical   understanding   of   law,   life   and   liberty   and   the advancement of science and technology, we have come to realize that “ life is not an empty dream ” and “ our hearts are not muffled 86 , nor is “ drums beating funeral marches to the grave” life a tale told 87 by an idiot, full of sound and fury signifying nothing ” . Over a period of time, this Court has interpreted ‘ 83. the right to life ’ to include,  (i)  livelihood;  (ii)  all those aspects of life which go to make   a   man’s   life   meaningful,   complete   and   worth   living;   (iii) something more than mere survival or animal existence;  (iv)  right to live (and die) with human dignity;   right to food, water, decent (v)   environment,   medical   care   and   shelter   etc.;   (vi)   all   that   gives meaning to a man’s life, such as his tradition, culture, heritage and protection of that heritage in its full measure; and  the right to (vii)  Privacy. There are certain jurisdictions which have taken this right 86  From H.W. Longfellow in “A Psalm of life” 87  From Shakespeare in Macbeth 114 to   include   “the   r ight   to   be   forgotten ”   or   the   “r ight   not   to   be remembered ”. 84. When the word “ life ” was understood to mean only physical existence, the deprivation of the same was generally conceived to be possible   only   by   the   State,   except   in   cases   where   someone committed an offence punishable under the Penal Code. But the moment the  right to life under Article 21 was developed into a bouquet   of   rights   and   science   and   technology   intruded   into   all spheres to life, the deprivation of the right by non­State actors also became possible. Another development that has taken place in the past   3   to   4   decades   is   that   several   of   the   functions   of   the Government have either been out­sourced to non­State actors or been entrusted to public­private partnerships. This is why, the High Courts and this Court modulated the tests to be applied for finding out the maintainability of an action under Article 226 or Article 32. Once upon a time, the maintainability of a petition under Article 32/226 depended upon “ who the respondent was ”. Later, the focus shifted   to   “ the   nature   of   the   duties/functions   performed ”   by   the 115 respondent, for finding out his amenability to the jurisdiction under Article 226. 85. Life and personal liberty are two different things, even while being   an   integral   part   of   a   whole   and   they   have   different connotations. Question No. 3 is so worded that the focus is not on ‘deprivation of life’ but on  (i) deprivation of personal liberty ’ and that too by  the acts or omissions of another person or private agency; and   the duty of the State to affirmatively protect it. Therefore, we (ii) shall,   in   our   discussion,   focus   more   on   two   aspects,   namely,   deprivation of personal liberty by non­State actors; and     the (i) (ii) duty   of   the   State.   An   elaborate   exposition   of   the   expression “ personal liberty ” and its origin in Greek civilization may be found in the judgment of this Court in  Siddharam Satlingappa Mhetre 88 vs.  State of Maharashtra . Suffice it to say for our purpose that in   this   judgment,   this   Court   identified   in   paragraph   53   of   the Report that Article 21 guarantees two rights, namely,   right to life; (i) and  (ii)  right to personal liberty. Therefore, because of the manner in which Question No. 3 is framed, we shall try to confine our 88  (2011) 1 SCC 694 116 discussion to personal liberty, though at times both may overlap or get interchanged.   86. The expression “ personal liberty ” appearing in Article 21 was held by this Court in  A.K. Gopalan  (supra) to mean freedom from physical   restraint   of   a   person   by   incarceration   or   otherwise. However, the understanding of the expression “ personal liberty ” got 89 enlarged in  Kharak Singh  vs.  State of U.P.   It was a case where a person who was originally charged for the offence of dacoity and later released for lack of evidence, was put under surveillance by the Police, and his name included in the history­sheet under the U.P.   Police   Regulations.   As   a   result,   he   was   required   to   make frequent visits to the Police Station. Sometimes the Police made domiciliary visits at night to his house. They would knock at the door, disturb his sleep and ask to report to the Police, whenever he went out  of  the  village.  Though by  a majority,  the   Constitution Bench held in  (supra)  that the regulation permitting Kharak Singh  domiciliary visits is unconstitutional, the majority upheld the Police surveillance on the ground that (at that time) right to privacy had 89 AIR 1963 SC 1295 117 not become part of the fundamental rights.  But K. Subba Rao, J. speaking for himself and J.C. Shah, J. held that the concept of personal liberty in Article 21 is comprehensive enough to include privacy.   The   thinking   reflected   in     that   physical A.K.   Gopalan restraint   was   necessary   to   constitute   infringement   of   personal liberty, was completely changed by K. Subba Rao, J. in his minority opinion in   . Giving a completely new dimension to Kharak Singh personal liberty, K. Subba Rao, J. said:
“(31) …The expression is wide enough to take in a
right to be free from restrictions placed on his
movements. The expression “coercion” in the modern
age cannot be construed in a narrow sense.In an
uncivilized society where there are no inhibitions,
only physical restraints may detract from
personal liberty, but as civilization advances the
psychological restraints are more effective than
physical ones. The scientific methods used to
condition a man's mind are in a real sense
physical restraints, for they engender physical
fear channelling one's actions through
anticipated and expected grooves. So also
creation of conditions which necessarily engender
inhibitions and fear complexes can be described
as physical restraints. Further, the right to
personal liberty takes in not only a right to be
free from restrictions placed on his movements,
but also free from encroachments on his private
life. It is true our Constitution does not expressly
declare a right to privacy as a fundamental right, but
the said right is an essential ingredient of personal
liberty.Every democratic country sanctifies
118
domestic life; it is expected to give him rest,
physical happiness, peace of mind and security. In
the last resort, a person's house, where he lives with
his family, is his “castle”; it is his rampart against
encroachment on his personal liberty. The pregnant
words of that famous Judge, Frankfurter J., in(1948)
338 US 25,pointing out the importance of the security
of one's privacy against arbitrary intrusion by the
police, could have no less application to an Indian
home as to an American one. If physical restraints on
a person's movements affect his personal liberty,
physical encroachments on his private life would affect
it in a larger degree. Indeed, nothing is more
deleterious to a man's physical happiness and health
than a calculated interference with his privacy.We
would, therefore, define the right of personal
liberty in Art. 21 as a right of an individual to be
free from restrictions or encroachments on his
person, whether those restrictions or
encroachments are directly imposed or indirectly
brought about by calculated measures. It so
understood, all the acts of surveillance under
Regulation 236 infringe the fundamental right of the
petitioner under Art. 21 of the Constitution.”
As pointed out by Rohinton Nariman, J., inMohd. Arif alias
Ashfaqvs.Registrar, Supreme Court of India
The
minority judgment of Subba Rao and Shah, JJ. eventually became
law inRustom Cavasjee Coopervs.Union of India
Nationalisation case), where the 11­Judge Bench finally discarded
the view expressed inA.K. Gopalanand held that various
90 (2014) 9 SCC 737 91 (1970) 1 SCC 248 119 fundamental rights contained in different articles are not mutually
exclusive ….
If U.P. Police Regulations were challenged in  , 87. Kharak Singh identical Regulations issued by the State of Madhya Pradesh were 92 challenged in  Gobind  vs.  State of Madhya Pradesh . Though this Court upheld the impugned Regulations, K.K. Mathew, J. pointed out: “ 25.  Rights and freedoms of citizens are set forth in the   Constitution   in   order   to   guarantee   that   the individual, his personality, and those things stamped with   his   personality   shall   be   free   from   official interference   except   where   a   reasonable   basis   for intrusion   exists.   “Liberty   against   Government”   a phrase coined by Professor Corwin expresses this idea forcefully.   In   this   sense,   many   of   the   fundamental rights of citizens can be described as contributing to the right to privacy. * 27.  There   are   two   possible   theories   for   protecting privacy of home. The first is that activities in the home harm others only to the extent that they cause offence resulting from the mere thought that individuals might be engaging in such activities and that such ‘harm’ is not   constitutionally   protectible   by   the   State. The second   is   that   individuals   need   a   place   of sanctuary where they can be free from societal control. The importance of such a sanctuary is that individuals can drop the mask, desist for a while from projecting on the world the image they want to be accepted as themselves, an image that may reflect the values of their peers rather than 92 (1975) 2 SCC 148 120 the realities of their natures .[See 26 Stanford Law Rev. 1161, 1187]” 88. Thus, the understanding of this Court in  , that A.K. Gopalan deprivation   of   personal   liberty   required   a   physical   restraint, underwent a change in  Kharak Singh  and  Gobind  (supra) From there,   the   law   marched   to   the   next   stage   in   Satwant   Singh Sawhney  vs.  D. Ramarathnam, Assistant Passport Officer, New 93 where   a   Constitution   Bench   of   this   Court   held   by   a Delhi   majority, that  the right to personal liberty included the right of . It was held in the said locomotion and right to travel abroad decision   that   “ liberty"   in   our   Constitution   bears   the   same comprehensive meaning as is given to the expression "liberty" by the 5th and 14th Amendments to the U.S. Constitution and the expression "personal liberty" in Article 21 only excludes
the ingredients of "liberty" enshrinedinArticle 19of the
Constitution.The Court went on to hold that
"personal liberty" inArt. 21takes in the rightof loco­motion
and to travel abroad, but the right to move throughout the 93  AIR 1967 SC 1836 121 territories   of   India   is   not   covered   by   it   inasmuch   as   it   is
specially provided inArt. 19.
89.Satwant Singh
was directed to surrender his passport, with a view to prevent him from travelling out of India, on account of an investigation pending against him under the Export and Import Control Act. It must be noted that this case was before the enactment of The Passports Act, 1967. 90. After The Passports Act came into force, the decision of the 94 7­Judge Bench in  vs.  came. It Maneka Gandhi   Union of India was held therein that the right to travel abroad is part of the right to personal liberty and that the same cannot be deprived except according to the procedure established by law. 91. Next came the decision in  Bandhua Mukti Morcha  vs .  Union 95 . It was a case where a letter addressed by an of India   & Ors. NGO to the Court exposing the plight of persons working in stone quarries   under   inhuman   conditions,   was   treated   as   a   public 94  (1978) 1 SCC 248 95 (1984) 3 SCC 161 122 interest   litigation.   Some   of   those   workers   were   actually   bonded labourers.  After this Court issued notice to the State Governments and the lessees of the quarries, a preliminary objection was raised as to the maintainability of the writ petition. While rejecting the preliminary   objection,   this   Court   broadly   indicated   how   the fundamental rights of those bonded labourers were violated and what were the duties of the State and the Court in cases of that nature. The relevant portion of the decision reads thus:
9.… We should have thought that if any citizen
brings before the Court a complaint that a large
number of peasants or workers are bonded serfs or are
being subjected to exploitation by a few mine lessees
or contractors or employers or are being denied the
benefits of social welfare laws, the State Government,
which is, under our constitutional scheme, charged
with the mission of bringing about a new socio­
economic order where there will be social and
economic justice for everyone and equality of status
and opportunity for all, would welcome an enquiry by
the Court, so that if it is found that there are in fact
bonded labourers or even if the workers are not
bonded in the strict sense of the term as defined in the
Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1976 but they
are made to provide forced labour or are consigned to
a life of utter deprivation and degradation, such a
situation can be set right by the State Government.
Even if the State Government is on its own enquiry
satisfied that the workmen are not bonded and are not
compelled to provide forced labour and are living and
working in decent conditions with all the basic
necessities of life provided to them, the State
Government should not baulk an enquiry by the Court
when a complaint is brought by a citizen, but it should
be anxious to satisfy the Court and through the Court,
123
the people of the country, that it is discharging its
constitutional obligation fairly and adequately and the
workmen are being ensured social and economic
justice. …”
92. Therefore, three major breakthroughs happened, the first in   the   second   in     and   Kharak   Singh, Satwant   Singh Maneka Gandhi  (supra)  and the third in  Bandhua Mukti Morcha  (supra) . The first breakthrough was the opinion, though of a minority, that physical   restraint   was   not   a   necessary   sine   qua   non   for   the deprivation   of   personal   liberty   and   that   even   a   psychological restraint may amount to deprivation of personal liberty. The second breakthrough   was   the   opinion  in     and   Satwant   Singh Maneka Gandhi  that the right of locomotion and to travel abroad are part of the   right   to   personal   liberty.   The   third   breakthrough   was   the opinion   in     that   the   State   owed   an Bandhua   Mukti   Morcha obligation to take corrective measures when there was an infraction of Article 21. 93. In   National   Human   Rights   Commission   vs.   State   of 96 , this Court was confronted with a Arunachal Pradesh  & Anr. situation where private citizens, namely, the All Arunachal Pradesh 96 (1996) 1 SCC 742 124 Students’ Union held out threats to forcibly drive  chakmas,  out of the State. The National Human Rights Commission itself filed a writ petition   under   Article   32.   While   allowing   the   writ   petition   and issuing directions, this Court indicated the role of the State in the following words:
20.Thus the State is bound to protect the life
and liberty of every human being, be he a citizen
or otherwise,and it cannot permit any body or group
of persons, e.g., the AAPSU, to threaten the Chakmas
to leave the State, failing which they would be forced to
do so. No State Government worth the name can
tolerate such threats by one group of persons to
another group of persons; it is duty­bound to protect
the threatened group from such assaults and if it fails
to do so, it will fail to perform its constitutional as well
as statutory obligations. Those giving such threats
would be liable to be dealt with in accordance with
law. The State Government must act impartially and
carry out its legal obligations to safeguard the life,
health and well­being of Chakmas residing in the State
without being inhibited by local politics. …”
97 94. In  Mr. ‘X’  vs.  Hospital ‘Z’ , the appellant had accompanied a patient to the hospital for treatment and offered to donate blood, for the   purpose   of   surgery.   Before   allowing   him   to   donate   blood, samples were taken  from “X”. It  was detected  that he  was HIV positive. The fact that Mr. “X” tested positive was disclosed by the 97 (1998) 8 SCC 296 125 hospital   to   the   fiancée   of   Mr.   “X”.   Therefore,   the   proposal   for marriage   was   called   off   and   Mr.   “X”   was   ostracised   by   the community. Mr. “X” sued the hospital for damages, pitching his claim on the right to privacy and the duty of confidentiality that the hospital   had   in   their   relationship   with   him.   Though   this   Court partly agreed with Mr. “X” the court found that the disclosure made by the hospital actually saved the life of a lady. But while dealing with   a   right   under   Article   21   vis­à­vis   the   hospital   (a   private hospital), this Court held as follows :­ “ 27.   Right of privacy may, apart from contract, also arise out of a particular specific relationship which may be commercial, matrimonial, or even political.   As already discussed above, doctor­patient relationship,   though   basically   commercial,   is, professionally, a matter of confidence and, therefore, doctors are morally and ethically bound to maintain confidentiality. In such a situation, public disclosure of even true private facts may amount to an invasion of the right of privacy which may sometimes lead to the clash   of   one   person's   “right   to   be   let   alone”   with another person's right to be informed. 28.   Disclosure   of   even   true   private   facts   has   the tendency   to   disturb   a   person's   tranquillity.   It   may generate many complexes in him and may even lead to psychological   problems.   He   may,   thereafter,   have   a disturbed   life   all   through.   In   the   face   of   these potentialities, and as already held by this Court in its various decisions referred to above, the right of privacy is an essential component of the right to life envisaged by Article 21. The right, however, is not absolute and 126 may be lawfully restricted for the prevention of crime, disorder or protection of health or morals or protection of rights and freedom of others.” 95. In   Pt. Parmanand Katara   (supra) , a human rights activist filed a writ petition under Article 32 seeking a direction to the Union of   India   that   every   injured   person   brought   for   treatment   to   a hospital should instantaneously be given medical aid to preserve life and that the procedural Criminal Law should be allowed to operate thereafter. The basis of the said writ petition was a report about a scooterist who got injured in a road traffic accident, being turned away by the  nearby hospital  on  the  ground  that they were not authorized to handle medico­legal cases.  Before the victim could be taken to an authorized  hospital  located  20  kilometers   away, he died, which prompted the writ petition. While issuing directions, this Court expressed an opinion about the affirmative duty of court in paragraph 8 as follows:­ “ 8.   Article   21   of   the   Constitution   casts   the .   The obligation   on   the   State   to   preserve   life provision   as   explained   by   this   Court   in   scores   of decisions   has   emphasized   and   reiterated   with gradually increasing emphasis that position. A doctor at   the   government   hospital   positioned   to   meet   this State obligation is, therefore, duty bound to extend medical assistance for preserving life.   Every doctor 127 whether   at   a   government   hospital   or   otherwise has   the   professional   obligation   to   extend   his .  No services with due expertise for protecting life law or State action can intervene to avoid/delay the discharge   of   the   paramount   obligation   cast   upon members of the medical profession.   The obligation being   total,   absolute   and   paramount,   laws   of procedure whether in statutes or otherwise which would   interfere   with   the   discharge   of   this obligation   cannot   be   sustained   and   must, therefore, give way . …” That the State has an obligation to help preserve life, guaranteed under Article 21 was spelt out clearly in  . Pt. Parmanand Katara What   applies   to   life   applies   equally   to   personal   liberty.   This   is because there may be cases involving both the right to life as well as liberty.  For   instance,   in   vs. 96. Suchita   Srivastava  &   Anr.     98 Chandigarh   Administration , this   Court   had   an   occasion   to consider the reproductive rights of a mentally­challenged woman. This right was read as part of the right to life and liberty under 99 Article 21. In   vs.   . , this Court Devika Biswas   Union of India considered certain issues concerning the entire range of conduct and   management,   under   the   auspices   of   State   Governments,   of 98 (2009) 9 SCC 1 99 (2016) 10 SCC 726 128 sterilization procedures, either in camps or in accredited centres and held that the right to health and reproductive rights of a person are part of the right under Article 21. While doing so, this Court quoted   with   approval   the   decision   in   Bandhua   Mukti   Morcha where the obligation of the State to ensure that the fundamental rights   of   weaker   sections   of   society   are   not   exploited,   was underlined. 97. Tapping of telephones in exercise of the power conferred by Section 5(2) of the Indian Telegraph Act, 1885 became the subject matter of challenge in   People’s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) 100 vs.   .   This   Court   held   that   conversation   on Union   of   India telephone is an important facet of a man’s private life and that tapping   of   telephone   would   infringe   Article   21.   Technological eavesdropping except in accordance with the procedure established by law was frowned upon by the Court. This was at a time when mobile phones had not become the order of the day and the State monopoly   was   yet   to   be   replaced   by   private   players   such   as intermediaries/service   providers.   Today,   the   infringement   of   the 100 (1997) 1 SCC 301 129 right to privacy is mostly by private players and if fundamental rights cannot be enforced against non­State actors, this right will go for a toss. In  vs. 98. District Registrar and Collector, Hyderabad & Anr.   101 Canara   Bank   &   Ors. ,   what   was   under   challenge   was   an amendment made to The Indian Stamp Act, 1899 by the State of Andhra   Pradesh,   empowering   a   public   officer   to   inspect   the registers,   books,   papers   and   documents   kept   in   any   premises, including a private place where such registers, books etc., are kept. Taking   cue   from   the   decision   in     and   R.   Rajagopal Maneka Gandhi , this Court held in paragraphs 55 and 56 of the decision as follows:­
55.The A.P. Amendment permits inspection being
carried out by the Collector by having access to the
documents which are inprivate custodyi.e. custody
other than that of a public officer. It is clear that this
provision empowers invasion of the home of the person
in whose possession the documents “tending” to or
leading to the various facts stated in Section 73 are in
existence and Section 73 being one without any
safeguards as to probable or reasonable cause or
reasonable basis or materials violates the right to
privacy both of the house and of the person. We have
already referred toR. Rajagopal case[(1994) 6 SCC 632]
101 (2005) 1 SCC 496 130
wherein the learned Judges have held that the right to
personal liberty also means life free from encroachments
unsustainable in law, and such right flowing from
Article 21 of the Constitution.
56.InManeka Gandhiv.Union of India[(1978) 1 SCC
248] a seven­Judge Bench decision, P.N. Bhagwati, J.
(as His Lordship then was) held that the expression
“personal liberty” in Article 21 is of the widest amplitude
and it covers a variety of rights which go to constitute
the personal liberty of man and some of them have been
raised to the status of distinct fundamental rights and
givenadditional protectionunder Article 19 (emphasis
supplied). Any law interfering with personal liberty of a
person must satisfy a triple test: (i) it must prescribe a
procedure; (ii) the procedure must withstand the test of
one or more of the fundamental rights conferred under
Article 19 which may be applicable in a given situation;
and (iii) it must also be liable to be tested with reference
to Article 14. As the test propounded by Article 14
pervades Article 21 as well, the law and procedure
authorising interference with personal liberty and right
of privacy must also be right and just and fair and not
arbitrary, fanciful or oppressive. If the procedure
prescribed does not satisfy the requirement of Article 14
it would be no procedure at all within the meaning of
Article 21.”
99. In   Indian Woman says Gang­raped on orders of village Court   published   in   Business   and   Financial   News   dated 102 23­1­2014, in Re , this Court was dealing with a  suo motu  writ petition relating to the gang­rape of a women under orders of a community  panchayat  as punishment for having a relationship with a man belonging to a different community. After taking note of two 102 (2014) 4 SCC 786 131 103 earlier decisions, one in   Lata Singh   vs.   State of U.P.   which dealt   with   honour   killings   of   youngsters   involved   in   inter­caste, inter­religious marriages and the other in   vs. Arumugam Servai   104 State of Tamil Nadu , which dealt with   khap panchayats , this Court opined in paragraph 16 as follows:­
“16.Ultimately, the question which ought to consider
and assess by this Court is whether the State police
machinery could have possibly prevented the said
occurrence.The response is certainly a “yes”. The
State is duty­bound to protect the fundamental
rights of its citizens; and an inherent aspect of
Article 21 of the Constitution would be the
freedom of choice in marriage. Such offences are
resultant of the State's incapacity or inability to
protect the fundamental rights of its citizens.”
In   fact,   this   Court   observed   in   the   aforesaid   decision   that   the obligation of the State does not get extinguished upon payment of compensation and that the rehabilitation of the victims of such nature was a must. 105 100.     In   Shakti   Vahini   vs.   Union   of   India   &   Ors. ,   while dealing   with   a   writ   petition   seeking   a   direction   to   the   State Governments and Central Government to take preventive measures 103 (2006) 5 SCC 475 104 (2011) 6 SCC 405 105 (2018) 7 SCC 192 132 to combat honour crimes and to submit a National/State plan of action, this Court issued a slew of directions directing the State Governments to take both punitive and remedial measures, on the ground that the State has a positive obligation to protect the life and liberty of persons.  In paragraph 49 this Court said, “ We are disposed to think so, as it is the obligation of the State to have an atmosphere   where   the   citizens   are   in   a   position   to   enjoy   their fundamental   rights.”   After   quoting   the   previous   decision   in   S. Rangarajan   (supra) ,   which arose out of the infringement of the freedom of expression in respect of a cinematograph film, this Court said in  (supra)  as follows:­ Shakti Vahini 49. … We   are   absolutely   conscious   that   the   aforesaid passage has been stated in respect of a different fundamental right, but the said principle applies with   more   vigour   when   the   life   and   liberty   of individuals is involved. We say so reminding the States   of   their   constitutional   obligations   to comfort, nurture the sustenance of fundamental rights of the citizens and not to allow any hostile group to create any kind of trench in them .” 101.   At last, while dealing with the right to privacy, in   Justice K.S. Puttaswamy , this Court made it clear that, “ it is a right 133 which   protects   the   inner   sphere   of   the   individuals   from ”. interference by both the State and non­State actors 102.   Before we conclude this chapter, we must point out that some academics feel that the same level of justification for infringement by the State, for all rights recognized by the Court, end up being 106 problematic   and   that   the   idea   of   a   hierarchy   of   rights,   as articulated by Das, J. in  A.K. Gopalan  may have to be examined. In fact,  ,   articulated this idea in  Rohinton Nariman J. Mohd. Arif (supra) where the question was as to whether a petition for review in the Supreme Court should be heard in open Court at least in death penalty cases. The learned Judge said:
36.If a pyramidical structure is to be imagined,
with life on top, personal liberty (and all the
rights it encompasses under the new doctrine)
immediately below it and other fundamental
rights below personal liberty it is obvious that
this judgment will apply only to death sentence
cases.In most other cases, the factors mentioned by
Krishna Iyer, J. in particular the Supreme Court’s
overcrowded docket, and the fact that a full oral
hearing has preceded judgment of a criminal appeal on
merits, may tilt the balance the other way.”
106 Anup Surendranath in his Article “ ” in The Oxford Handbook of  Life and Personal Liberty the Indian Constitution (South Asia Edition), 2016 134 Therefore, the importance of the right to personal liberty over and above all the other rights guaranteed under Articles 19 and 14 need hardly to be over­emphasized.   103. Therefore, our answer to Question No.3 would be that the State is under a duty to affirmatively protect the rights of a person under Article 21, whenever there is a threat to personal . liberty, even by a non­State actor Question No.4  104.   Question No.4 referred to us is this: “Can a statement made by a Minister, traceable to any affairs of the State or for protecting the Government, be attributed vicariously to the Government itself, especially in view of the principle of Collective Responsibility?” 105.   The   above   question   revolves   around   the   role   and responsibility of a Minister and the vicarious liability/responsibility of a Government to any statement made by him. For answering the said question, we may need to understand the role of a Minister under our Constitutional scheme. 135 106.   Part V of the Constitution providing for matters connected with “ ” contains five chapters, dealing respectively with, The Union (i)   the   Executive;   (ii)   Parliament;   (iii)   Legislative   powers   of   the President;   the Union Judiciary; and  Comptroller and Auditor (iv) (v)  General   of   India.   Part   VI   of   the   Constitution   dealing   with   “ The States ” contains six chapters, dealing respectively with,     general (i) provision containing the definitions;  (ii)  the Executive;  (iii)  the State Legislature;   Legislative   power   of   the   Governor;     the   High (iv)   (v) Courts in the States; and  (vi)  Subordinate Courts. While Articles 74 and 75 provide for,  ‘Council of Ministers 107.   (i)  to aid and advise the President’; and   (ii)   ‘Other provisions as to Ministers’, insofar as the Union is concerned, Articles 163 and 164 provide for,  ‘Council of Ministers to aid and advise the Governor’; (i)  and  (ii)  ‘Other provisions as to Ministers’, insofar as the States are concerned. Similarly, Article 77 provides for the conduct of business of the Government of India and Article 166 provides for the conduct of business of the Government of a State. The duties of the Prime 136 Minister   are   dealt   with   in   Article   78   and   the   duties   of   Chief Ministers are dealt with in Article 167. 108.   Article 75(3) states that “ the Council of Ministers shall be .”  Similarly, collectively responsible to the House of the People Article 164(2) states “ the Council of Ministers shall be collectively responsible to the Legislative Assembly of the State” . 109.   Generally, all executive action of the Government of India shall be expressed to be taken in the name of the President under Article   77(1).   However,   for   more   convenient   transaction   of   the business   of   the   Government   of   India,   the   President   shall   make Rules.   These   Rules   shall   also   provide   for   the   allocation   of   the business   among   Ministers.   This   is   under   Article   77(3).   Similar provisions are found in sub­Articles (1) and (3) of Article 166. 110.  There are special duties assigned to the Prime Minister and the Chief Ministers, under Articles 78 and 167 respectively.   While   dealing   with   the   scheme   of   Article   166(3),   the 111.   Constitution Bench of this Court pointed out in  A. Sanjeevi Naidu 137 107 vs .  State of Madras , that under our Constitution, the Governor is essentially a constitutional head and the administration of the State is run by the Council of Ministers.  Since it is impossible for the Council of Ministers to deal with each and every matter that comes before the Government, the Governor is authorized under Article 166(3) to make Rules for the more convenient transaction of the business   of   the   Government  of   the   State   and   for   allocation amongst   its   Ministers   the   business   of   the   Government.   In paragraph  10 of  the said decision, the Constitution Bench spoke   about   “joint   responsibility”   and   not   about   collective responsibility .   The   relevant   portion   of   paragraph   10   reads   as follows:
10.The cabinet is responsible to the Legislature
for every action taken in any of the Ministries.
That is the essence of joint responsibility. That
does not mean that each and every decision must be
taken by the cabinet. The political responsibility of the
Council of Ministers does not and cannot predicate the
personal responsibility of the Council of Ministers to
discharge all or any of the Governmental functions.
Similarly an individual Minister is responsible to the
Legislature for every action taken or omitted to be
taken in his ministry. This again is a political
107  (1970) 1 SCC 443 138
responsibility and not personal responsibility. …”
112. The expression “ collective responsibility”  can be traced to some extent, to Article 75(3) insofar as the Union is concerned and to Article 164(2) insofar as the States are concerned. But in both the Articles,   it   is   the   Council   of   Ministers   who   are   stated   to   be collectively   responsible   to   the   House   of   the   People/Legislative Assembly of the State.  Generally collective responsibility of the Council of Ministers either to the House of the People or to the Assembly should be understood to correlate to the decisions and   actions   of   the   Council   of   Ministers   and   not   to   every statement made by every individual Minister. 108 113. In   vs . ,  a   Seven State   of   Karnataka     Union   of   India. Member   Constitution   Bench   of   this   Court,   while   dealing   with   a challenge made by the State of Karnataka in the form of a civil suit under Article 131, to the appointment by the Central Government, of a commission of enquiry against the Chief Minister of Karnataka, had an occasion to consider the exposition of the words “c ollective 108  (1977) 4 SCC 608 139 responsibility ”   appearing   in   Article   164(2).   After   indicating   that collective   responsibility   is   basically   political   in   origin   and , Beg, C.J. opined in the said case as follows: mode of operation
46.The object of collective responsibility is to
make the whole body of persons holding
Ministerial office collectively, or, if one may so
put it, “vicariously” responsible for such acts of
the others as are referable to their collective
volition so that, even if an individual may not be
personally responsible for it, yet, he will be
deemed to share the responsibility with those who
may have actually committed some wrong. …
47.Each Minister can be and is separately responsible
for his own decisions and acts and omissions also.
But, inasmuch as the Council of Ministers is able to
stay in office only so long as it commands the support
and confidence of a majority of members of the
Legislature of the State, the whole Council of Ministers
must be held to be politically responsible for the
decisions and policies of each of the Ministers and of
his department which could be presumed to have the
support of the whole Ministry. Hence, the whole
Ministry will, at least on issues involving matters of
policy, have to be treated as one entity so far as its
answerability to the Legislative Assembly representing
the electors is concerned. This is the meaning of the
principle underlying Article 164(2) of the Constitution.
The purpose of this provision is not to find out facts or
to establish the actual responsibility of a Chief
Minister or any other Minister or Ministers for
particular decisions or Governmental acts. That can be
more suitably done, when wrongful acts or decisions
are complained of, by means of inquiries under the
Act. As already indicated above, the procedure of
Parliamentary Committees to inquire into every legally
or ethically wrong act was found to be unsatisfactory
and unsound. The principle of individual as well as
140
collective ministerial responsibility can work most
efficiently only when cases requiring proper sifting and
evaluation of evidence and discussion of questions
involved have taken place, where this is required, in
proceedings before a Commission appointed under
Section 3 of the Act.
48.Text­book writers on Constitutional Law have
indicated how collective ministerial responsibility to
Parliament, which has essentially a political purpose
and effects, developed later than individual
responsibility of Ministers to Parliament which was
also political in origin and operation. It is true that an
individual Minister could, in England, where the
principle of individual and collective responsibility of
Ministers was evolved, be responsible either for
wrongful acts done by him without the authority of the
whole cabinet or of the monarch to support them, or
under orders of the King who could, in the eye of law,
do no wrong. But, apart from an impeachment, which
has become obsolete, or punishment for contempts of
a House, which constitute only a limited kind of
offences, the Parliament does not punish the offender.
For establishing his legal liability recourse to ordinary
courts of law is indispensable.”
114. Quoting from Wade and Phillips on Constitutional Law, this Court   pointed   out   in   the   (supra)  that State   of   Karnataka  responsibility to Parliament only means that the Minster maybe compelled by convention to resign. 115. The extent to which the enforcement of collective responsibility can be taken was also indicated in the above decision as follows:
50.The whole question of responsibility is
related to the continuance of a Minister or a
141
Government in office. A Minister's own acts or
omissions or those of others in the department in
his charge, for which he may feel morally
responsible, or, for which others may hold him
morally responsible, may compel him to resign.By
an extension of this logic, applied to individual
Ministers at first, emerged the principle of “collective
responsibility” which we find enacted in Articles 75(2)
and 164(2) of our Constitution. The only sanction for
its enforcement is the pressure of public opinion
expressed particularly in terms of withdrawal of
political support by members of Parliament or the
State Legislature as the case may be.”
116.   In other words, this Court indicated that while a Minister may be   compelled   to   resign   for   his   individual   acts   of   omission   or commission, the  only sanction for the enforcement of collective “ ”. responsibility is the  pressure of public opinion 109 117.   In  R.K. Jain  vs.  Union of India , this Court was concerned with a public interest litigation relating to the functioning of the Customs, Excise and Gold Control Appellate Tribunal. At that time the office of the President of the Tribunal was lying vacant for over six months. But after  rule nisi  was issued in the first writ petition, the   Government   appointed   someone   as   the   President   of   the Tribunal. Immediately, a second writ petition was filed challenging the appointment and also some of the recruitment rules relating to 109 (1993) 4 SCC 119 142 the appointment.The file relating to the appointment was produced in a sealed cover and the Government claimed privilege in terms of Section 123 of the Indian Evidence Act, 1872 and Article 74(2) of the Constitution.  While   dealing   with  the  executive   power   of  the President and the role of the Council of Ministers, K.Ramasamy, J., said “ The principle of ministerial responsibility has a variety of   meanings   precise   and   imprecise,   authentic   and   vague ”. Paragraphs 29 and 30  of the report  in   R.K. Jain   (supra)  may be usefully extracted as follows:
29.It would thus be held that the Cabinet known as
Council of Ministers headed by Prime Minister under
Article 75(3) is the driving and steering body
responsible for the governance of the country. They
enjoy the confidence of the Parliament and remain in
office so long as they maintain the confidence of the
majority. They are answerable to the Parliament and
accountable to the people. They bear collective
responsibility and shall be bound to maintain secrecy.
Their executive function comprises of both the
determination of the policy as well as carrying it into
execution, the initiation of legislation, the maintenance
of order, the promotion of social and economic welfare,
direction of foreign policy. In short the carrying on or
supervision of the general administration of the affairs
of Union of India which includes political activity and
carrying on all trading activities, the acquisition,
holding and disposal of property and the making of
contracts for any purpose. In short the primary
function of the Cabinet is to formulate the policies of
the Government in conformity with the directive
principles of the Constitution for the governance of the
nation; place the same before the Parliament for
143
acceptance and to carry on the executive function of
the State as per the provisions of the Constitution and
the laws.
30.Collective responsibility under Article 75(3) of
the Constitution inheres maintenance of
confidentiality as enjoined in oaths of office and of
secrecy set forth in Schedule III of the
Constitutionthat the Minister will not directly or
indirectly communicate or reveal to any person or
persons any matter which shall be brought under
his/her consideration or shall become known to
him/her as Minister except as may be required for the
“due discharge of his/her duty as Minister”. The base
and basic postulate of its significance is
unexceptionable. But the need for and effect of
confidentiality has to be nurtured not merely from
political imperatives of collective responsibility
envisaged by Article 75(3) but also from its
pragmatism.”
118.     In   paragraph   33   of   the   report   in   R.K.   Jain ,   this   Court indicated that the Cabinet as a whole is collectively responsible for the advice tendered to the President and for the conduct of business of each of his/her department. The question as to what happens when   an   individual   Minister   is   in   total   disagreement   with   the collective decision of the Cabinet was also spelt out in   in R.K. Jain the following words:
33....Each member of the Cabinet has personal
responsibility to his conscience and also responsibility
to the Government.Discussion and persuasion may
diminish disagreement, reach unanimity, or leave
it unaltered. Despite persistence of disagreement,
144
it is a decision, though some members like it less
than others. Both practical politics and good
government require that those who like it less
must still publicly support it. If such support is too
great a strain on a Minister's conscience or
incompatible to his/her perceptions of
commitment and he/she finds it difficult to
support the decision, it would be open to him/her
to resign. So the price of the acceptance of Cabinet
office is the assumption of the responsibility to
support Cabinet decisions. The burden of that
responsibility is shared by all.”
119.     In   Secretary,   Jaipur   Development   Authority,   Jaipur (supra),   the   abuse   of   official   position   by   the   Minister   of   Urban Development and Housing Department and the officers working in the Jaipur   Development  Authority   in the  matter  of   allotment of plots became the subject matter. While dealing with the question of individual   and   collective   accountability   and   responsibility   of Ministers, this Court said in paragraph 10 as follows: “ 10.   ...The Governor runs the Executive Government of a State with the aid and advice of the Chief Minister and   the   Council   of   Ministers   which   exercise   the powers   and   performs   its   duties   by   the   individual Ministers as public officers with the assistance of the bureaucracy   working   in   various   departments   and corporate sectors etc. Though they are expressed in the name of the Governor, each Minister is personally and collectively responsible for the actions, acts and policies. They are accountable and answerable to the people. Their powers and duties are regulated by the law and the rules. The legal and moral responsibility 145 or   liability   for   the   acts   done   or   omissions,   duties performed   and   policy   laid   down   rest   solely   on   the Minister   of   the   Department.   Therefore,   they   are indictable for their conduct or omission, or misconduct or misappropriation.   The Council of Ministers are jointly   and   severally   responsible   to   the Legislature.   He/they   is/are   also   publicly accountable   for   the   acts   or   conducts   in   theperformance of duties. 120.   Again, in paragraph 11, this Court outlined the responsibility of the Ministers as follows:
“11.The Minister holds public office though he gets
constitutional status and performs functions under
the Constitution, law or executive policy. The acts
done and duties performed are public acts or duties as
the holder of public office. Therefore, he owes certain
accountability for the acts done or duties performed.
In a democratic society governed by rule of law, power
is conferred on the holder of the public office or the
authority concerned by the Constitution by virtue of
appointment. The holder of the office, therefore, gets
opportunity to abuse or misuse the office. The
politician who holds public office must perform public
duties with the sense of purpose, and a sense of
direction, under rules or sense of priorities. The
purpose must be genuine in a free democratic society
governed by the rule of law to further socio­economic
democracy. The Executive Government should frame
its policies to maintain the social order, stability,
progress and morality. All actions of the Government
are performed through/by individual persons in
collective or joint or individual capacity. Therefore,
they should morally be responsible for their actions.”
110 121.     In   Vineet Narain   vs.   Union of India. , this Court was concerned   with   a   public   interest   litigation   under   Article   32 110 (1998) 1 SCC 226 146 complaining about the inaction on the part of the Central Bureau of Investigation in a matter relating to the disclosures contained in what came to be known as  “Jain Diaries”.  After taking note of the Report   of   Lord   Nolan   on   “Standards   in   Public   Life” ,   this   Court issued   certain   directions,   though   confined   only   to   the   Central Bureau of Investigation, Enforcement Directorate and Prosecution Agency. But Lord Nolan’s Report dealt mainly with principles of public life and code of conduct. 122.     The   decision   in   Common   Cause   was   little   peculiar   and riddled with some problems. The allotment of petroleum outlets by the then Minister of State for Petroleum and Natural Gas, under what was claimed to be a discretionary quota, was first set aside by this   Court   by   a   judgment   reported   in   (1996)   6   SCC   530. Simultaneously,   a   show­cause   notice   was   issued   to   the   then Minister   Capt.   Satish   Sharma   as   to   why   a   criminal   complaint should   not   be   lodged   against   him   and   why   he   should   not   be directed   to   pay   damages   for   his   malafide   action   in   wrongfully allotting   the   petrol   outlets.   After   the   Minister   responded   to   the show­cause notice, an order was passed, reported in (1996) 6 SCC 147 593, directing  the   Minister   to  pay   exemplary   damages  and  also directing the initiation of prosecution. Later, a petition for review was filed  by  the   Minister   for   recalling   the   order   which  directed payment of exemplary damages and also the registration of a case by the Central Bureau of Investigation. The decision in the petition for review, reported in (1999) 6 SCC 667, dealt with the question of collective responsibility in the context of the contention raised. It was argued by the delinquent Minister in the said case that under the business rules of the Cabinet, the act of a Minister is to be treated as the act of the President or the Governor as the case may be and that therefore the allotment made by him should be treated to have been made while acting only on behalf of the President.  As an   extension   of   this   argument,   it   was   also   contended   that   the Minister having acted as a part of the Council of Ministers, his act should be treated to be the act of the entire Cabinet on the principle of collective responsibility. While rejecting the said contention, this Court held in   that the immunity available to the Common Cause   President under Article 361 of the Constitution cannot be extended to the orders passed in the name of the President under Article 148 77(1) or 77(2). Dealing with the concept of collective responsibility, this Court held in paragraph 31 as follows:
31.The concept of “collective responsibility” is
essentially a political concept. The country is
governed by the party in power on the basis of the
policies adopted and laid down by it in the Cabinet
meeting. “Collective responsibility” has two meanings:
the first meaning which can legitimately be ascribed to
it is that all members of a Government are unanimous
in support of its policies and would exhibit that
unanimity on public occasions although while
formulating the policies, they might have expressed a
different view in the meeting of the Cabinet. The other
meaning is that Ministers, who had an opportunity to
speak for or against the policies in the Cabinet are
thereby personally and morally responsible for its
success and failure.”
123.     After   having   dealt   with   the   concept   of   collective responsibility, this Court carved out an exception in paragraph 34 as follows:
34.From the above, it will be seen that in spite of the
fact that the Council of Ministers is collectively
responsible to the House of the People, there may be
an occasion where the conduct of a Minister may be
censured if he or his subordinates have blundered and
have acted contrary to law.”
124.    Again in paragraph 36 this Court held as follows:
36.Even in England, all Ministers and servants of the
Crown are accountable to the courts for the legality of
their actions, and may be held civilly and criminally
liable, in their individual capacities, for tortious or
criminal acts. This liability may be enforced either by
149
means of ordinary criminal or civil proceedings or by
means of impeachment, a remedy which is probably
obsolete. They are also subject to the judicial review
jurisdiction of the courts. [See:Halsbury's Laws of
England, Fourth Edn., (Re­issue), Vol. 8(2), para 422.]”
111 125.     In   State   (NCT   of   Delhi)   vs.   Union   of   India ,   the Constitution   Bench   of   this   Court   was   concerned   with   the interpretation of Article 239AA of the Constitution. The concept of collective responsibility was dealt with extensively by Dipak Misra, C.J., as he then was, from paragraphs 82 to 85. In his independent but concurring opinion Dr. D.Y. Chandrachud, J. also dealt with the   question   of   collective   responsibility   from   paragraphs   318 onwards. What   follows   from   the   above   discussion   is,     that   the 126.     (i) concept of collective responsibility is essentially a political concept; (ii)   that   the   collective   responsibility   is   that   of   the   Council   of Ministers; and   that such collective responsibility is to the House (iii) of the People/Legislative Assembly of  the  State.  Generally, such responsibility correlates to  (i)  the decisions taken; and  (ii)  the acts of omission and commission done. It is not possible to extend this 111 (2018) 8 SCC 501 150 concept of collective responsibility to any and every statement orally made by a  Minister  outside the  House  of the  People/Legislative Assembly. Shri Kaleeswaram  Raj, learned counsel appearing for the 127.     special leave petitioner drew our attention to the code of conduct for Ministers   of   the   Government   of   Australia,   code   of   conduct   for Ministers of the Government of India and the Ministerial Code of the United Kingdom. However, attractive such prescriptions may be, it is not possible to enforce such code of conduct in a court of law. Government   servants   stand   on   a   different   footing,   as   any misconduct   on   their   part   with   reference   to   the   Government Servants (Conduct) Rules, may attract disciplinary action under the Civil Services (Discipline and Appeal) Rules. Even in the case of Government   servants,   it   may   not   be   possible   to   justify   a dismissal/removal from service on the basis of a statement uttered by a Government servant, as it may not pass the proportionality test,  viz­a­viz  the gravity of the misconduct.  128.     The   suggestion   made   by  Shri   Kaleeswaram   Raj   that   the Prime Minister, in the case of a Minister of the Union of India and 151 the Chief Minister, in the case of a Minister of the State should be allowed to take appropriate action, against the erring Minister, is just fanciful. The Prime Minister or the Chief Minister does not have disciplinary control over the members of the Council of Ministers. It is true that in practice, a strong Prime Minister or Chief Minister will be able   to  drop   any   Minister  out  of   the   Cabinet.   But  in a country like ours where there is a multi­party system and where coalition Governments are often formed, it is not possible at all times   for   a   Prime   Minister/Chief   Minister   to   take   the   whip, whenever   a   statement   is   made   by   someone   in   the   Council   of Ministers. 129.   Governments which survive on wafer­thin majority ( of which we have seen quite a bit ), sometimes have individual Ministers who are strong enough to decide the very survival of such Governments. This problem is not unique to our country. 130.     We   have   followed   the   Westminster   Model   but   the Westminster Model itself became shaky after the United Kingdom saw the first coalition Government in 2010, since the Churchill Caretaker Ministry of 1945. It is interesting to note that in a Report 152 submitted by the Constitution Committee (UK) in the year 2014, under the title, “ Constitutional Implications of Coalition Government ” it was pointed out that “ collective ministerial responsibility has ”. been the convention most affected by coalition Government The Report proceeds to state that the coalition Government formed in 2010 (in UK) set out five specific issues on which the parties would   agree   to   differ.   But,   in   reality   the   number   of   areas   of disagreement   has   been   greater   resulting   on   one   occasion,   in Ministers being whipped to vote in opposite lobbies and on another, in MPs on the Treasury Benches attempting to amend the Address on the Queen’s speech. 131.   In the “ Briefing Paper ” (Number 7755, 14 November 2016) on “ Collective responsibility ” by Michael Everett available in the House of Commons Library,   (i)   the early origins and development of the concept   of   collective   responsibility;   (ii)   what   is   collective responsibility;   the conventions of collective responsibility; and (iii)   (iv)   departures from collective responsibility are dealt with.  This Paper   traces   early   beginnings   of   the   doctrine   of   collective responsibility to the reign of George III (1760­1820). According to 153 the Briefing Paper, the development of today’s concept of collective responsibility   arose   during   the   Victorian   golden   age   of Parliamentary Government. In fact, the Briefing Paper quotes some commentators   who   have   questioned   whether   the   convention   of collective responsibility remains appropriate for the Government of today.   The   Briefing   Paper   quotes   Barry   Winetrobe,   a   Research Fellow at the Constitution Unit who said   that the doctrine of collective responsibility was developed at a time when a sense of coherence was required to be maintained among disparate ministerial forces in the face of the Monarch and that it is not necessarily appropriate in an age, not just of democracy, but of greater and more direct participative democracy . 132.     It will be useful to quote a portion of Chapter 2.3 under the heading “ Enforcing collective responsibility ” from the Briefing Paper as follows: “…Dr Felicity Matthews, Senior Lecturer in Governance and Public Policy at the University of Sheffield, has also argued   that   the   respect   accorded   to   the   doctrine   of collective   responsibility   “has   varied”,   with   its maintenance and disregard “owing as much to politics as to propriety”. 154 An interesting example of this occurred in 2003 during the build­up to the Iraq war. Robin Cook, the Leader of the House of Commons, resigned in protest in March 2003 over the then Labour Government’s policy toward Iraq, being unable to maintain the official Government position. His actions were therefore consistent with the doctrine   of   collective   responsibility.   However,   Clare Short,   the   Secretary   of   State   for   International Development,   was   allowed   to   stay   in   the   Cabinet despite   her   own   vocal   opposition   to   military intervention and despite publicly denouncing the then Prime Minister as “deeply reckless” in March 2003. According   to   Felicity   Matthews,   despite   her “extraordinary breach” of collective responsibility, Clare Short   was   persuaded   and   allowed   to   retain   her ministerial portfolio. She then remained in the Cabinet for a further two months, until she decided to resign on 12   May   2003,   following   perceived   mistakes   in   the US/UK   coalition   after   the   invasion.   This   example, according to Matthews, “underlines the extent to which Prime   Ministers   have   proven   unwilling   or   unable   to enforce   a   strict   interpretation   of   collective responsibility, even when their personal credibility has been besmirched”. 133.    Thus, the convention developed in the United Kingdom for Ministers, itself appears to have gone for a toss and hence, it is not possible to draw any inspiration from the UK Model. 134.    We are not suggesting for a moment that any public official including a Minister can make a statement which is irresponsible or in bad taste or bordering on hate speech and get away with it.  We are   only   on   the   question   of   collective   responsibility   and   the vicarious liability of the Government. 155 135.     As   all   the   literature   on   the   issue   shows,   collective responsibility is that of the Council of Ministers. Each individual Minister is responsible for the decisions taken collectively by the Council of Ministers.  In other words, the flow of stream in collective responsibility   is   from   the   Council   of   Ministers   to   the   individual Ministers.   The   flow   is   not   on   the   reverse,   namely,   from   the individual Ministers to the Council of Ministers. 136.   Our attention was also drawn to the decision of this Court in Amish Devgan . Though the said decision considered extensively the impact of the speech of “ a person of influence ”, we are not, in this reference dealing with the same. This is for the reason that the said   decision   concerned   “ hate   speech ”.     None   of   the   questions referred to us, including Question No.4 with which we are presently concerned, relates to hate speech, and understandably so. The writ petition   as   well   as   the   special   leave   petition   out   of   which   this reference arose, concerned speeches made by the Ministers of the State of Uttar Pradesh and the State of Kerala. The speech made by the Minister of the State of Uttar Pradesh attempted to paint a case of robbery and gang­rape as a political conspiracy. The speech of 156 the   Minister   of   the   State   of   Kerala   portrayed   women   in   a disrespectful way. Since the statements concerned in both the cases were   attributed   to   the   Ministers,   Question   No.4   referred   to   us, specifically   relates   to   “ statement   made   by   a   Minister ”.   Amish Devgan  did not deal with the statement of a Minister traceable to any affairs of the State, though a Minister would fall under the category   of   “ ”.   Moreover,   the   statements person   of   influence attributed to the Ministers in the cases on hand may not come under the category of hate speech. Therefore, we do not wish to enlarge   the   scope   of   this   reference   by   going   into   the   questions which were answered in  . Amish Devgan 137.    Therefore,  our answer to Question No.4 would be that a statement made by a Minister even if traceable to any affairs of   the   State   or   for   protecting   the   Government,   cannot   be attributed   vicariously   to   the   Government   by   invoking   the principle of collective responsibility. Question No.5 157 138.   Question No.5 referred to us for consideration is “whether a statement by a Minister, inconsistent with the rights of a citizen under Part­III of the Constitution, constitutes a violation of such constitutional rights and is actionable as ‘Constitutional Tort’?”  139.     To   begin   with,   we   have   some   difficulty   with   the   words “ a   statement   by   a   Minister ”,   appearing   in   Question   No.5. A statement may be made by a Minister either inside or outside the House of People/Legislative Assembly of the State. A statement may also   be   made   by   a   Minister   in   writing   or   by   words   spoken.   A statement may be made in private or in public. A statement may also be made by a Minister either touching upon the affairs of the Ministry/ department of which he is in control or touching generally upon   the   policies   of   the   Government   of   which   he   is   a   part.   A Minister may also make a statement, in the form of an opinion on matters about which he or his department is not concerned or over which he has no control.  All such statements need not necessarily give rise to an action in tort or in constitutional tort. Take for instance a case where a Minister makes a statement 140.   that women are unfit to be employed in a particular avocation. It 158 may reflect his insensitivity to gender equality and also may expose his low constitutional morality. The fact that due to his insensitivity or lack of understanding or low constitutional morality, he speaks a language that has the potential to demean the constitutional rights of women, cannot be a ground for action in Constitutional tort. Needless to say that no one can either be taxed or penalised for holding   an   opinion   which   is   not   in   conformity   with   the constitutional values. It is only when his opinion gets translated into action and such action results in injury or harm or loss that an action in tort will lie. With this caveat, let us now get into the core of the issue.  141.   A tort is a civil wrong, that causes a claimant to suffer loss or harm resulting in legal liability for the person who commits the tortious act. Halsbury’s Law of England states:  “Those civil rights of action which are available for the recovery of unliquidated damages by persons who have sustained injury or loss from acts, statements or omissions of others in breach of duty or contravention of right imposed or conferred by law rather than by agreement are rights of action in tort.” 159 142.   If Crown Proceedings Act, 1947 changed the course of the law relating   to   tort   in   England,   the   Federal   Tort   Claims   Act,   1946 changed in America, the course of law relating to the liability of the State for the tortious acts of its servants. Nevertheless, the claims for damages continued to be resisted for a long time both here and elsewhere on the principle of sovereign immunity. It is interesting to note that on the initiative of the President of India, the Law Ministry took up for consideration the question whether legislation on the lines of the Crown Proceedings Act, 1947 of the United Kingdom is needed and if so, to what extent.  After the constitution of the Law Commission,   the   Law   Ministry   referred   the   matter   to   the Commission   for   consideration   and   report.   In   its   First   Report submitted on 11.5.1956 on  “Liability of the State in Tort” , the Law Commission took note of   (i)   the existing law in India;   (ii)   law in England;  (iii)  law in America;  (iv)  law in Australia;  (v)  law in France; rule   of   statutory   construction;   and   conclusions   and (vi)   (vii)   proposals. 143.   In Chapter VIII containing the conclusions and proposals, the First   Report   of   the   Law   Commission   suggested:   that   in   the (i)   160 context of a welfare State, it is necessary to establish a just relation between the rights of the individual and the responsibilities of the State;  that when the Constitution was framed, the question to (ii)  what extent, if any, the Union and the States should be made liable for the tortious acts of their servants or agents was left for future legislation;   (iii)   that  the   question  of   demarcating  the   line   up to which the State should be made liable for the tortious acts, involves a nice balancing of considerations, so as not to unduly restrict the sphere of the activities of the State and at the same time to afford sufficient protection to the citizen;  (iv)  that it is necessary that the law should, as far as possible, be made certain and definite, instead of leaving it to courts to develop the law according to the views of the judges; and   (v)   that the old distinction between sovereign and the   non­sovereign   functions   or   Governmental   and   the   non­ Governmental functions should no longer be invoked to determine the liability of the State. Paragraph 66 of the First Report of the Law Commission 144.    contained the principles on which appropriate legislation should proceed.  It will be useful to extract paragraph 66 of the First Report 161 of the Law Commission, to understand the sweep of constitutional tort, as it was conceived within a few years of the adoption of the Constitution. In fact, it has laid down the road map very clearly with lot of foresight. Paragraph 66 reads thus:
“66. The following shall be the principles on which
legislation should proceed:—
I.Under the general law:
Under the general law of torts i.e., the English
Common Law as imported into India on the principle
of justice, equity and good conscience, with statutory
modifications of that law now in force in India (videthe
Principles of General Law, Appendix VI)—
(i) The State as employer should be liable
for the torts committed by its employees and
agents while acting within the scope of their
office or, employment.
(ii) The State as employer should be liable
in respect of breach of those duties which a
person owes to his employees or agents under
the general law by reason of being their
employer.
(iii) The State should be liable for torts
committed by an independent contractor only in
cases referred to in Appendix VI.
(iv) The State also should be liable for torts
where a corporation owned or controlled by the
State would be liable.
(v) The State should be liable in respect of
breach of duties attached under the general law
to the ownership, occupation, possession or
control of immoveable properly from the moment
162
the State occupies or takes possession or
assumes control of the property.
(vi) The State should be subject to the
general law liability for injury caused by
dangerous things (chattels).
In respect of (i) to (vi) the State should be entitled to
raise the same defences, which a citizen would be
entitled to raise under general law.
II.In respect of duties of care imposed by statute
(i) If a statute authorises the doing of an
act which is in itself injurious, the State should
not be liable.
(ii) The State should be liable, without
proof of negligence, for breach of a statutory
duty imposed on it or its employees which
causes damage.
(iii) The State should be liable if in the
discharge of statutory duties imposed upon it or
its employees, the employees act negligently or
maliciously, whether or not discretion is involved
in the exercise of such duty.
(iv) The State should be liable if in the
exercise of the powers conferred upon it or its
employees the power is so exercised as to cause
nuisance or trespass or the power is exercised
negligently or maliciously causing damage.
N.B.—Appendix V shows some of the Acts
which contain protection clauses. But under the
General Clauses Act a thing is deemed to be
done in good faith even if it is done negligently.
Therefore, by suitable legislation the protection
should be made not to extend to negligent acts
however honestly done and for this purpose the
relevant clauses in such enactments should be
examined.
(v) The State should be subject to the
same duties and should have the same rights as
163
a private employer under a statute, whether it is
specifically binding on the State or not.
(vi) If an Act negatives or limits the
compensation payable to a citizen who suffered
damage, coming within the scope of the Act, the
liability of the State should be the same as
under that Act and the injured person should be
entitled only to the remedy, if any, provided
under the Act.
III.Miscellaneous:
Patents,Designs and Copyrights:The provisions
of Sec. 3 of the Crown Proceedings Act may be
adopted.
IV.General Provisions:
(i)Indemnity and contribution: To enable
the State to claim indemnity or contribution, a
provision on the lines of Sec. 4 of the Crown
Proceedings Act may be adopted.
(ii)Contributory negligence:In England,
the Law Reform (Contributory Negligence)
Act,1945 was enacted amending the law relating
to contributory negligence and in view of the
provisions of the Crown Proceedings Act the said
Act also binds the Crown. In India, the trend of
judicial opinion is in favour of holding that the
rule inMerryweather v. Nixan[(1799) 8 T.R. 186]
does not apply and that there is no legal
impediment to one tortfeasor recovering
compensation from another.
But the law should not be left in an uncertain
state and there should be legislation on the lines
of the English Act.
(iii) Appropriate provision should be made
while revising the Civil Procedure Code to make
it obligatory to implead as party to a suit in
which a claim for damages against the State is
made, the employee, agent or independent
contractor for whose act the State is sought to
164
be made liable. Any claim based
on indemnity or contribution by the State may
also be settled in such proceeding as all the
parties will be before the court.
V.Exceptions:
(i)Acts of State: The defence of “Act of
State” should be made available to the State for
any act, neglect or default of its servants or
agents. “Act of State” means an act of the
sovereign power directed against another
sovereign power or the subjects of another
sovereign power not owning temporary
allegiance, in pursuance of sovereign rights.
(ii)Judicial acts and execution of judicial
process:The State shall not be liable for acts
done by judicial officers and persons executing
warrants and orders of judicial officers in all
cases where protection is given to such officers
and persons by Sec. 1 of the Judicial Officers
Protection Act, 1850.
(iii)Acts done in the exercise of political
functions of the State such as acts relating to:
(a)Foreign Affairs (entry 10, List
I, Seventh Schedule of the Constitution);
(b) Diplomatic, Consular and trade
representation (entry 11);
(c)United Nations
Organisation(entry 12);
(d)Participation in international
conferences, associations and other bodies
and implementing of decisions made
thereat (entry 13);
(e)entering into treaties and
agreements with foreign countries and
implementing of treaties, agreements and
conventions with foreign countries (entry
14);
(f)war and peace (entry 15);
165
(g)foreign jurisdiction (entry 16);
(h)anything done by the
President, Governor or Rajpramukh in the
exercise of the following functions:
Power of summoning, proroguing
and dissolving the Legislature, vetoing of
laws and anything done by the President
in the exercise of the powers to issue
Proclamations under the Constitution;
(i) Acts done under the Trading with
the Enemy Act, 1947;
(j) Acts done or omitted to be done
under a Proclamation of Emergency when
the security of the State is threatened.
(iv) Acts done in relation to the Defence Forces:
(a)Combatant activities of the
Armed Forces during the time of war;
(b)Acts done in the exercise of
the powers vested in the Union for the
purpose of training or maintaining the
efficiency of the Defence Forces;
The statutes relating to these
already provide for payment of
compensation and the machinery for
determining the compensation:See
Manoeuvres, Field Firing and Artillery
Practice Act, 1948; Seaward Artillery
Practice Act, 1949;
(c) The liability of the State for
personal injury or death caused by a
member of the Armed Forces to another
member while on duty shall be restricted
in the same manner as in England (Sec.
10 of the Crown Proceedings Act)
(v) Miscellaneous: 166
(a) any claim arising out of
defamation, malicious prosecution and
malicious arrest,
(b) any claim arising out of the
operation of quarantine law,
(c) existing immunity under the
Indian Telegraph Act, 1885 and Indian
Post Offices Act, 1898,
(d) foreign torts. (The English
provision may be adopted.)”
145.     It   appears   that   based   on   the   First   Report   of   the   Law Commission, a Bill known as  the Government (Liability in Torts) Bill was introduced in 1967, but the same did not become the law. As a consequence, a huge burden was cast on the Courts to develop the law through judicial precedents, some of which we shall see now. 146.    The judicial journey actually started off on a right note with 112 the decision in   The  State of Bihar   vs.   Abdul Majid , where a Government servant who was dismissed but later reinstated, filed a suit for recovery of arrears of salary. Though the State raised a defence on the basis of the doctrine of pleasure, this Court rejected the same   on  the   ground   that   said  doctrine  based   on  the   Latin 112   AIR 1954 SC 245 167 phrase “ durante bene placito ” (during pleasure) has no application in India. This decision was followed in  State of Rajasthan  vs.  Mst. 113 ,   which involved  a claim for compensation  by the Vidhyawati widow of a person who was fatally knocked down by a jeep owned and   maintained   by   the   State.   When   sovereign   immunity   was pleaded, this Court observed in   Vidhyawati   (supra) :   “ when the rule of immunity in favour of the Crown, based on common law in the United Kingdom has disappeared from the land of its birth, there is no legal warrant for holding that it has any validity in this country, particularly after the Constitution .147.    On the question of the liability of the State, for the tortious acts of its servants, this Court opined in  Vidhyawati , as follows:
“(10)This case also meets the second branch of the
argument that the State cannot be liable for the
tortious acts of its servants, when such servants are
engaged on an activity connected with the affairs of the
State. In this connection it has to be remembered that
under the Constitution we have established a welfare
state, whose functions are not confined only to
maintaining law and order, but extend to engaging in
all activities including industry, public transport, state
trading, to name only a few of them. …”
113  AIR 1962 SC 933 168 148.     But   despite   the   decisions   in   Abdul   Majid   (supra)  and , this Court fell into a slippery slope in  . It Vidhyawati Kasturi Lal was a case where the partner of a firm dealing in bullion and other goods was arrested and detained in police custody and the gold and silver that he was carrying was seized by the police. When he was released later, the silver was returned but the Head Constable who effected   the   arrest   misappropriated   the   gold   and   fled   away   to Pakistan   in   October,   1947.   The   suit   filed   by   for Kasturi   Lal   recovery of the value of the gold, was resisted on the ground that this was not a case of negligence of the servants of the State and that even if negligence was held proved against the police officers the State could not be held liable. While upholding the contention of the State, this Court said “ if a tortious act is committed by a public servant and it gives rise to a claim for damages, the question to ask is: was the tortious act committed by the public servant in discharge of statutory functions which are referable to, and ultimately based on, the delegation of the sovereign powers of the State to such public servant? If the answer is in the affirmative, the action for damages for loss caused by such tortious act will not lie.  On the other hand, if 169 the tortious act has been committed by a public servant in discharge of duties assigned to him not by virtue of the delegation of any . sovereign power, an action for damages would lie   The act of the public servant committed by him during the course of his employment is in this category of cases, an act of a servant who might have been employed by a private individual for the same purpose .” 149.    In fact, it was suggested by this Court in  Kasturi Lal  that the   Legislatures   in   India   should   seriously   consider   making legislative   enactments   to   regulate   and   control   their   claim   for immunity.   Before   proceeding   further   with   the   journey   in   the chronological sequence, it must be mentioned that the decision in Kasturi Lal  was diluted to some extent after nearly 30 years which we shall take note of at the appropriate stage. 114 150.     In   vs. ,   which   came   to   be Khatri   (II)     State   of   Bihar. popularly known as  Bhagalpur blinding case,  this Court was dealing with a brutal incident of Police atrocity which resulted in twenty­ four prisoners being blinded. Though an opportunity was provided 114  (1981) 1 SCC 627 170 to this Court to signal the arrival of Constitutional tort in the said case   and   though   the   petitioners   sought   compensation   for   the violation of their Article 21 right, this Court simply postponed the decision to a future date by holding that they are issues of the gravest Constitutional importance, involving the exploration of new dimension of the right to life and personal liberty. 151.    But within a couple of years, another opportunity arose in (supra), which related to the unlawful detention of a Rudul Sah   prisoner for fourteen years even after his acquittal. This shook the conscience   of   this   Court.   Therefore,   this   Court   awarded compensation in an arbitrary sum of money, even while reserving the right of the petitioner to bring a suit for recovery of appropriate damages. This Court said that the order of compensation passed by this Court was in the nature of palliative. When it is suggested by the State that the appropriate remedy would be only to file a suit for damages,   this   Court   said   that   by   refusing   to   order   anything (towards compensation), this Court would be doing mere lip­service to the fundamental right to liberty and that one of the telling ways 171 in which the violation of the right by the State can be reasonably prevented, is to mulct its violators with monetary compensation. 152.    After   Rudul Sah , there was no looking back.   Instead of providing elaborate details, we think it is sufficient to provide in a tabular   form,   details   of   the   cases   where   this   Court   awarded compensation in public law, invoking the principle of constitutional tort, either expressly or impliedly. 
Sr.<br>No.Case LawsDecision
1.Sebastian M.Hongray vs.<br>Union of India<br>(1984) 3 SCC 82 Two men who were taken for questioning<br>by 21st Sikh Regiment never returned<br>home.<br> When a writ of habeas corpus was filed<br>by a JNU student, this Court directed<br>that the missing men be produced before<br>the Court. This order could not be<br>complied with.<br> Court awarded compensation of Rs.1lac<br>to the wives of the missing men on<br>account of mental agony suffered by<br>them.
2.Bhim Singh, MLA vs. State<br>of J&K.<br>(1985) 4 SCC 677 An MLA was illegally arrested and<br>detained to prevent him from attending a<br>session of the Jammu & Kashmir State<br>Legislative Assembly.<br> FIR was registered u/s 153A, IPC and<br>order of remand was obtained from the<br>Magistrate without producing the MLA<br>before Court.<br> In a writ for habeas corpus filed by his<br>wife, this Court observed that there had<br>been a violation of his fundamental rights<br>under Articles 21 and 22(2) of the<br>Constitution and accordingly directed the<br>State of Jammu and Kashmir to pay
172
Bhim Singh a sum of Rs.50,000/­ as<br>compensation.
3.Peoples’ Union for<br>Democratic Rights vs. State<br>of Bihar &Ors.<br>(1987) 1 SCC 265 A public interest litigation was filed<br>against the illegal shooting by police<br>officers against members of a peaceful<br>assembly.<br> Several were injured and 21 died<br>(including children) due to this incident.<br> While the State had paid a compensation<br>of Rs.10,000 each to heirs of the<br>deceased, this Court found it insufficient<br>and directed payment of Rs.20,000 to<br>dependants of each deceased and<br>Rs.5,000 to each injured person.
4.Saheli, a Women’s Resources<br>Centre through Ms. Nalini<br>Bhanot & Ors. vs.<br>Commissioner of Police,<br>Delhi Police Headquarters &<br>Ors.<br>(1990) 1 SCC 422 Two women were forcefully evicted from<br>their homes. The landlord was aided by<br>the SHO and SI in the assault that led to<br>demise of the nine­year­old son of one of<br>the women.<br> This Court awarded compensation of<br>Rs.75,000 to the mother of the deceased<br>child.
5.Supreme Court Legal Aid<br>Committee through its<br>Hony. Secretary vs. State of<br>Bihar & Ors.<br>(1991) 3 SCC 482 A person injured in a train robbery, was<br>taken to the nearest hospital by the<br>Police by tying him to the footboard of a<br>vehicle. This led to his death.<br> This Court observed that had timely care<br>been given to the victim he might have<br>been saved.<br> The State of Bihar was directed to pay<br>Rs.20,000 to the legal heirs of the<br>deceased.
6.Nilabati Behera (Smt.) alias<br>Lalita Behera (Through the<br>Supreme Court Legal Aid<br>Committee) vs. State of<br>Orissa & Ors.<br>(1993) 2 SCC 746 Petitioner was a mother whose son had<br>died in police custody.<br> This Court directed the State to pay<br>compensation of Rs.1.5 lacs.
7.Arvinder Singh Bagga vs.<br>State of U.P. & Ors.<br>(1994) 6 SCC 565 A married woman was detained and<br>physically assaulted in a police station<br>with a view to coerce her to implicate her<br>husband and his family in a case of<br>abduction and forcible marriage.<br> After taking her statement, her husband
and his family were also harassed by the<br>police.<br> This Court observed that the police had<br>exhibited high­handedness and<br>uncivilized behaviour and awarded the<br>woman a compensation of Rs.10,000 and<br>members of her family Rs.5,000 each.
8.N. Nagendra Rao & Co. vs.<br>State of A.P.<br>(1994) 6 SCC 205 Appellant was in the business of food<br>grains and fertiliser. On an inspection by<br>the concerned authorities, his stocks<br>were seized.<br> As was the practice, the food grains in<br>custody were sold and the proceeds<br>deposited in the Treasury, but the<br>fertilisers were not dealt with in the same<br>manner causing great loss to the<br>Petitioner.<br> In a suit for negligence and misfeasance<br>of public authorities, this Court further<br>developed the concept of Constitutional<br>Tort and limited the scope of sovereign<br>immunity laid down in Kasturilal. The<br>State was held vicariously liable for the<br>actions of the authorities.
9.Inder Singh vs. State of<br>Punjab & Ors.<br>(1995) 3 SCC 702 A Deputy Superintendent of Police along<br>with his subordinates abducted and<br>killed seven persons due to personal<br>vengeance.<br> This Court ordered an inquiry by the<br>CBI.After CBI filed a report, this court<br>directed the State to pay Rs.1.5 lacs to<br>the legal heirs (to be recovered from guilty<br>policemen later) and State to pay costs<br>quantified at Rs.25,000.
10.Paschim Banga Khet<br>Mazdoor Samity & Ors. vs.<br>State of W.B. & Anr.<br>(1996) 4 SCC 37 The callous attitude on the part of the<br>medical authorities at various<br>Government­run hospitals in Calcutta in<br>providing treatment to a train accident<br>victim was highlighted in this case.<br> This Court directed the State to pay<br>Rs.25,000 for the denial of its<br>constitutional obligations of care.
174
11.D.K. Basu vs. State of W.B.<br>(1997) 1 SCC 416 In a public interest litigation involving<br>incidents of custodial violence in West<br>Bengal, this Court issued guidelines for<br>law enforcement agencies to follow when<br>arresting and detaining any person.<br> This Court also discussed the award of<br>compensation as a remedy for violation of<br>fundamental rights as a punitive<br>measure against State action.
12.People’s Union for Civil<br>Liberties vs. Union of India<br>& Anr.<br>(1997) 3 SCC 433 Two persons alleged to be terrorists were<br>killed by the police in a false encounter.<br> This Court directed the State of Manipur<br>to pay Rs.1 lac to the family of the<br>deceased and Rs.10,000 to PUCL for<br>pursuing the case for many years.
13.Municipal Corporation of<br>Delhi, Delhi vs. Uphaar<br>Tragedy Victims Association<br>& Ors.<br>(2011) 14 SCC 481 A fire in a cinema hall resulted in injury<br>to over 100 persons and death of 59<br>cinemagoers.<br><br> The fire was caused by a transformer<br>installed by Delhi Vidyut Board (DVB).<br> HC had found the Municipal Corporation,<br>Delhi Police, and the DVB responsible for<br>the accident.<br> This Court held only DVB and theatre<br>owner liable to pay compensation in the<br>ratio of 15:85.<br> While doing so, this Court dealt<br>extensively with the concept of<br>Constitutional Tort.
153.    It will be clear from the decisions listed in the Table above that   this   Court   and   the   High   Courts   have   been   consistent   in invoking   Constitutional   tort   whenever   an   act   of   omission   and commission   on   the   part   of   a   public   functionary,   including   a Minister, caused harm or loss. But as rightly pointed out by the learned   Attorney   General   in   his   note,   the   matter   pre­eminently 175 deserves   a   proper   legal   framework   so   that   the   principles   and procedure are coherently set out without leaving the matter open ended or vague. In fact, the First Report of the Law Commission submitted a draft bill way back in 1956. This Court recommended a legislative   measure   in     in   1965   and   a   bill   called Kasturi   Lal Government   (Liability  in   Torts)  Bill   was   introduced   in  1967.   But nothing happened in the past 55 years. In such circumstances, courts   cannot   turn   a   blind   eye   but   may   have   to   imaginatively fashion the remedy to be provided to persons who suffer injury or loss, without turning them away on the ground that there is no proper legal frame work.     154.   Therefore, our answer to Question No. 5 is as follows: “A mere statement made by a Minister, inconsistent with the rights of a citizen under Part­III of the Constitution, may not constitute a violation of the constitutional rights and become actionable as Constitutional tort. But if as a consequence of such a statement, any act of omission or commission is done 176 by the officers resulting in harm or loss to a person/citizen, then the same may be actionable as a constitutional tort”. SUMMING UP To sum up, our answers to the five questions referred to the 155.   Bench, are as follows:
QUESTIONSANSWERS
1.Are the grounds specified in<br>Article 19(2) in relation to<br>which reasonable restrictions<br>on the right to free speech can<br>be imposed by law, exhaustive,<br>or can restrictions on the right<br>to free speech be imposed on<br>grounds not found in Article<br>19(2) by invoking other<br>fundamental rights?The grounds lined up in<br>Article 19(2) for restricting<br>the right to free speech are<br>exhaustive. Under the guise<br>of invoking other<br>fundamental rights or under<br>the guise of two fundamental<br>rights staking a competing<br>claim against each other,<br>additional restrictions not<br>found in Article 19(2), cannot<br>be imposed on the exercise of<br>the right conferred by Article<br>19(1)(a) upon any individual.
2.Can a fundamental right under<br>Article 19 or 21 of the<br>Constitution of India be<br>claimed other than against the<br>‘State’ or its instrumentalities?A fundamental right under<br>Article 19/21 can be enforced<br>even against persons other<br>than the State or its<br>instrumentalities.
3.Whether the State is under a<br>duty to affirmatively protect the<br>rights of a citizen under Article<br>21 of the Constitution of IndiaThe State is under a duty to<br>affirmatively protect the rights<br>of a person under Article 21,
177
even against a threat to the<br>liberty of a citizen by the acts<br>or omissions of another citizen<br>or private agency?whenever there is a threat to<br>personal liberty, even by a<br>non­State actor.
4.Can a statement made by a<br>Minister, traceable to any<br>affairs of State or for protecting<br>the Government, be attributed<br>vicariously to the Government<br>itself, especially in view of the<br>principle of Collective<br>Responsibility?A statement made by a<br>Minister even if traceable to<br>any affairs of the State or for<br>protecting the Government,<br>cannot be attributed<br>vicariously to the Government<br>by invoking the principle of<br>collective responsibility.
5.Whether a statement by a<br>Minister, inconsistent with the<br>rights of a citizen under Part<br>Three of the Constitution,<br>constitutes a violation of such<br>constitutional rights and is<br>actionable as ‘Constitutional<br>Tort”?A mere statement made by a<br>Minister, inconsistent with the<br>rights of a citizen under Part­<br>III of the Constitution, may<br>not constitute a violation of<br>the constitutional rights and<br>become actionable as<br>Constitutional tort. But if as a<br>consequence of such a<br>statement, any act of omission<br>or commission is done by the<br>officers resulting in harm or<br>loss to a person/citizen, then<br>the same may be actionable<br>as a constitutional tort.
178 156.    Now that we have answered the questions, the writ petition and the special leave petition are directed to be listed before the appropriate   bench   after   getting   orders   from   Hon’ble   the   Chief Justice of India. …..…………....................J.     (S. Abdul Nazeer) …..…………....................J.     (B.R. Gavai) …..…………....................J.     (A.S. Bopanna) .…..………......................J. (V. Ramasubramanian) New Delhi; January 03, 2023 179 REPORTABLE IN THE SUPREME COURT OF INDIA CRIMINAL ORIGINAL/CIVIL APPELLATE JURISDICTION WRIT PETITION (CRL.) NO. 113 OF 2016 Kaushal Kishor …..Petitioner(s) Versus State of Uttar Pradesh & Ors. ….. Respondent(s) With SLP (C) @ Diary No.34629 of 2017
Sl.No.ParticularsPage Nos.
1.Introduction2-10
2.Submissions10-17
3.Preface17-18
4.Article 19(1)(a) and 19 (2) – An Overview18-26
5.Wesley Hohfeld’s analysis of the form of<br>rights26-30
6.The content of Article 19 (1)(a)30-40
7.‘Hate speech’40-54
8.Human dignity as a value as well as a<br>right under the Constitution of India54-63
9.The preambular goals of ‘Equality’ and<br>‘Fraternity’63-72
10.Re: Question No.272-101
11.Re: Question No.3101-106
12.Re: Question No.4106-107
13.Re: Question No.5107-120
14.Conclusions120-121
2 J U D G M E N T NAGARATHNA, J. I have had the benefit of reading the erudite judgment proposed by His Lordship V. Ramasubramanian, J. While I agree with the reasoning and conclusions arrived at by his Lordship on certain questions referred to this Constitution Bench, I wish to lend a different perspective to some of the issues by way of my separate opinion. 2. In the words of one of the Indian philosophers, Basaveshwara: “NuDidare muttina haaradantirabeku, NuDidare maanikyada deeptiyantirabeku, NuDidare spatikada shalaakeyantirabeku, NuDidare Lingamecchi ahudenabeku.” One should speak only when the words uttered are as pure as pearls strung on a thread; Like the lustre shed by a ruby; Like a crystal’s flash that cleaves the blue; And such that the Lord, on listening to such speech, must say “yes, yes, that is true!” Introduction: 3. The concern of the petitioners in these cases is the misuse of the right to freedom of speech and expression under Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution, particularly, by those persons holding political offices, public servants, public functionaries or others holding responsible positions in Indian polity and society. The concern of the petitioners is with regard to the manner in which public functionaries make disparaging and insulting remarks against certain sections of the 3 society, against countrymen and against certain individuals such as women who may be victims of crime. Such indiscreet speech is a cause of concern in recent times as it is thought to be hurtful and insulting. The questions raised in these matters are with regard to remedies available in law so as to counter such kind of hurtful or disparaging speech made, particularly, by public functionaries. 4. The facts giving rise to the present petitions may be encapsulated as under: 4.1. Writ Petition (Crl.) No. 113 of 2016, relates to the unsavory public comments made by a former Uttar Pradesh Cabinet Minister, in the context of an alleged gang rape of a woman and her minor th daughter that took place on 29 July, 2016 on the Noida- Shahjahanpur National Highway (NH 91). Relying on certain news articles, the petitioner in Writ Petition (Crl.) No. 113 of 2016 has brought to the notice of this Court the remarks made by the said public functionary, terming the alleged incident as an “ opposition conspiracy ,” which was proliferated merely because “ elections were near, and the desperate opposition could stoop to any level to defame the government.” 4.2. In relation to such statements, a First Information Report, being FIR No. 0838 of 2016 was registered against the said Minister on th 30 July, 2016 by the Kotwali Police Station, Dehat, 4 Bulandshahr, Uttar Pradesh, for offences under Sections 395, 397, 376-D, 342 of the Indian Penal Code, 1860 (hereinafter referred to as ‘IPC’ for the sake of convenience). 4.3. In the above background, the Writ Petition has been preferred, praying as follows: “ P R A Y E R : - In view of the above stated submissions, it is therefore, most humbly prayed that this Hon’ble Court; may in the interests of justice, be pleased to :- a. Issue a writ of mandamus and / or any other appropriate writ and / or direction against the respondents directing them to stop the infringement of the fundamental rights of the petitioner to live a lawful life; in addition to passing other appropriate directions to the respondents. b. Direct the state to pay the appropriate compensation to the petitioner, other victims and the family members as per Law. c. Direct the state to provide and ensure respectable and appropriate free of cost and safe education arrangements till the attainments of the highest degree in the interest of justice. d. Direct the state to provide and ensure sufficient life security and appropriate job security to the petitioner, other victims and family members. e. Summon the status report from the investigation agency in the interests of justice. f. Monitor the investigation of FIR No.0838/2016 under Section 154 Cr. P.C. 395, 397, 376-D and POCSO Act, 342. g. Transfer the trial of the FIR No.0838/2016 to Delhi from Bulandshahar in the interest of justice. h. Pass directions to Respondent No.1 to register F.I.R. against Sh. Azam Khan, Minister for Urban Development, Govt. of UP; for making statements being outrageous to the modesty of the petitioner in the matters of the present case. i. Direct to the Respondent No.1 for registration of F.I.R. No.0838/2016 against erring police officials for disobeying the directions of law in the present case. 5 j. Pass any other or further orders as this Hon’ble Court may deem fit and proper in the light of the facts and circumstances of the present case in favour of the petitioners and against the respondents.” 4.4. Special Leave Petition bearing Diary No. 34629 of 2017 has been st filed impugning the common order dated 31 May, 2017 passed by the High Court of Kerala, at Ernakulam dismissing Writ Petition (C) No. 15869 and Writ Petition (C) No. 14712 of 2017. The said Writ Petitions were filed before the High Court alleging inaction on the part of Government of Kerala in connection with the derogatory statements made on separate occasions, by the then Minister of Electricity, Government of Kerala, against a woman Principal of a polytechnic college in Kerala, the mother of a student who allegedly committed suicide due to the alleged harassment by the college authorities and against women labourers of a tea plantation. Aggrieved by the dismissal of the said Writ Petition, SLP bearing Diary No. 34629 of 2017 came to be filed before this Court, which was directed to be tagged with Writ Petition (Crl.) No. 113 of 2016. 5. The questions raised for the consideration of this Constitution Bench are enumerated as under: “1) Are the grounds specified in Article 19(2) in relation to which reasonable restrictions on the right to free speech can be imposed by law, exhaustive, or can restrictions on the right to free speech be imposed on grounds not found in 6 Article 19(2) by invoking other fundamental rights? 2) Can a fundamental right under Article 19 or 21 of the Constitution of India be claimed other than against the ‘State’ or its instrumentalities? 3) Whether the State is under a duty to affirmatively protect the rights of a citizen under Article 21 of the Constitution of India even against a threat to the liberty of a citizen by the acts or omissions of another citizen or private agency? 4) Can a statement made by a Minister, traceable to any affairs of State or for protecting the Government, be attributed vicariously to the Government itself, especially in view of the principle of Collective Responsibility? 5) Whether a statement by a Minister, inconsistent with the rights of a citizen under Part Three of the Constitution, constitutes a violation of such constitutional rights and is actionable as ‘Constitutional Tort’?” 6. His Lordship, Ramsubramanian, J. has answered the questions referred to this Constitution Bench in the scholarly judgment proposed by him. My view on each of such questions, as contrasted with those of His Lordship’s have been expressed in a tabular form hereinunder, for easy reference.
QuestionsHis Lordship’s viewsMy views
1)Are the groundsThe grounds lined up<br>in Article 19(2) for<br>restricting the right to<br>free speech are<br>exhaustive. Under the<br>guise of invoking other<br>fundamental rights or<br>under the guise of twoI respectfully agree with<br>the reasoning and<br>conclusion of His<br>Lordship, in so far as<br>Question No. 1 is<br>concerned.
specified in Article 19(2)
in relation to which
reasonable restrictions
on the right to free
speech can be imposed
by law, exhaustive, or
can restrictions on the
QuestionsHis Lordship’s viewsMy views
right to free speech be<br>imposed on grounds not<br>found in Article 19(2) by<br>invoking other<br>fundamental rights?fundamental rights<br>taking a competing<br>claim against each<br>other, additional<br>restrictions not found<br>in Article 19(2), cannot<br>be imposed on the<br>exercise of the right<br>conferred by Article<br>19(1)(a) upon any<br>individual.
2) Can a fundamental<br>right under Article 19 or<br>21 of the Constitution of<br>India be claimed other<br>than against the ‘State’<br>or its instrumentalities?A fundamental right<br>under Article 19/21<br>can be enforced even<br>against persons other<br>than the State or its<br>instrumentalities.The rights in the realm
of common law, which
may be similar in their
content to the
Fundamental Rights
under Article 19/21,
operate horizontally;
However, the
Fundamental Rights
under Articles 19 and
21, do not except those
rights which have also
been statutorily
recognised. Therefore, a
fundamental right
under Article 19/21
cannot be enforced
against persons other
than the State or its
instrumentalities.
However, they may be
the basis for seeking
common law remedies.
But a remedy in the
form of writ of Habeas
Corpus, if sought
against a private person
on the basis of Article
21 of the Constitution
2)Can a fundamental
right under Article 19 or
21 of the Constitution of
India be claimed other
than against the ‘State’
or its instrumentalities?
QuestionsHis Lordship’s viewsMy views
can be before a
Constitutional Court
i.e., by way of Article
226 before the High
Court or Article 32 read
with Article 142 before
the Supreme Court.
As far as non-State
entities or those entities
which do not fall within
the scope of Article 12 of
the Constitution are
concerned, a writ petition
to enforce fundamental
rights would not be
entertained as against
them. This is primarily
because such matters
would involve disputed
questions of fact.
3) Whether the State is<br>under a duty to<br>affirmatively protect the<br>rights of a citizen under<br>Article 21 of the<br>Constitution of India<br>even against a threat to<br>the liberty of a citizen by<br>the acts or omissions of<br>another citizen or<br>private agency?The State is under a<br>duty to affirmatively<br>protect the rights of<br>a person under<br>Article 21, whenever<br>there is a threat to<br>personal liberty even<br>by a private actor.The duty cast upon the<br>State under Article 21 is<br>a negative duty not to<br>deprive a person of his<br>life and personal liberty<br>except in accordance<br>with law.<br>The State however has an<br>affirmative duty to carry<br>out obligations cast upon<br>it under constitutional<br>and statutory law. Such<br>obligations may require<br>interference by the State<br>where acts of a private<br>party may threaten the<br>life or liberty of another<br>individual. Hence,<br>failure to carry out the<br>duties enjoined upon
QuestionsHis Lordship’s viewsMy views
the State under<br>constitutional and<br>statutory law to protect<br>the rights of a citizen,<br>could have the effect of<br>depriving a citizen of<br>his right to life and<br>personal liberty. When a<br>citizen is so deprived of<br>his right to life and<br>personal liberty, the<br>State would have<br>breached the negative<br>duty cast upon it under<br>Article 21.
4) Can a statement<br>made by a Minister,<br>traceable to any affairs<br>of State or for protecting<br>the Government, be<br>attributed vicariously to<br>the Government itself,<br>especially in view of the<br>principle of Collective<br>Responsibility?A statement made by<br>a Minister even if<br>traceable to any<br>affairs of the State or<br>for protecting the<br>Government, cannot<br>be attributed<br>vicariously to the<br>Government by<br>invoking the<br>principle of<br>collective<br>responsibility.A statement made by a<br>Minister if traceable to<br>any affairs of the State<br>or for protecting the<br>Government, can be<br>attributed vicariously<br>to the Government by<br>invoking the principle<br>of collective<br>responsibility, so long<br>as such statement<br>represents the view of<br>the Government also. If<br>such a statement is not<br>consistent with the<br>view of the<br>Government, then it is<br>attributable to the<br>Minister personally.
5) Whether a statementA mere statement<br>made by a Minister,<br>inconsistent with the<br>rights of a citizen<br>under Part-III of the<br>Constitution, may<br>not constitute aA proper legal framework<br>is necessary to define the<br>acts or omissions which<br>would amount to<br>constitutional torts, and<br>the manner in which the<br>same would be redressed
by a Minister,
inconsistent with the
rights of a citizen under
Part Three of the
Constitution,
constitutes a violation
4)Can a statement
made by a Minister,
traceable to any affairs
of State or for protecting
the Government, be
attributed vicariously to
the Government itself,
especially in view of the
principle of Collective
Responsibility?
QuestionsHis Lordship’s viewsMy views
of such constitutional<br>rights and is actionable<br>as ‘Constitutional Tort’violation of<br>constitutional rights<br>and become<br>actionable as a<br>Constitutional tort.<br>But if as a<br>consequence of such<br>a statement, any act<br>of omission or<br>commission is done<br>by the officers<br>resulting in harm or<br>loss to a<br>person/citizen, then<br>the same may be<br>actionable as a<br>constitutional tort.or remedied on the basis<br>of judicial precedent.<br>It is not prudent to treat<br>all cases where a<br>statement made by a<br>public functionary<br>resulting in harm or loss<br>to a person/citizen, as<br>constitutional torts.<br>Public functionaries<br>could be proceeded<br>against personally if their<br>statement is inconsistent<br>with the views of the<br>Government. If, however,<br>such views are consistent<br>with the views of the<br>Government, or are<br>endorsed by the<br>Government, then the<br>same may be vicariously<br>attributed to the State on<br>the basis of the principle<br>of collective responsibility<br>and appropriate remedies<br>may be sought before a<br>court of law.
Submissions : 7. We have heard learned Senior Counsel, Sri Kaleeswaram Raj, for the Petitioners and learned Attorney General for the Respondents, and learned Senior Counsel Ms. Aparajita Singh, amicus curiae. 11 Arguments on behalf of the petitioners: 8. The submissions of learned Senior Counsel, Sri Kaleeswaram Raj, appearing on behalf of the Petitioners may be epitomized as under: 8.1. That while upholding the constitutional right to freedom of speech and expression of Ministers, efforts should be made to frame a voluntary code of conduct for Ministers and public officials, which would ensure better accountability and transparency in their political activities and also place a check on the misuse of freedom of speech and expression exercised by public functionaries using the apparatus of the State. 8.2. That while the state’s duty to protect life and liberty broadly falls within the right under Article 21, it is difficult to chain the State with responsibility in every instance where speech by a public functionary strikes at the dignity of another person. That in the absence of such a provision to vicariously attribute responsibility to the State, every instance of such speech cannot be actionable and remediable through the judiciary. That no duty corresponding to Article 21 is imposed on individual Ministers nor such duty is imposed on any government machinery to regulate the conduct of individual Ministers warranting judicial intervention. Therefore, even though no actionable breach of public duty can be said to have taken place when statements are 12 made by people in power, this in turn, postulates the desirability to have a voluntary code of conduct in the better interest of the government as well as the governed. 8.3. Reliance was placed on Article 75 (3) of the Constitution to contend that Ministers have a collective responsibility towards the legislature and thus, a code of conduct to self-regulate the speech and actions of Ministers is constitutionally justifiable. That a Minister is not supposed to breach her/his collective responsibility towards the Cabinet and the Legislature, hence, it is advisable to have a cogent code of conduct as available in advanced democracies. 8.4. Learned Senior Counsel lastly submitted that the instant cases do not involve a question as to conflict of any other right with Article 19. That the question herein, in sum and substance, is, whether, any restraint justifiable under the Constitution, can be placed on Ministers and public functionaries, to regulate their speech. Arguments on behalf of the Respondent-Union of India: 9. Submissions of Learned Attorney General for India, Sri R. Venkataramani and Learned Solicitor General of India, Sri Tushar Mehta, appearing on behalf of the Respondent-Union of India, may be summarized as under: 13 9.1. At the outset, Sri R. Venkataramani, Learned Attorney General fairly submitted that restrictions on the freedom of speech enumerated under Article 19 (2) have to be taken to be exhaustive and thus, the court cannot invoke any other fundamental right, namely, Article 21 to impose restrictions on grounds which are not enumerated under Article 19(2). Further, that as a matter of constitutional principle, any addition, alteration or change in the norms or criteria for imposition of restrictions, on any fundamental right has to come through a legislative process. That the balancing of fundamental rights, either to avoid overlapping or to ensure mutual enjoyment, is different from treating one right as a restriction on another right. 9.2. It was next submitted that the Constitution of India sets out the scheme of claims of fundamental rights against the State or its instrumentalities and such scheme also addresses breaches or violations of fundamental rights by persons other than the State or its instrumentalities. Thus, any proposition to add or insert subjects or matters in respect of which claims can be made against persons other than the State, would amount to a constitutional change. That any enlargement of such constitutional principles would have the consequence of opening a flood gate of constitutional litigation. 14 9.3. It was further contended that there are sufficient constitutional and legal remedies available to a citizen whose liberty is threatened by any person and beyond the constitutional and legal remedies, there may not be any other additional duty to affirmatively protect the right of a citizen under Article 21. 9.4. Learned Attorney General urged that Ministerial misdemeanors, which have nothing to do with the discharge of public duty and are not traceable to the affairs of the State will have to be treated as acts of individual violation and individual wrongs. Thus, the state cannot be vicariously liable for the same. That the conduct of a public servant like a Minister in the government, if was traceable to the discharge of a public duty or duties of the office, was subject to the scrutiny of law. However, such misconduct including statements that may be made by a Minister, cannot be linked to the principles of collective responsibility. Submissions of learned amicus curiae, Ms. Aparajita Singh, Senior Advocate: 10. The submissions of learned amicus curiae, Ms. Aparajita Singh, may be summarized as under: 10.1. At the outset she submitted that the right to freedom of speech and expression under Article 19(1)(a) is subject to clearly defined restrictions under Article 19(2). Therefore, any law seeking to 15 limit the right under Article 19(1)(a) has to fall within the limitation provided under Article 19(2). 10.2. That the right to freedom of speech and expression of a public functionary who represents the state has to be balanced with a citizen’s right to fair investigation under Article 21 and if the exercise of a Minister’s right under Article 19(1)(a) violates a citizen’s right under Article 21 then the same would have to be read down to protect the right of the citizen. Thus, a Minister cannot claim the protection of Article 19(1)(a) to violate Article 21 rights of citizens. 10.3. Ms. Aparajita Singh next contended that a Minister, being a functionary of the State represents the State when acting in his official capacity. Therefore, any violation of the fundamental rights of citizens by the Minister in his official capacity, would be attributable to the State. Thus, it would be preposterous to suggest that while the State is under an obligation to restrict a private citizen from violating the fundamental rights of other citizens, its own Minister can do so with impunity. However, learned amicus curiae qualified such submission by stating that the factum of violation would need to be established on the facts of a given case and hence the law has to evolve from case to case. It would involve a detailed inquiry into questions such as i) whether the statement by the Minister was made in his personal 16 or official capacity; ii) whether the statement was made on a public or private issue; iii) whether the statement was made on a public or private platform. 10.4. It was submitted that a Minister is personally bound by the oath of office to bear true faith and allegiance to the Constitution of India under Articles 75(4) and 164(3) of the Constitution. That the code of conduct for Ministers (both for Union and States) specifically lays down that the Code is in addition to the “…observance of the provisions of the Constitution, the Representation of the People Act, 1951”. Therefore, a constitutional functionary is duty bound to act in a manner which is in consonance with the constitutional obligations. 10.5. It was lastly submitted that the State acts through its functionaries. Therefore, an official act of a Minister which violates the fundamental rights of the citizens, would make the State liable by treating the said act of the Minister as a constitutional tort. However, the principle of sovereign immunity of the state for the tortious acts of its servants, has been held to be inapplicable in the case of violation of fundamental rights. Question No. 1 referred to this Constitution Bench reads as under: “Are the grounds specified in Article 19(2) in relation to which reasonable restrictions on the right to free speech can be imposed 17 by law, exhaustive, or can restrictions on the right to free speech be imposed on grounds not found in Article 19(2) by invoking fundamental rights?” Preface: 11. In my view, these cases call for an analysis of the content of Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution of India which grants to all citizens of India the right to freedom of speech and expression. Before proceeding to analyse the relevant constitutional provisions, it may be appropriate to preface the discussion with the thought that freedom of speech is not contingent only upon the laws of a nation. The compulsion of social relations and the informal pressures of conformity, exerted in a pervasive manner, determine to a great extent, the content and limits of permissible speech in society. It is the laws, however, through their own unique methods, which reinforce social sanctions. Therefore, the Constitution, which is the fundamental law of the land, as well as the other laws which are measured on the touchstone of the Constitution, are to be interpreted, having regard, inter-alia, to the content and permissible limits of free speech in a peaceful society. It is necessary to observe that freedom of speech and expression has always been closely linked with certain socio-political ideals that constitute the foundation of democracy: respect for individual dignity and equality; fraternity; ideals of tolerance; cultural and religious sensitivity. Many of these ideals are written into the text of our 18 Constitution and permeate its structure through the very Preamble to the Constitution. These ideals form the philosophical foundations of the discourse on free speech and therefore, any analysis of the same should be compatible with these ideals. It is in that background that one must set out to examine whether additional accountability and thus, a legal obligation can be cast upon public functionaries with respect to the permissible extent of free speech. Further, it is also necessary to examine the difference between restraints on the exercise of freedom of speech and expression, vis-à-vis restrictions thereon, and in that background examine the degree of self-restraint that needs to be exercised by every citizen, whether a public functionary or not, in exercising his/her right to freedom of speech and expression in a Country like ours which is so unique because of its diversity and pluralism. Article 19(1)(a) and Article 19(2): An overview 12. At this stage, it would be useful to dilate on Article 19(1)(a) and Article 19(2) as under: 12.1. Article 19(1)(a) to (f) of the Constitution guarantees certain fundamental rights to the citizens of India. These fundamental rights are however, subject to reasonable restrictions as enumerated in Articles 19(2) to (6) thereof which could be imposed by the State. These fundamental rights are in the nature of inalienable rights of man or basic human rights which inhere 19 in all citizens of a free country. Yet, these rights are not unrestricted or absolute, and are regulated by restrictions, which may be imposed by the State, which have to be reasonable. The object of prescribing restraints or reasonable restrictions on the fundamental freedoms is to avoid anarchy or disorder in society. Hence, the founding fathers of our Constitution while enumerating the fundamental rights, have alongside prescribed reasonable restrictions in clauses (2) to (6) of Article 19 and the laws enacted within the strict limits of such restrictions are constitutionally permissible. 12.2. Since, these cases involve the freedom of speech and expression, it is unnecessary to analyse the nature of the other fundamental rights in Article 19(1) of the Constitution. Articles 19(1) (a) and 19(2) of the Constitution read as under: “ 19. Protection of certain rights regarding freedom of speech, etc .- (1) All citizens shall have the right – (a) to freedom of speech and expression; xxx xxx xxx (2) Nothing in sub-clause (a) of clause (a) shall affect the operation of any existing law, or prevent the State from making any law, in so far as such law imposes reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right conferred by the said sub- clause in the interests of the sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly relations with Foreign States, public order, decency or morality or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence.” 20 12.3. The freedom of speech and expression as envisaged under Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution means the right to free speech and to express opinions through various media such as by word of mouth, through the print or electronic media, through pictographs, writings, graphics or any other manner that can be discerned by the mind. The right includes the freedom of press. The content of this right also includes propagation of ideas through publication and circulation, the right to seek information and to acquire or impart ideas. In short, the right to free speech would include every nature of right that would come within the scope and ambit of free speech. Hence, Article 19(1)(a) in very broad and in wide terms states that all citizens shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression. The said right can be curtailed only by reasonable restrictions which are enumerated in Article 19(2) thereof which can be imposed by the State under the authority of law but not by exercise of executive power in the absence of any law. Further, the nature of restrictions on right to free speech must be reasonable, and in the interest of the sovereignty and integrity of India, security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality or in relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to an offence. (Article 19(2)). 12.4. For a country like ours which is a Parliamentary Democracy, freedom of speech and expression is a necessary right as well as 21 a concomitant for the purpose of not only ensuring a healthy democracy but also to ensure that the citizens could be well informed and educated on governance. The dissemination of information through various media, including print and electronic media or audio visual form, is to ensure that the citizens are enlightened about their rights and duties, the manner in which they should conduct themselves in a democracy and for enabling a debate on the policies and actions of the Governments and ultimately for the development of the Indian society in an egalitarian way. 12.5. The right to freedom of speech and expression in Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution has its genesis in the Preamble of the Constitution which, inter alia, speaks of liberty of thought, expression, belief. Since, India is a sovereign democratic republic and we follow a parliamentary system of democracy, liberty of thought and expression is a significant freedom and right under our constitutional setup. 12.6. This Court has, since the enforcement of the Constitution, been zealously upholding the right to freedom of speech and expression in innumerable judgments which may be highlighted with reference to a few of them. i) In Romesh Thappar vs. State of Madras, AIR 1950 SC 124, 1950 SCC 436 , (“Romesh Thappar”) while highlighting that the freedom of speech is the foundation of 22 all democratic organisations, held that said freedom would also include the right to freedom of the press. This judgment highlighted that the free flow of opinion and ideas is necessary to sustain collective life of the well informed citizenry which is a sine qua non for effective governance. ii) In S. Khushboo vs. Kanniammal, (2010) 5 SCC 600, (“Khushboo”) this Court held that the freedom under Article 19(1)(a) envisaged dissemination of all kinds of views, both popular as well as unpopular. iii) Recently in Shreya Singhal vs. Union of India, (2015) 5 SCC 1 , (“Shreya Singhal”) this Court speaking through Nariman, J. highlighted on the differences between the US First Amendment and Article 19(1)(a) read with Article 19(2) in the following words: “15. It is significant to notice first the differences between the US First Amendment and Article 19(1)(a) read with Article 19(2). The first important difference is the absoluteness of the US First Amendment—Congress shall make no law which abridges the freedom of speech. Second, whereas the US First Amendment speaks of freedom of speech and of the press, without any reference to “expression”, Article 19(1)(a) speaks of freedom of speech and expression without any reference to “the press”. Third, under the US Constitution, speech may be abridged, whereas under our Constitution, reasonable restrictions may be imposed. Fourth, under our Constitution such restrictions have to be in the interest of eight designated subject-matters— that is, any law seeking to impose a restriction on the freedom of speech can only pass muster if it is proximately related to any of the eight subject- matters set out in Article 19(2).” 23 It was further observed that insofar as the first apparent difference is concerned, the United States Supreme Court has never given effect to the declaration that Congress shall, under some circumstances, make any law abridging the freedom of speech. Insofar as the second apparent difference is concerned, para 17 of Shreya Singhal is extracted as under: “17. So far as the second apparent difference is concerned, the American Supreme Court has included “expression” as part of freedom of speech and this Court has included “the press” as being covered under Article 19(1)(a), so that, as a matter of judicial interpretation, both the US and India protect the freedom of speech and expression as well as press freedom. Insofar as abridgement and reasonable restrictions are concerned, both the US Supreme Court and this Court have held that a restriction in order to be reasonable must be narrowly tailored or narrowly interpreted so as to abridge or restrict only what is absolutely necessary. It is only when it comes to the eight subject-matters that there is a vast difference. In the US, if there is a compelling necessity to achieve an important governmental or societal goal, a law abridging freedom of speech may pass muster. But in India, such law cannot pass muster if it is in the interest of the general public. Such law has to be covered by one of the eight subject-matters set out under Article 19(2). If it does not, and is outside the pale of Article 19(2), Indian courts will strike down such law.” In Shreya Singhal , there was a challenge to Section 66-A of the Information Technology Act, 2000, which was struck down as being violative of Article 19(1)(a) and was not saved under 24 Article 19(2) on the ground of vagueness and not providing manageable standards and clear guidance for citizens, authorities and courts for drawing a precise line between allowable and forbidden speech, expression or information. When a law uses vague expressions capable of misuse or abuse without providing notice to persons of common intelligence to guess their meaning, it leaves them in a boundless sea of uncertainty, conferring wide, unfettered powers on authorities to curtail freedom of speech and expression arbitrarily. 12.7. The present cases, however, are not really concerned with restrictions on the right to freedom of speech being imposed by the State. These cases are concerned with the content of Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution, inasmuch as the grievance sought to be ventilated by the petitioners is, whether, there could be an inherent constitutional restriction on freedom of speech and expression on the citizens vis-à-vis other citizens. These cases are not with regard to reasonable restrictions that could be imposed by the State on the freedom of speech and expression, rather, what would be the content of free speech that should not be exercised as a right by an individual citizen which would not in any way give rise to a cause of action to another citizen to seek a remedy. 25 13. The content of a free speech right, as described hereinabove, is to be understood in terms of the structural elements or components of a free speech right. Only when a free speech right is understood as such, deductions can be made as to the precise boundaries thereof and the basis on which such right can be limited or restrained. Stephen Gradbaum, in his essay titled “The Structure of a Free Speech Right,” in the Oxford Handbook of Freedom of Speech has discussed six components of a free speech right, in the following words: “The first is the 'force' of a free speech right. This includes what type of legal right to free speech is formally recognized or at issue: for example, common law, statutory, or constitutional. This in turn helps to determine whether and how easily a free speech right can be legally superseded. Another aspect of force is whether and how the right is judicially enforceable. The second component is the 'subject' of free speech rights, or who are the rights-holders: for example, all persons within a jurisdiction or only citizens; legal persons including corporations or only natural persons? The third is the ‘scope’ of a free speech right: a right to say or do what exactly? Does it include falsehoods, hate speech, or baking a cake? The fourth, as a distinct structural element concerning content, addresses whether the right includes not only negative prohibitions on relevant others but also positive obligations , such as a duty to affirmatively protect the free speech of rights-holders from third-party threats? The fifth component is the 'object' of a free speech right: who are these 'relevant others' that are bound by the holder's rights? Against whom can the right be validly asserted? Finally, there is the ' limitation ’ of a free speech right. If the prior questions have all been answered to the effect that a free speech right is implicated and infringed in a particular situation, when, if ever, might there be a legally justified limitation of that right? Is the right an absolute bar or ‘trump’ against inconsistent action and, if not, what presumptive weight attaches to it? How, when, and why can the presumption be rebutted? Collectively, by constituting and expressing 26 the underlying structure of the right to free speech, the answers to these six questions help to define the nature and extent of any particular such right in a given legal system.” (Emphasis by me) Referring to the aspect of limitation of a free speech right, the learned author has observed that the teleology of a Constitutional order, can also play a role in fashioning the contours of free speech protections. That is to say, a free speech right may be fashioned to serve Constitutional commitments. 14. According to Wesley Hohfeld’s analysis of the form of rights, every right has a complex internal structure, and such structure determines what the rights mean for those who hold them. Such rights are ordered arrangements of basic components. One of the components of a right, is a correlative duty. That is to say, if X has a right, he is legally protected from interference in respect of such right and such right carries with it the duty of the State, not to interfere with such right. If the State (or any other person) is under no corelative duty to abstain from interfering with the exercise of a right, then such a right is not a ‘right’ in the strict Hohfeldian sense. The boundaries of the protective perimeter within which a person can exercise their rights, depend on the degree to which the State is duty bound to protect the right. 14.1. What emerges from the Hohfeldian conception of rights and corelative duties, qua the right to freedom of speech and expression may be summed up as follows: 27 a) The Constitution of India confers under Article 19(1)(a), the right to freedom of speech and expression to all its citizens. The State has a corelative duty to abstain from interference with such right except as provided in Article 19(2) of the Consitution which are reasonable restrictions on the right conferred under Article 19(1)(a). The extent of such duty depends upon the content of speech. For instance, in respect of speech that is likely to be adverse to the interests of sovereignty and integrity of India, the security of the State, friendly relations with foreign States, public order, decency or morality; or speech that constitutes contempt of court, defamation or is of such nature as would be likely to incite the commission of an offence, the duty of the State to abstain from interference, is nil. This principle is Constitutionally reflected under Article 19(2) which enables the State to enact law which would impose reasonable restrictions on such speech as described under the eight grounds listed hereinabove which are the basis for reasonable restrictions. b) Per contra , in respect of speech and expression which constitutes an exchange of ideas, including dissent or disagreement, and such ideas are expressed in a manner compatible with the ethos cultivated in a civilised society, the duty of the State to abstain from interference, is high. 28 c) Similarly, in respect of commercial speech, the State is completely free to recall or curb commercial speech which is false, misleading, unfair or deceptive. Therefore, the threshold of tolerance towards commercial speech or advertisements depends on the content of such speech and the object of the material sought to be propagated/circulated. The duty of the State to abstain from interference would also depend upon the nature and effect of the commercial speech. d) As is evident from the above illustrations, the extent of protection of speech would depend on whether, such speech would constitute a ‘propagation of ideas’ or would have any social value. If the answer to the said question is in the affirmative, such speech would be protected under Article 19(1)(a); if the answer is in the negative, such speech would not be protected under Article 19(1)(a). In respect of speech that does not form the content of Article 19(1)(a), the State has no duty to abstain from interference having regard to Article 19(2) of the Constitution and only the grounds mentioned therein. e) Having noted that the protective perimeter within which a person can exercise his/her rights depends on the degree to which the State is duty bound to protect the right, it may also be said as a corollary that in respect of speech that does 29 not form the content of Article 19(1)(a), the State has no duty to abstain from interference and therefore, speech such as hate speech, defamatory speech, etc. would lie outside the protective perimeter within which a person can exercise his right to freedom of speech. Such speech can be subjected to restrictions or restraints. While restrictions on the right to freedom of speech and expression are required to be made only under the grounds listed under Article 19(2), by the State, restraints on the said right, do not gather their strength from Article 19(2). Restraints on the right to freedom of speech and expression are governed by the content of Article 19(1)(a) itself; i.e., any kind of speech, which does not conform to the content of the right under Article 19(1)(a), may be restrained. Questions pertaining to the voluntary or binding nature of such restraint, the force behind the same, the persons on whom such restraints are to be imposed, the manner in which compliance thereof could be achieved, etc., are aspects left to be deliberated upon and answered by the Parliament. However, the finding made hereinabove is only to the extent of clarifying that any kind of speech, which does not form the content of Article 19(1)(a), may be restrained as such speech does not constitute an exchange of ideas, in a manner compatible with the ethos cultivated in a civilised society. Such 30 need not be traceable only to Article 19(2), which restraints exhaustively lists eight grounds on which restrictions may be imposed on the right to freedom of speech and expression by the state. The Content of Article 19(1)(a): 15. The freedom of speech and expression under Article 19(1)(a) is a right with diverse facets, both with regard to the content of speech and expression, and the medium through which communication takes place. It is also a dynamic concept that has evolved with time and advances in technology. In short, Article 19(1)(a) covers the right to express oneself by word of mouth, through writing, pictorial form, graphics, or in any other manner. It includes the freedom of communication and the right to propagate or publish one's views and opinions. The communication of ideas may be through any medium such as a book, newspaper, magazine or movie, including electronic and audio-visual media. 15.1. Right to Circulate: Freedom of the press takes within its fold a number of rights and one such right is the freedom of publication. Publication also means dissemination and circulation; indeed, without circulation, publication would be of little value, vide Romesh Thappar; Sakal Papers (P) Ltd. vs. Union of India, A.I.R. 1962 SC 305 (“Sakal Papers (P) Ltd.”) . 31 In Life Insurance Corporation vs. Prof. Manubhai D. Shah, (1992) 3 SCC 637 (“Prof. Manubhai D. Shah”) this Court reiterated that the freedom of speech and expression under Article 19(1)(a) must be understood to take within its ambit the freedom to circulate one’s view. That such circulation could be by word of mouth, in writing or through audio-visual media. The freedom to ‘air one’s view’ was declared as a “lifeline of any democratic institution” and the Court expressed strong criticism at any attempt aimed at stifling or suffocating the right to circulation. In the said case, the appeals concerned separate instances of state-controlled entities (LIC and Doordarshan) refusing to publish or broadcast work that criticized the government. The Court reasoned that government-controlled means of publication have a greater burden to recognize an individual’s right to defend themselves and if a state censors content, then it is obligated to provide reasons valid in law. That when a state-controlled entity refuses to circulate through its magazine or other platform, one’s views, including one’s defence, the right to circulate is violated. This Court has therefore, on several occasions recognised the right to circulation, as a facet of the right to freedom of speech. The right to circulation includes, the right to optimise/maximise the volume of such circulation and also determine the content and reach thereof. 32 15.2. Right to dissent: Article 19(1)(a) serves as a vehicle through which dissent can be expressed. The right to dissent, disagree and adopt varying and individualistic points of view inheres in every citizen of this Country. In fact, the right to dissent is the essence of a vibrant democracy, for it is only when there is dissent that different ideas would emerge which may be of help or assist the Government to improve or innovate upon its policies so that its governance would have a positive effect on the people of the country which would ultimately lead to stability, peace and development which are concomitants of good governance. 15.3. The following judgments of this Court on the right to dissent are noteworthy: (i) In Romesh Thappar , this Court recognised that criticism or dissent directed against the Government, was not to be curtailed and any attempt to do so could not be justified as a reasonable restriction under Article 19 (2) of the Constitution. This declaration by this Court cemented the idea that the freedom of speech and expression covers the right to dissent or criticise, even when such right is employed with respect to criticism of governmental policy or action or inaction. It is now recognised that the right to 33 dissent is an essential pre-requisite of a healthy democracy and a facet of free speech. (ii) In Kedar Nath Singh vs. State of Bihar, A.I.R. 1962 SC 955 (“Kedar Nath Singh”) this Court considered a challenge to Sections 124-A and 505 of the IPC, which criminalised attempts targeted at exciting disaffection towards the Government, by words, or through writing and publications which may disturb public tranquillity. Although this Court dismissed the challenge to the vires of the aforestated provisions, it was clarified that criticism of measures adopted by the government, would be within the limits of, and consistent with the freedom of speech and expression. (iii) Subsequently, in Directorate General of Doordarshan vs. Anand Patwardhan, (2006) 8 SCC 433 (“Anand Patwardhan”) this Court observed that the State cannot prevent open discission, even when such discussion was highly critical of governmental policy. (iv) The right of an individual to hold unpopular or unconventional views was once again upheld in Khushboo wherein this Court quashed First Information Reports (FIRs) registered pertaining to offences under Sections 292, 499, 500, 504, 505, 509 of the IPC, based on complaints regarding the unpopular comments made by the appellant 34 therein, an actor, in a news magazine on the subject of pre- marital sex wherein she had urged women and girls to take necessary precautions to avoid the transmission of venereal diseases. In doing so, this Court observed that criminal law could not be set into motion in a manner as would interfere with the domain of personal autonomy. The Court upheld the appellant’s freedom of speech and expression and quashed the FIRs, expressing the need for tolerance even qua unpopular views. 15.4. Right to advertise (commercial speech): As per the dictionary meaning, the expression "advertise" means, to draw attention to, or describe goods for sale, services offered, etc., through any medium, such as newspaper, television or other electronic media, etc., in order to encourage people to buy or use them. In other words, it is to draw attention to any product or service. "Advertisement" is a public notice, announcement, picture in a newspaper or on a wall or hoarding in the street etc., which advertises something. In short, it is to advert attention to something and in the commercial sense, to draw attention to goods for sale or services offered. In that sense, an advertisement is commercial speech. A glimpse of the following cases would be useful: 35 (i) In Hamdard Dawakhana (Wakf) Lal Kuan vs. Union of India, A.I.R 1960 SC 554 (“Hamdard Dawakhana”) this Court held that an advertisement is a form of speech, but its true character is reflected by the object for the promotion of which it is employed. However, this Court qualified its observations with the caveat that when advertisement takes the form of commercial advertisement which has an element of trade or commerce, it no longer falls within the concept of freedom of speech, for, the object is not propagation of ideas - social, political or economic or furtherance of literature or human thought; but the commendation of the efficacy, value and importance of the product it seeks to advertise. In the said case, this Court did not recognize commercial speech on par with other forms of speech by holding that it did not have the same value as political or creative expression. That broadly, the right to publish and distribute commercial advertisements advertising an individual's personal business is a part of freedom of speech guaranteed by the Constitution, but not every advertisement is a matter which comes within the scope of freedom of speech, nor can it be said that it is an expression of ideas. In every case, one has to see what is the nature of advertisement and what is the business/commercial activity falling under Article 19(1)(g) it seeks to further. 36 In the aforesaid case, what was challenged was the Drugs and Magic Remedies (Objectionable Advertisements) Act, 1954. It was held that the object of the Act was the prevention of self- medication and self-treatment by prohibiting advertisements, which may be used to advocate the same or which tended to spread the evil. It was further held that the advertisements of Hamdard Dawakhana, appellant in the said case, were relating to commerce or trade and not propagation of ideas. Such advertising of prohibited drugs or commodities the sale of which was not in the interest of the general public, cannot be "speech" within the meaning of freedom of speech and would not fall within Article 19(1)(a). It is therefore evident that this Court in the said case placed weight on the aspect as to whether, the advertisement sought to be protected, did in fact constitute ‘propagation of ideas.’ The true content and object of the material sought to be propagated/circulated was to be assessed, in order to declare whether such content would enjoy the protection of Article 19(1)(a). (ii) Subsequently, in Indian Express Newspaper (Bombay) Pvt. Ltd. vs. Union of India, (1985) 1 SCC 641 (“Indian Express Newspaper (Bombay) Pvt. Ltd.”) , this Court considered the decision in Hamdard Dawakhana and 37 observed that the main plank of said decision was the type of advertisement or the content thereof and that particular advertisement did not carry with it the protection of Article 19(1)(a). It was further clarified that the observations made in Hamdard Dawakhana are too broadly stated. That all commercial advertisements cannot be denied the protection of Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution merely because they are issued by businessmen. (iii) Subsequently, in Tata Press Limited vs. Mahanagar Telephone Nigam Limited, (1995) 5 SCC 139 (“Tata Press Limited”) , this Court clarified that commercial speech, which is entitled to protection under the First Amendment in USA is also protected under Article 19(1)(a) of the Indian Constitution. However, in the USA, the State was completely free to recall commercial speech which is false, misleading, unfair, deceptive and which proposes illegal transactions in USA. But, under the Indian Constitution, commercial speech which is deceptive, unfair, misleading and untruthful, would be hit by Article 19(2) of the Constitution and can be regulated/prohibited by the State. 15.5. Compelled Speech: Compelled or forced speech is speech which compels a person to state a thing. It is in the form of a "must carry" 38 provision in a statute. An example of compelled speech is a provision mandating printing of the ingredients, its measure and such other details on a food product or pharmaceutical item. The object is to inform and, in some cases, warn a potential consumer about the nature of the product. Such compelled speech cannot be a violation of the freedom of speech and expression. But if the State compels a citizen to carry out propaganda or a point of view contrary to his wish then it may be a restriction on his freedom of speech and expression, which must be justified as per Article 19(2) of the Constitution. But, if the “must carry” provision furthers informed decision making, which is the essence of free speech and expression, then it will not amount to a violation of Article 19(1)(a). The following judgments could be cited in the aforesaid context: (i) In Union of India vs. Motion Picture Association, A.I.R. 1999 SC 2334 (“Motion Picture Association”) , this Court held that whether compelled speech will or will not amount to a violation of the freedom of speech and expression, would depend upon the nature of a "must carry" provision. It observed that, if a "must carry" provision further informed decision-making, which is the essence of the right to free speech and expression, it will not amount to any violation of the fundamental freedom of speech and expression. However, if such a provision compels a person to carry out 39 propaganda or project a partisan or distorted point of view, contrary to his wish, it may amount to a restraint on his freedom of speech and expression. It may also violate other fundamental rights such as Article 19 (1) (g) or right against self-incrimination which is protected under Article 20 (3) of the Constitution. (ii) Therefore, this Court, in the said case, once again laid stress on the ideas and information sought to be communicated, by way of compelling the transmission of such ideas. The content of the information which is compelled to be carried was found to be highly relevant. Thus, the right under Article 19(1)(a) is a multi-faceted freedom and includes within its expanse, inter-alia , the right to gender identity as a facet of freedom of expression, vide National Legal Services Authority vs. Union of India, (2014) 5 SCC 438 (“National Legal Services Authority”) ; the right of the press to conduct interviews, vide Prabha Dutt vs. Union of India, (1982) 1 SCC 1 (“Prabha Dutt”) ; the right to attend proceedings in Court and report the same, vide Swapnil Tripathi vs. Supreme Court of India, (2018) 10 SCC 639 (“Swapnil Tripathi”) ; the right to fly the national flag vide Union of India vs. Naveen Jindal, (2004) 2 SCC 510 (“Naveen Jindal”) . The right to silence, often regarded as the very converse of ‘speech,’ is also implicit in the freedom of 40 speech under Article 19(1)(a), as recognised in Bijoe Emmanuel vs. State of Kerala, (1986) 3 SCC 615 (“Bijoe Emmanuel”) . 16. ‘Hate Speech’: 16.1. The various nuances of what has come to be termed as ‘hate speech’ could be discussed with reference to judgments of this Court as under: Learned counsel appearing for the petitioner, Sri Kaleeswaram Raj submitted that, the contention of the petitioners in these cases is that the right to free speech which is a right against the State would also bring within its fold, a duty vis-à-vis not only the State but other citizens also in the matter of exercising the said freedom. In other words, what is sought to be addressed in these cases is what are the components or elements of the fundamental right of free speech and whether there could be limits on the right to free speech de hors Article 19(2) of the Constitution, with a view to check, what has ubiquitously come to be known as ‘hate speech’ or ‘disparaging speech’. By this I do not restrict the scope of consideration in the instant cases only to speech made by public functionaries, but the same shall also extend to speech by ordinary citizens, especially on social media. 41 16.2. This Court, in Pravasi Bhalai Sangathan vs. Union of India, (2014) 11 SC 477 (“Pravasi Bhalai Sangathan”) speaking through Dr. B.S. Chauhan, J., has dealt with ‘hate speech’ as having an innate relationship with the idea of discrimination. That the impact of such speech is not measured by its abusive value alone, but rather by how successfully and systematically it marginalises people. The definition of ‘hate speech’ as propounded by this Court in the aforesaid case, is extracted hereinunder:
“Hate speech is an effort to marginalise individuals
based on their membership in a group.Using
(Emphasis by me) This Court referred to the judgment of the Supreme Court of Canada in Saskatchewan Human Rights Commission vs. William Whatcott, 2013 SCC 11 (“Saskatchewan”) (Canada) wherein it was held that human rights obligations form the basis for the control of publication of "hate speeches." The Canadian 42 Supreme Court further declared that the repugnancy of the ideas being expressed is not sufficient to justify restricting the expression, and whether or not the author of the expression intended to incite hatred or discriminatory treatment, is irrelevant. That the key is to determine the likely effect of the expression on its audience, keeping in mind the legislative objectives to reduce or eliminate discrimination. Placing reliance on the observations of the Canadian Supreme Court, this Court in Pravasi Bhalai Sangathan observed that the offence of hate speech is not limited to causing individual distress but would target persons who are members of certain groups or sections of society which breeds discrimination and consequently, hostility. 16.3. In India, human dignity is not only a value but a right that is enforceable. In a human-dignity-based democracy, freedom of speech and expression must be exercised in a manner that would protect and promote the rights of fellow-citizens. But hate speech, whatever its content may be, denies human beings the right to dignity. In this regard, it may be apposite to refer to a recent decision of this Court in Amish Devgan vs. Union of India, (2021) 1 SCC 1 (“Amish Devgan”) wherein this Court speaking through Sanjeev Khanna, J. undertook an analysis of ‘hate speech’ as being antithetical to, and incompatible with the foundations of human dignity. Protection of ‘Dignity’ as a 43 justification for criminalization of ‘hate speech’ was discussed as follows: “46. […] Dignity, in the context of criminalisation of speech with which we are concerned, refers to a person's basic entitlement as a member of a society in good standing, his status as a social equal and as bearer of human rights and constitutional entitlements. It gives assurance of participatory equality in inter-personal relationships between the citizens, and between the State and the citizens, and thereby fosters self-worth. Dignity in this sense does not refer to any particular level of honour or esteem as an individual, as in the case of defamation which is individualistic. 47. Preamble to the Constitution consciously puts together fraternity assuring dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the nation. Dignity of individual and unity and integrity of the nation are linked, one in the form of rights of individuals and other in the form of individual's obligation to others to ensure unity and integrity of the nation. The unity and integrity of the nation cannot be overlooked and slighted, as the acts that 'promote' or are 'likely' to 'promote' divisiveness, alienation and schematism do directly and indirectly impinge on the diversity and pluralism, and when they are with the objective and intent to cause public disorder or to demean dignity of the targeted groups, they have to be dealt with as per law. The purpose is not to curtail right to expression and speech, albeit not gloss over specific egregious threats to public disorder and in particular the unity and integrity of the nation. Such threats not only insidiously weaken virtue and superiority of diversity, but cut-back and lead to demands depending on the context and occasion, for suppression of freedom to express and speak on the ground of reasonableness. Freedom and rights cannot extend to create public disorder or armour those who challenge integrity and unity of the country or promote and incite violence. Without acceptable public order, freedom to speak and express is challenged and would get restricted for the common masses and law-abiding citizens. This invariably leads to State response and, therefore, those who indulge in promotion and incitement of violence to challenge unity and integrity of the nation or public 44 disorder tend to trample upon liberty and freedom of others .” (Emphasis by me) Further, referring to the views of Alice E. Marwick and Ross Millers in the report titled “Online Harassment, defamation, and Hateful Speech: A Primer of the Legal Landscape,” this Court in Amish Devgan elucidated as follows on three distinct elements that legislatures and courts can use to define and identify ‘hate speech’: “72.1. The content-based element involves open use of words and phrases generally considered to be offensive to a particular community and objectively offensive to the society. It can include use of certain symbols and iconography. By applying objective standards, one knows or has reasonable grounds to know that the content would allow anger, alarm or resentment in others on the basis of race, colour, creed, religion or gender. 72.2. The intent-based element of 'hate speech' requires the speaker's message to intend only to promote hatred, violence or resentment against a particular class or group without communicating any legitimate message. This requires subjective intent on the part of the speaker to target the group or person associated with the class/group. 72.3. The harm or impact-based element refers to the consequences of the ‘hate speech’, that is, harm to the victim which can be violent or such as loss of self- esteem, economic or social subordination, physical and mental stress, silencing of the victim and effective exclusion from the political arena. 72.4. Nevertheless, the three elements are not watertight silos and do overlap and are interconnected and linked. Only when they are present that they 45 produce structural continuity to constitute 'hate speech'.” It was further clarified that the effect of the words must be judged from the standard of “reasonable, strong-minded, firm and courageous men and not those who are weak and ones with vacillating minds, nor those who scent danger in every hostile point of view.” That in order to ensure maximisation of free speech, the assessment should be from the perspective of a reasonable member of the public. 16.4. Further, in a landmark Judgment of the United States’ Supreme Court in the matter of Chaplinsky vs. State of New Hampshire, 315 U.S. 568 (1942) (“Chaplinsky”) “hate speech” was defined by Murphy J. to mean “fighting words, which by their very utterance inflict injury or tend to incite an immediate breach of peace. It has been observed that such utterances are no essential part of any exposition of ideas, and are of slight social value as a step to truth that any benefit that may be derived from them is clearly outweighed by the social interest in order and morality.” 16.5. The term ‘hate speech’ does not find a specific place in Article 19(2) of the Constitution and it appears that it does not constitute a specific exception to the freedom of speech and expression under Article 19(1)(a). Possibly the framers of the Constitution 46 did not find the same to be of relevance in the Indian social mosaic considering that the other cherished values of our Constitution such as fraternity and dignity of the individual would be strong factors which would negate any form of hate speech to be uttered in our Country. This may be having regard to our social and cultural values. However, with the passage of time, a wide range of Indian statutes have been enacted with a view to control hate speech. It may be useful to refer to a few of such provisions, with a view to examine the sufficiency of the existing framework in checking ‘hate speech’ although, the said term has not yet been precisely defined till date by the Parliament. i) The Indian Penal Code (“IPC”) contains provisions which prohibit hate speech. Section 153-A penalises the promotion of class hatred. Section 153-B penalises “imputations, assertions prejudicial to national integration". Section 295- A penalises insults to religion and to religious beliefs. Section 298 makes it a penal offence to utter words, makes sounds or gestures with the deliberate intention of wounding the religious feelings of another. Section 505 makes it a penal offence to incite any class or community against another. Chapter XXII, IPC punishes criminal intimidation. Section 95 of the Code of Criminal Procedure , 1973 ii) (“CrPC”) empowers the State Government to forfeit 47 publications that are punishable under Sections 124-A, 153-A, 153-B, 292, 293 or 295-A of the IPC. Section 107 empowers the Executive Magistrate to prevent a person from committing a breach of peace or disturbing public tranquillity or doing any wrongful act that may cause breach of peace or disturb public tranquillity. Section 144 empowers the District Magistrate, a Sub-divisional Magistrate or any other Executive Magistrate specially empowered by the State Government in this behalf to issue orders in urgent cases of nuisance or apprehended danger. The above offences are cognizable. iii) Section 7 of the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955 penalises incitement to, and encouragement of untouchability through words, either spoken or written, or by signs or by visible representations or otherwise. iv) Section 3(g) of the Religious Institutions (Prevention of Misuse) Act, 1988 prohibits religious institutions to allow the use of any premises belonging to, or under their control for promoting or attempting to promote disharmony, feelings of enmity, hatred, ill-will between different religious, racial, linguistic or regional groups or castes or communities. v) Section 3(1)(x) of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 punishes an intentional insult or intimidation with intent to humiliate a 48 member of a Scheduled Caste or Tribe in any place within public view. vi) Section 8 of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 disqualifies a person from contesting elections if he is convicted for indulging in acts amounting to illegitimate use of freedom of speech and expression. Section 123(3-A) of the same Act declares "the promotion of, or attempt to promote, feelings of enmity or hatred between different classes of the citizens of India on grounds of religion, race, caste, community, or language, by a candidate or his agent or any other person with the consent of a candidate or his election agent for the furtherance of the prospects of the election of that candidate or for prejudicially affecting the election of any candidate", a "corrupt practice". vii) The Cable Television Networks (Regulation) Act, 1995 requires that all programmes and advertisements telecast on television conform to the Programme Code and the Advertisement Code. Rule 6, Cable Television Networks Rules, 1994 lays down the Programme Code and prohibits the carrying of any programme on the cable service which: (a) contains an attack on religion or communities or contains visuals or words contemptuous of religious groups or which promotes communal attitudes; 49 (b) is likely to encourage or incite violence or contains anything against maintenance of law and order or which promotes anti-national attitudes; (c) criticises, maligns or slanders any individual in person or certain groups, segments of social, public and moral life of the country; (d) contains visuals or words which reflect a slandering, ironical and snobbish attitude in the portrayal of certain ethnic, linguistic and regional groups. Similarly, the Advertising Code under Rule 7 of the Cable Television Networks Rules, 1994 prohibits the carriage of advertisements on the cable service which hurt the religious susceptibilities of subscribers, which derides any race, caste, colour, creed or nationality, or incite violence or disorder or breach of law. The Cable Television Networks (Regulation) Act, 1995 empowers the authorised officer appointed under the Act to prohibit the transmission of a programme or channel, if it is not in conformity with the Programme Code or the Advertisement Code; or if it is likely to promote disharmony or feelings of enmity, hatred or ill-will between different religious, racial, linguistic or regional groups; or is likely to disturb public tranquillity. Further, the Central Government is empowered to prohibit the transmission or 50 re-transmission of any channel or programme in the interest of the sovereignty, integrity or security of India or of public order. viii) Under the Cinematograph Act, 1952 , a film can be denied certification on various grounds, including on the ground that it is likely to incite the commission of an offence or that it is against the interests of the sovereignty and integrity of India or public order. ix) The Information Technology Act, 2000 (IT Act) allows the interception of information by the authorities in the interest of public order, or the sovereignty and integrity of India, or for the purpose of preventing incitement to the commission of a cognizable offence. Section 66-A of the same Act which sought to penalise information that is "grossly offensive" or of "menacing character" or despite knowledge that it is false, is sent to cause annoyance, inconvenience, danger, obstruction, insult, criminal intimidation, enmity, hatred or ill-will, was struck down in Shreya Singhal on the ground of, inter alia , vagueness. x) Norms of Journalistic Conduct, 2010 issued by the Press Council of India (constituted under the Press Council Act, 1978) contain extensive guidelines on the reporting of communal incidents. 51 The content of speech is sought to be controlled in all the aforesaid statutes when the same is made not only by public functionaries but any ordinary citizen also through whatever medium of dissemination. th 16.6. One of the recommendations of the 267 Law Commission was to insert Sections 153C and 505A and associated provisions in the CrPC to deal with ‘Hate Speech’. As per the Law Commission report, the proposed provisions would read as under: “153-C- Whoever on grounds of religion, race, caste or community, sex, gender identity, sexual orientation, place of birth, residence, language, disability or tribe– (a) uses gravely threatening words either spoken or written, signs, visible representations within the hearing or sight of a person with the intention to cause, fear or alarm; or (b) advocates hatred by words either spoken or written, signs, visible representations, that causes incitement to violence shall be punishable with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to two years, and fine up to Rs 5000, or with both.” “505-A- Causing fear, alarm, or provocation of violence in certain cases: Whoever in public intentionally on grounds of religion, race, caste or community, sex, gender, sexual orientation, place of birth, residence, language, disability or tribe uses words, or displays any writing, sign, or other visible representation which is gravely threatening, or derogatory; (i)within the hearing or sight of a person, causing fear or alarm, or; (ii) with the intent to provoke the use of unlawful violence, against that person or another, shall be 52 punished with imprisonment for a term which may extend to one year and/or fine up to Rs 5000, or both”. The proposed provision under Section 505-A, seeks to control not only speech that could potentially incite violence or hurt the feelings of a community or dampen national integrity, but also seeks to check threatening or derogatory remarks, made on grounds of religion, race, caste or community, sex, gender, sexual orientation, place of birth, residence, language, disability or tribe, and which cause fear or alarm. While speech of the former category has been traditionally regarded as ‘hate speech,’ generally vitriolic or ‘derogatory’ statements, which are made on the grounds of religion, race, caste or community, sex, gender, sexual orientation, place of birth, residence, language, disability or tribe, have traditionally not been considered to qualify as ‘hate speech,’ no matter how unwarranted or disparaging such statements may be. 16.7. Traditionally, ‘hate speech’ is the term used to describe speech that can potentially cause actual material harm through potential social, economic and political marginalisation of a community as declared by this Court in Pravasi Bhalai Sangathan . However, in the present case, in my opinion, we are concerned with a more overarching area of derogatory, vitriolic and disparaging speech, which is actually not ‘hate speech’ simplicitor as has been traditionally sought to be defined 53 and understood. I am concerned with speech that may not be linked to systematic discrimination and eventual political marginalisation of a community, but which may nonetheless have insidious effects on the societal perception of human dignity, values of social cohesion, fraternity and equality cherished by “We the people” of India. 16.8. Andrew F. Sellars, in his essay published by Harvard University, titled 'Defining Hate Speech,’ has examined the concept of ‘hate speech’ in different democratic jurisdictions. The author has identified that certain remarks, which, although may not be ‘hate speech’ in the strict sense of the term, border on the said term. That even tacit elements of intent of the speaker to cause harm, may constitute some species of hate speech. Intent may refer to non-physical aspects like to demean, vilify, humiliate, or being persecutorial, disregarding or hateful. The author has also recognised that in some contexts, “at home speeches” may themselves amount to hate speeches as such speech can now be uploaded and circulated in the virtual world through internet etc. The only pre-requisite is that the speech should have no redeeming purpose, which means that “the speech primarily carries no meaning other than hatred, hostility and ill-will.” 54 Beyond ‘hate speech’: 17. The expansive scope of ‘hate speech’ as set out above, would include within its sweep not only ‘hate speech’ simplicitor which is defined as speech aimed at systematic discrimination and eventual political marginalisation of a community, but also other species of derogatory, vitriolic and disparaging speech. 18. A philosophical justification to control and restrain derogatory, vitriolic and disparaging speech has been very poignantly conveyed by Lau Tzu, a celebrated Chinese philosopher and writer, in the following words:
"Watch your thoughts; they becomewords.
Watch your words; they becomeactions.
Watch your actions; theybecome habit.
Watch your habits; theybecome character.
Watch yourcharacter; it becomes your destiny.”
19. Theoretical and doctrinal underpinnings justifying restraints on derogatory and disparaging speech, may be traced to two primary factors: human dignity as a value as well as a right; the Preambular goals of ‘equality’ and ‘fraternity.’ Human dignity as a value as well as a right under the Constitution of India: 20. As discussed supra, human dignity is not only a value but a right that is enforceable under Article 21 of the Constitution of India. In a human-dignity-based democracy, freedom of speech and expression 55 must be exercised in a manner that would protect and promote the rights of fellow-citizens. International practice: 21. In attempting to justify restraints on free speech, on the argument founded on considerations of autonomy, dignity and self-worth of the person(s) against whom derogatory statements are made, reference may be made to international practice in this regard. i) Canada: Canadian jurisprudence on the subject proceeds on the basis of inviolability of human dignity as its paramount value and specifically limits the freedom of expression when necessary to protect the right to personal honour. The Canadian approach emphasises on multiculturalism and group equality, as it places greater emphasis on cultural diversity and promotes the idea of an ethnic mosaic. Interestingly, the Canadian position, as discernible from the Canadian Supreme Court’s verdict in R vs. James Keegstra, (1990) 3 SCR 697 (“Keegstra”) (Canada) considers the likely impact of hate speech on both the targeted groups and non- targeted groups. The former are likely to be degraded and humiliated and experience injuries to their sense of self-worth and acceptance in the larger society and may well, as a consequence, avoid contact with members of the other group within the polity. The non-targeted members of the group, sometimes representing society at large, on the other hand, may gradually become de- 56 sensitised and may in the long run start accepting and believing the messages of hate directed towards racial and religious groups. These insidious effects pose serious threats to social cohesion in the long run rather than merely projecting immediate threats to violence. Further, Dixon C.J. of the Canadian Supreme Court in Canada Human Rights Commission vs. Taylor, (1990) 3 SCR 892 (“Taylor”) (Canada) has observed as follows, as regards the interrelationship between messages of hate propaganda and the values of dignity and equality: “...messages of hate propaganda undermine the dignity and self-worth of targeted group members and, more generally, contribute to disharmonious relations among various racial, cultural and religious groups, as a result eroding the tolerance and open mindedness that must flourish in a multicultural society which is committed to the idea of equality.” ii) Australia : The position of law in Australia is substantially aligned with that in Canada. The Australian Federal Court, in the case of Pat Eatock vs. Andrew Bolt, (2011) FCA 1103 (“Pat Eatock”) (Australia) followed the dictum in Keegstra in holding that the right to freedom of expression could be restricted vide legislation which made racial hatred a criminal offence. The Australian Federal Court stated that the rationale for a legislation restraining free speech was as follows: 57 “(a) The justification from pursuit of truth does not support the protection of hate propaganda, and may even detriment our search for truth. The more erroneous or mendacious a statement, the less its value in the quest of truth. We must not overemphasise that rationality will overcome all falsehoods. (b) Self-fulfilment and autonomy, in a large part, come from one's ability to articulate and nurture an identity based on membership in a cultural or religious group. The extent to which this value furthers free speech should be modulated insofar as it advocates an intolerant and prejudicial disregard for the process of individual self- development and human flourishing. (c) The justification from participation in democracy shows a shortcoming when expression is employed to propagate ideas repugnant to democratic values, thus undermining the commitment to democracy. Hate propaganda argues for a society with subversion of democracy and denial of respect and dignity to individuals based on group identities.” iii) South Africa : The position which regards dignity as a paramount constitutional value has been recognised in South Africa. The Constitutional Court has expressed willingness to subjugate freedom of expression when the same sufficiently undermines dignity. The constitutional provision, therefore, enjoins the legislature and the court to limit free speech rights and the exercise of those rights which deprive others of dignity. iv) Germany : The German law on the subject posits that freedom of expression is one amongst several rights which is limited by principles of equality, dignity and multiculturalism. Further, value of personal honour always triumphs over the right to utter untrue statements or facts made with the knowledge of their falsity. Also, 58 if true statements of fact invade the intimate personal sphere of an individual, the right to personal honour triumphs over the freedom of speech. If the expression of opinion as opposed to a fact constitutes a serious affront to the dignity of a person, the value of dignity triumphs over the speech. Therefore, German application strikes a balance between rights and duties, between the individual and the community on the one hand and between the self- expression needs of the speaker and the self-respect and dignity of the listeners on the other. It recognises the content-based speech regulation and also recognises the difference between fact and opinion. The inalienability of ‘human dignity’ under the Constitution of India vis-à-vis the right to freedom of speech and expression: 22. In Charu Khurana vs. Union of India, (2015) 1 SCC 192 (“Charu Khurana”) , this Court declared that dignity is the quintessential quality of personality and a basic constituent of the rights guaranteed and protected under Article 21. Dignity is a part of the individual rights that form the fundamental fulcrum of collective harmony and interest of a society. That while the right to speech and expression is absolutely sacrosanct, dignity as a part of Article 21 has its own significance. That dignity of an individual cannot be overridden and blotched by malice and vile and venal attacks to tarnish and destroy 59 the reputation of another by stating that the same curbs and puts unreasonable restriction on the freedom of speech and expression. Further, in In Re. Noise Pollution (V), (2005) 5 SCC 733 it was observed that Article 19(1)(a) cannot be cited as a justification for defeating the fundamental right guaranteed by Article 21. That a person speaking cannot violate the rights of others to enjoy a peaceful, comfortable and (noise) pollution free environment, guaranteed by Article 21. Having regard to the unequivocal declaration of this Court, to the effect that Article 21 could not be sacrificed at the altar of securing the widest amplitude of free speech rights, this premise can serve as a theoretical justification for prescribing restraints on derogatory and disparaging speech. Human dignity, being a primary element under the protective umbrella of Article 21, cannot be negatively altered on account of derogatory speech, which marks out persons as unequal and vilifies them leading to indignity. 23. Rule of Law, includes certain minimum requirements without which a legal system cannot exist. Professor Lon L. Fuller, a renowned American legal philosopher, has described these requirements collectively as the 'inner morality of law'. Such an understanding of the concept of Rule of Law places much emphasis on the centrality of individual dignity in a society governed by the Rule of Law. Justice 60 Aharon Barak, former Chief Justice of Israel, has lucidly explained this facet of Rule of law in the following manner: “The Rule of law is not merely public order, the Rule of law is social justice based on public order. The law exists to ensure proper social life. Social life, however, is not a goal in itself but a means to allow the individual to live in dignity and develop himself. The human being and human rights underlie this substantive perception of the Rule of law, with a proper balance among the different rights and between human rights and the proper needs of society. The substantive Rule of law "is the Rule of proper law, which balances the needs of society and the individual". This is the Rule of law that strikes a balance between society's need for political independence, social equality, economic development, and internal order, on the one hand, and the needs of the individual, his personal liberty, and his human dignity on the other. The Judge must protect this rich concept of the Rule of law.” (Emphasis by me) 24. As recognised by this Court in K.S. Puttaswamy (Retd.) vs. Union of India, (2019) 1 SCC 1 (“Puttaswamy”) , a substantive aspect of the Rule of Law is the balance between the individual and society. In that background, this Court discussed the scope of Constitutional rights under our Constitutional scheme and the extent of their protection. While emphasising that there are no absolute constitutional rights, this Court laid down, in the following words that one of the only rights which is treated as "absolute" is the right to human dignity: “62. It is now almost accepted that there are no absolute constitutional rights [Though, debate on this vexed issue still continues and some 61 constitutional experts claim that there are certain rights, albeit very few, which can still be treated as "absolute". Examples given are:(a) Right to human dignity which is inviolable ,(b) Right not to be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Even in respect of such rights, there is a thinking that in larger public interest, the extent of their protection can be diminished. However, so far such attempts of the States have been thwarted by the judiciary.] and all such rights are related. As per the analysis of Aharon Barak [Aharon Barak,Proportionality: Constitutional Rights and Their Limitation (Cambridge University Press 2012).], two key elements in developing the modern constitutional theory of recognising positive constitutional rights along with its limitations are the notions of democracy and the Rule of law. Thus, the requirement of proportional limitations of constitutional rights by a sub-constitutional law i.e. the statute, is derived from an interpretation of the notion of democracy itself. Insofar as the Indian Constitution is concerned, democracy is treated as the basic feature of the Constitution and is specifically accorded a constitutional status that is recognised in the Preamble of the Constitution itself. It is also unerringly accepted that this notion of democracy includes human rights which is the cornerstone of Indian democracy. Once we accept the aforesaid theory (and there cannot be any denial thereof), as a fortiori, it has also to be accepted that democracy is based on a balance between constitutional rights and the public interests. In fact, such a provision in Article 19 itself on the one hand guarantees some certain freedoms in Clause (1) of Article 19 and at the same time empowers the State to impose reasonable restrictions on those freedoms in public interest. This notion accepts the modern constitutional theory that the constitutional rights are related. This relativity means that a constitutional licence to limit those rights is granted where such a limitation will be justified to protect public interest or the rights of others. This phenomenon--of both the right and its limitation in the Constitution--exemplifies the inherent tension between democracy's two fundamental elements. On the one hand is the right's element, which constitutes a fundamental component of substantive democracy; on the other hand is the people element, limiting those very rights through their representatives. These two constitute a fundamental component of the notion of 62 democracy, though this time in its formal aspect. How can this tension be resolved? The answer is that this tension is not resolved by eliminating the "losing" facet from the Constitution. Rather, the tension is resolved by way of a proper balancing of the competing principles. This is one of the expressions of the multi-faceted nature of democracy. Indeed, the inherent tension between democracy's different facets is a "constructive tension". It enables each facet to develop while harmoniously coexisting with the others. The best way to achieve this peaceful coexistence is through balancing between the competing interests. Such balancing enables each facet to develop alongside the other facets, not in their place. This tension between the two fundamental aspects-- rights on the one hand and its limitation on the other hand--is to be resolved by balancing the two so that they harmoniously coexist with each other. This balancing is to be done keeping in mind the relative social values of each competitive aspects when considered in proper context.” [Emphasis by me] 25. It is clarified that at this juncture that it is not necessary to engage in the exercise of balancing our concern for the free flow of ideas and the democratic process, with our desire to further equality and human dignity. This is because no question would arise as to the conflict of two seemingly competing rights, being the right to freedom of speech and expression, vis-à-vis the right to human dignity and equality. The reason for the same is because, the restraint that is called for, is only in relation to unguided, derogatory, vitriolic speech, which in no way can be considered as an essential part of exposition of ideas, which has little social value. This discourse, in no way seeks to pose a potential danger to peaceful dissenters, who exercise their right to freedom of speech and expression in a critical, but measured fashion. 63 The present cases pertain specifically to derogatory, disparaging speech, which closely resembles hate speech. Such speech does not fall within the protective perimeter of Article 19(1)(a) and does not constitute the content of the free speech right. Therefore, when such speech has the effect of infringing the fundamental right under Article 21 of another individual, it would not constitute a case which requires balancing of conflicting rights, but one wherein abuse of the right to freedom of speech by a person has attacked the fundamental rights of another. The Preambular goals of ‘equality’ and ‘fraternity’: 26. Equality, liberty and fraternity are the foundational values embedded in the Preamble of our Constitution. ‘Hate speech’, in the sense discussed hereinabove, strikes at each of these foundational values, by marking out a society as being unequal. It also violates fraternity of citizens from diverse backgrounds, the sine-qua-non of a cohesive society based on plurality and multi-culturalism such as in India that is, Bharat. 27. Fraternity is based on the idea that citizens have reciprocal responsibilities towards one another. The term takes within its sweep, inter-alia, the ideals of tolerance, co-operation, and mutual aid. 27.1. The meaning of the term fraternity, in the context of criminal defamation and restraints on the freedom of speech and 64 expression has been examined by this Court in Subramanian Swamy vs. Union of India, (2016) 7 SCC 221 (“Subramanian Swamy”) wherein it was observed that fraternity under the Constitution expects every citizen to respect the dignity of the other. Mutual respect is the fulcrum of fraternity that assures dignity. This Court qualified its observations with the caveat that ‘fraternity’ does not mean that there cannot be dissent or difference, more so because all citizens have the right to freedom of speech and expression. However, it was unequivocally declared that a constitutional value which is embedded in the idea of fraternity is dignity of the individual, which is required to be respected by fellow citizens. That the Preamble consciously chooses to assure the dignity of the individual, in the context of fraternity and therefore, rights enshrined in Part III have to be exercised by individuals against the backdrop of the ideal of fraternity. This Court observed that the fraternal ideal also finds resonance in Part IVA of the Constitution. In upholding the permissibility of the law on criminal defamation, on the touchstone of the concept of constitutional fraternity, this Court speaking through Dipak Misra, J. (as his Lordship then was) observed in paragraphs 155 and 163, as follows: “155 . It is a constitutional value which is to be cultivated by the people themselves as a part of their social behavior. There are two schools of thought; one canvassing individual liberalization and the other advocating for protection of an individual as 65 a member of the collective. The individual should have all the rights under the Constitution but simultaneously he has the responsibility to live upto the constitutional values like essential brotherhood- the fraternity-that strengthens the societal interest. Fraternity means brotherhood and common interest. Right to censure and criticize does not conflict with the constitutional objective to promote fraternity. Brotherliness does not abrogate and rescind the concept of criticism. In fact, brothers can and should be critical. Fault finding and disagreement is required even when it leads to an individual disquiet or group disquietude. Enemies Enigmas Oneginese on the part of some does not create a dent in the idea of fraternity but, a significant one, liberty to have a discordant note does not confer a right to defame the others.” “163. We have referred to two concepts, namely, constitutional fraternity and the fundamental duty, as they constitute core constitutional values. Respect for the dignity of another is a constitutional norm. It would not amount to an overstatement if it is said that constitutional fraternity and the intrinsic value inhered in fundamental duty proclaim the constitutional assurance of mutual respect and concern for each other's dignity. The individual interest of each individual serves the collective interest and correspondingly the collective interest enhances the individual excellence. Action against the State is different than an action taken by one citizen against the other. The constitutional value helps in structuring the individual as well as the community interest. Individual interest is strongly established when constitutional values are respected. The Preamble balances different and divergent rights. Keeping in view the constitutional value, the legislature has not repealed Section 499 and kept the same alive as a criminal offence. The studied analysis from various spectrums, it is difficult to come to a conclusion that the existence of criminal defamation is absolutely obnoxious to freedom of speech and expression. As a prescription, it neither invites the frown of any of the Articles of the Constitution nor its very existence can be regarded as an unreasonable restriction.” (Emphasis by me) 66 27.2. The decision of this Court in Subramanian Swamy establishes precedent of justifying a restraint on free speech, on the ground of promotion of fraternity. It has been recognized that the constitutional value of fraternity imputes an obligation on all citizens to subserve collective interest and respect the dignity and equality of fellow citizen. Restraints on free speech prescribed to secure these ends, have been held to be justified, as being aimed at preserving the Preambular ideal of fraternity. It is also to be noted that this Court in the said case recognized that fraternity as a value is to be cultivated by citizens themselves as a part of their social behavior by refraining from uttering defamatory statements. This chord of the said judgment, acknowledges the idea of self-restraint or inherent restraints as being read into the right to freedom of speech and expression. 27.3. Democracy, being one of the basic features of our Constitution, it is implicit that in a rule by majority there would be a sense of security and inclusiveness. Further, the Preamble of the Constitution which envisages, inter alia, fraternity, assures that the dignity of individuals cannot be dented by means of unwarranted speech being made by fellow citizens, including public functionaries. Thus, the Preamble of the Constitution and the values thereof assuring the people of India not only justice, 67 liberty, equality but also fraternity and unity and integrity of the nation, must remind every citizen of this Country irrespective of the office or position or power that is held, of the sublime ideals of the Constitution and to respect them in their true letter and spirit. There is an inbuilt constitutional check to ensure that the values of the Constitution are not in any way undermined or violated. It is high time that we, as a society in general and as individuals in particular, re-dedicate ourselves to the sacred values of the Constitution and promote them not only at our individual level but at the macro level. Any kind of speech which undermines the values for which our Constitution stands would cause a dent on our social and political values. Employing the Fundamental Duties under Part IV-A of the Constitution as a means to check disparaging, unwarranted speech: 28. Every right engulfs and incorporates a duty to respect another’s right and secure mutual compatibility and conviviality of the individuals based on collective harmony, resulting in social order. The concept of fraternity under the Constitution expects every citizen to respect the dignity of the other. Mutual respect is the fulcrum of fraternity that assures dignity. In the context of constitutional fraternity, fundamental duties engrafted under Article 51-A of the Constitution gain significance. 68 Sub-clause (c), (e) and (j) of Article 51-A of the Constitution which are relevant to these cases read as follows: “Article 51-A. Fundamental Duties- . —It shall be the duty of every citizen of India— (a) xxx (b) xxx (c) to uphold and protect the sovereignty, unity and integrity of India; (d) xxx (e) to promote harmony and the spirit of common brotherhood amongst all the people of India transcending religious, linguistic and regional or sectional diversities; to renounce practices derogatory to the dignity of women; (f) xxx (g) xxx (h) xxx (i) xxx (j) to strive towards excellence in all spheres of individual and collective activity so that the nation constantly rises to higher levels of endeavour and achievement;” Fundamental duties also constitute core Constitutional values for good citizenship in a democracy such as ours. The duties enumerated above, enjoin all citizens with the obligations of promoting fraternity, harmony, unity, collective welfare etc. Fundamental duties have a keen bond of sorority with the Constitutional goals and must therefore be recognised not merely as Constitutional norms or precepts but as obligations, corelative to rights. In short, the permissible content of the right to freedom of speech and expression, ought to be tested on the touchstone of fraternity and fundamental duties as envisaged under our Constitution. 69 29. Although the questions for consideration before the Constitution bench, were with specific regard to the possible restraints on unwarranted and disparaging speech by public functionaries, the observations made hereinabove, will apply with equal force to public functionaries, celebrities/influencers as well as all citizens of India, more so because technology is being used as a medium of communication which has a wide spectrum of impact across the globe. 30. The internet represents a communication revolution and has enabled us to communicate with millions of people worldwide, with no more difficulty than communicating with a single person, at a click or by touch on a screen. Ironically, the very qualities of the internet that have revolutionised communication are amenable to misuse. The internet, through various social media platforms has accelerated the pace as well as the reach of messages, comments and posts to such an extent that the difference between a celebrity and a common man, has been practically negated, in so far as the reach of their speech is concerned. 31. However, given the specific submission of the petitioners herein that disparaging and vitriolic speech expressed at various levels of political authority have exacerbated a climate bordering on intolerance and tension in the society, which perhaps may lead to insecurity, it may be appropriate to sound a strong word of warning in this regard. 70 32. It may be appropriate at this juncture to refer to the writings of Michael Rosenfeld, on the key variables which determine the impact of hate speech. One of the key variables highlighted by the learned author in his paper titled “ Hate Speech in Constitutional Jurisprudence: A Comparative Analysis,” published in Cardozo Law Review, is the question as to “ who ” the speaker is. The learned author notes that speech made by a person of influence, such as a top government or executive functionary, opposition leader, political or social leader of following, or a credible anchor on a TV show carries far more credibility and impact than a statement made by a common person. Public functionaries and other persons of influence and celebrities, having regard to their reach, real or apparent authority and the impact they wield on the public or on a certain section thereof, owe a duty to the citizenry at large to be more responsible and restrained in their speech. They are required to understand and measure their words, having regard to the likely consequences thereof on public sentiment and behaviour, and also be aware of the example they are setting for fellow citizens to follow. 33. While there are no infallible rules that can be formulated by the Court to define the precise threshold of acceptable speech, every citizen’s conscious attempt to abide by the Constitutional values, and to preserve in letter and spirit the culture contemplated under the Constitution will significantly contribute in eliminating instances of 71 societal discord, friction and disharmony, on account of disparaging, vitriolic and derogatory speech, particularly when made by public functionaries and/or public figures. This does not in any way imply that ordinary citizens who form the great mass of the citizenry of this Country can shun responsibility for vitriolic, unnecessarily critical, diabolical speech, bordering on all those aspects mentioned under Article 19 (2) either against public functionaries / figures or against other citizens in general or against particular individuals. 34. Every citizen of India must consciously be restrained in speech, and exercise the right to freedom of speech and expression under Article 19(1)(a) only in the sense that it was intended by the framers of the Constitution, to be exercised. This is the true content of Article 19(1)(a) which does not vest with citizens unbridled liberty to utter statements which are vitriolic, derogatory, unwarranted, have no redeeming purpose and which, in no way amount to a communication of ideas. Article 19(1)(a) vests a multi-faceted right, which protects several species of speech and expression from interference by the State. However, it is a no brainer that the right to freedom speech and expression, in a human-rights based democracy does not protect statements made by a citizen, which strike at the dignity of a fellow citizen. Fraternity and equality which lie at the very base of our Constitutional culture and upon which the superstructure of rights are 72 built, do not permit such rights to be employed in a manner so as to attack the rights of another. Verse 15 of Chapter 17 of the Srimad Bhagavad Gita describes what constitutes discipline of speech or ‘vā -maya tapas:’ | अनुद्वेगकरं वाक्यं सत्यं प्रियहितं च यत् || स्वाध्यायाभ्यसनं चैव वाङ्मयं तप उच्यते Anudvega-kara vākya satya priya-hita cha yat Svādhyāyābhyasana chaiva vā -maya tapa uchyate Words that do not cause distress, are truthful, inoffensive, pleasing and beneficial, are said to be included within the discipline of speech, and are likened to regular recitation of the Vedic scriptures. 35. The discussion presented hereinabove was with a view to rekindle some ideas on the content of Article 19 (1) (a) of the Constitution and on other pertinent issues surrounding the right to free speech guaranteed under the aforesaid Article. However, as far as the substantial analysis of Question No. 1 is concerned, I respectfully agree with the reasoning and conclusions proposed by His Lordship, Ramasubramanian, J. Re: Question No. 2: Can a fundamental right under Article 19 or 21 of the Constitution be claimed other than against the ‘State’ or its instrumentalities? 36. All human beings are endowed at birth, with certain inalienable rights and among such rights are right to life and liberty, including liberty of thought and expression. These rights have been recognized as 73 inalienable rights, having regard to the supreme value of human personality. Incidentally, some of such rights have come to be Constitutionally recognized under Part III of the Constitution of India. Fundamental Rights were selected from what were previously natural rights and were later termed as common law rights. However, it is to be noted that Part III of the Constitution, is not the sole repository of such rights. Even after some of such inalienable rights have come to be Constitutionally recognised as Fundamental Rights under the Constitution of India, the congruent rights under common law or natural law have not been obliterated. It also follows, that the corresponding remedies available in common law, are also not obliterated. The object of elevating certain natural and common law rights, as Fundamental Rights under the Constitution was to make them specifically enforceable against the State and its agencies through a Courts of law. These observations gain legitimacy from the judgment of Mathew, J. in His Holiness Kesavanada Bharati Sripadagalvaru vs. State of Kerala , (1973) 4 SCC 225 ( Kesavanada Bharati) wherein His Lordship recognized the object of Constitutions to declare recognised natural rights as applicable qua the state. Adopting the picturesque language of Roscoe Pound, the following observations were made: “1514. While dealing with natural rights, Roscoe Pound states on page 500 of Vol. I of his Jurisprudence: 74 “Perhaps nothing contributed so much to create and foster hostility to courts and law and Constitutions as this conception of the courts as guardians of individual natural rights against the state and against society; this conceiving of the law as a final and absolute body of doctrine declaring these individual natural rights; this theory of Constitutions as declaratory of common- law principles, which are also natural-law principles, anterior to the state and of superior validity to enactments by the authority of the state; this theory of Constitutions as having for their purpose to guarantee and maintain the natural rights of individuals against the government and all its agencies. In effect, it set up the received traditional social, political, and economic ideals of the legal profession as a super-Constitution, beyond the reach of any agency but judicial decision. 1515. I may also in this connection refer to a passage on the inherent and inalienable rights in A History of American Political Theories by C. Marriam: By the later thinkers the idea that men possess inherent and inalienable rights of a political or quasi-political character which are independent of the state, has been generally given up. It is held that these natural rights can have no other than an ethical value, and have no proper place in politics. There never was, and there never can be,' says Burgess, 'any liberty upon this earth and among human beings, outside of state organization'. In speaking of natural rights, therefore, it is essential to remember that these alleged rights have no political force whatever, unless recognized and enforced by the state. It is asserted by Willoughby that 'natural rights' could not have even a moral value in the supposed 'state of nature'; they would really be equivalent to force and hence have no ethical significance. (see p. 310).” x x xx x x x “1522. I am also of the view that the power to amend the provisions of the Constitution relating to the fundamental rights cannot be denied by describing 75 the fundamental rights as natural rights or human rights. The basic dignity of man does not depend upon the codification of the fundamental rights nor is such codification a prerequisite for a dignified way of living. There was no Constitutional provision for fundamental rights before January 26, 1950 and yet can it be said that there did not exist conditions for dignified way of living for Indians during the period between August 15, 1947 and January 26,. 1950. The plea that provisions of the Constitution, including those of Part III, should be given retrospective effect has been rejected by this Court. Article 19 which makes provision for fundamental rights, is not applicable to persons who are not citizens of India. Can it, in view of that, be said that the non-citizens cannot while staying in India lead a dignified life? It would, in my opinion, be not a correct approach to say that amendment of the Constitution relating to abridgement or taking away of the fundamental rights would have the effect of denuding human beings of basic dignity and would result in the extinguishment of essential values of life.” [Emphasis by me] 37. This proposition was further highlighted in the enlightened minority opinion of His Lordship, H.R. Khanna, J, in Additional District Magistrate, Jabalpur vs. Shivakant Shukla , A.I.R. 1976 SC 1207 (“ADM Jabalpur”) wherein while refusing to subscribe to the view that when the right to enforce Fundamental Right under Article 21 is suspended, the result would be that there would be no remedy against deprivation of a person's life or liberty by the State even though such deprivation is without the authority of law, observed, that Article 21 was not the sole repository of the right to life and personal liberty. That such rights inhered in men even prior to the enactment of 76 the Constitution, and were not created for the first time by enacting the Constitution. It was also recognised that though the Constitutionally recognised remedy under Article 32, for infringement of the Right under Article 21 may not be available as the said rights remained suspended or notionally surrendered on account of declaration of an Emergency, remedies under the laws which were in force prior to the coming into effect of the Constitution would still operate to ensure that no person could be deprived of his life or liberty except in accordance with law. In that context, it was held that the rights Constitutionally recognised under Article 21, represented ‘higher values’ which were elementary to any civilised State and therefore the sanctity of life and liberty was not traceable only to the Constitution. The relevant portions of His Lordship’s judgment can be usefully extracted hereinunder: “152. The effect of the suspension of the right to move any court for the enforcement of the right conferred by Article 21, in my opinion, is that when a petition is filed in a court, the court would have to proceed upon the basis that no reliance can be placed upon that Article for obtaining relief from the court daring the period of emergency. Question then arises as to whether the rule that no one shall be deprived of ins life or personal liberty without the authority of law stiff survives during the period: of emergency despite the Presidential order suspending the right to move any court for the enforcement of the-right contained in Article 21. The answer to this question is linked with the answer to the question as to whether Article 21 is, the sole repository of the right to life and personal liberty. After giving the matter my earnest consideration, I am of the opinion that Article 21 cannot be considered" to be the sole repository of the right to life and; personal liberty. The right to life, and personal: liberty is the most precious 77 right of human beings in civilised societies governed by the rule of law. Many modern constitutions incorporate certain fundamental rights, including the one relating to personal freedom.” xxx “155. Sanctity of life and liberty was not something new when the Constitution was drafted. It represented a fact of higher values which mankind began to cherish in its evolution from a state of tooth and claw to a civilized existence. Likewise, the principle that no one shall be deprived of ins life and liberty without the authority of law was not the gift of the Constitution. It was a necessary corollary of the concept relating to the sanctity of life and liberty; it existed and was in force before the coming into force, of the Constitution. The idea about the sanctity of life and liberty as well as the principle that no one shall be deprived of his life and liberty without the authority of law are essentially two facets of the same concept. This concept grew and acquired dimensions in response to the inner urges and nobler impulses with the march of civilisation. Great writers and teachers, philosophers and political thinkers nourished and helped in the efflorescence of the concept by rousing the conscience of mankind and by making it conscious of the necessity of the concept as necessary social discipline in self-interest and for orderly existence. According even to the theory of social compact many aspects of which have now been discredited, individuals have surrendered a part of their theoretically unlimited freedom in return or the blessings of the government. Those blessings include governance in accordance with certain norms in the matter of life and liberty of the citizens. Such norms take the shape of the rule of law. Respect for law, we must bear in mind, has a mutual relationship with respect for government. Erosion of the respect for law, it has accordingly been said, affects the respect for the government. Government under the law means, as observed by Macdonald, that the power to govern shall be exercised only, under conditions laid down in constitutions and laws approved by either the people or their representatives. Law thus emerges as a norm limiting the application of power by the government 78 over the citizen or by citizens over their fellows. Theoretically all men are equal before the law and are equally bound by it regardless of their status, class, office or authority. At the same time that the law enforces duties it also protects rights, even against the sovereign.” x x x 158. I am unable to subscribe to the view that when right to enforce the right under Article 21 is suspended, the result would be that there would be no remedy against deprivation of a person's life or liberty by the State even though such deprivation is without the authority of law or even in flagrant violation of the provisions of law. The right not to be deprived of one's life or liberty without the authority of law was not the creation of the Constitution. Such right existed before the Constitution came into force. The fact that the framers of the Constitution made an aspect of such right a part of the fundamental rights did not have the effect of exterminating the independent identity of such right and of making Article 21 to be the sole repository of that right. Its real effect was to ensure that a law under which a person can be deprived of ins life or personal liberty should prescribe a procedure for such deprivation or, according to the dictum laid down by Mukherjea, J. in Gopalan's case, such law should be a valid law not violative of fundamental rights guaranteed by Part III of the Constitution. Recognition as fundamental right of one aspect of the pre-Constitutional right cannot have the effect of making things less favourable so far as the sanctity of life and personal liberty is concerned compared to the position if an aspect of such right had not been recognised as fundamental right because, of the vulnerability of fundamental rights accruing from Article 359. I am also unable to agree that in view of the Presidential Order in the matter of sanctity of life and liberty, things would be worse off compared to the state of law as it existed before the coining into force of the Constitution.” x x x 79 “162. It has been pointed out above that even before the coming into force of the Constitution, the position under the common law both in England and in India was that the State could not deprive a person of ins life and liberty without the authority of law. The same was the position under the penal laws of India. It was an offence under the Indian Penal Code, as already mentioned, to deprive a person of ins life or liberty unless such a course was sanctioned by the laws of the land. An action was also maintainable under the law of torts for wrongful confinement in case any person was deprived of ins personal liberty without the authority of law. In addition to that, we had Section 491 of the CrPC which provided the remedy of habeas corpus against detention without the authority of law. Such laws continued to remain in force in view of Article 372 after the coming into force of the Constitution. According to that article, notwithstanding the repeal by this Constitution of the enactments referred to in Article 395 but subject to the other provisions of this Constitution, all the law in force in the territory of India immediately before the commencement of this Constitution shall continue in force therein until altered or repealed or amended by a competent legislature or other competent authority. The law in force, as observed by the majority of the Constitution Bench in the case of Director of Rationing and Distribution v. The Corporation of Calcutta and Ors. 1960 CriLJ 1684, include not only the statutory law but also custom or usage haying the force of law as also the common law of England which, was adopted as the law of the country before the coming into force of the Constitution. The position thus seems to be firmly established that at the time, the Constitution came into force, the legal position was that no one could be deprived of ins life or liberty without the- authority of law. 163. It is difficult to accede to the contention that because of Article 21 of the Constitution, the law which was already in force that no one could be deprived of ins life or liberty without the authority of law was obliterated and ceased to remain in force. No rule of construction interpretation warrants such an inference. Section 491 of the CrPC continued to remain an integral part of that Code despite the fact that the High Courts were 80 vested with the power of issuing writs of habeas corpus under Article 226. No submission was ever advanced on the score that the said provision had become a dead letter of enforceable because of the fact that Article 226 was made a part of the Constitution, indeed, in the case of Makhan Singh (supra) Gajendragadkar J. speaking for the majority stated that after the coming into force of the Constitution, a party could avail of either the remedy of Section 491 of the CrPC or that of Article 226 of the Constitution. The above observations clearly go to show that constitutional recognition of the remedy of writ of habeas corpus did not obliterate or abrogate the statutory remedy of writ of habeas corpus. Section 491 of the CrPC continued to be part of that Code till that Code was replaced by the new Code. Although the remedy of writ of habeas corpus is not now available under the new CrPC, 1973, the same remedy is still available under Article 226 of the Constitution.” [Emphasis by me]
In holding thus, H.R. Khanna, J. refused to subscribe to theIn holding thus, H.R. Khanna, J. refused to subscribe to the
majority view in the said case that once a right is recognised and
embodied
separate existence apart from the Constitution, unless it were also enacted as a statutory principle by some positive law of the State. His Lordship rejected the proposition that the intention of the Constitution was not to preserve something concurrently in the field of natural law or common law; it was to exclude all other control or to make the Constitution the sole repository of ultimate control over those aspects of human freedom which were guaranteed therein. 38. The strength of H.R. Khanna, J’s minority opinion was subsequently acknowledged and affirmed by this Court in 81 Puttaswamy , wherein it was held that the rights to life and personal liberty were ‘primordial rights’ and were not bounties which were conferred by the State and created by the Constitution. That the right to life existed even before the advent of the Constitution and in recognising such right, the Constitution did not become the sole repository of such rights. That every constitutional democracy including our country, is rooted in an undiluted assurance that the Rule of law will protect their rights and liberties against any invasion by the State and that judicial remedies would be available when a citizen has been deprived of most precious inalienable rights. Dr. D.Y. Chandrachud. J. (as His Lordship then was) enunciated the aforesaid principles in the following words: “119. The judgments rendered by all the four judges constituting the majority in ADM Jabalpur are seriously flawed. Life and personal liberty are inalienable to human existence. These rights are, as recognised in Kesavananda Bharati , primordial rights. They constitute rights under natural law. The human element in the life of the individual is integrally founded on the sanctity of life. Dignity is associated with liberty and freedom. No civilized state can contemplate an encroachment upon life and personal liberty without the authority of law. Neither life nor liberty are bounties conferred by the state nor does the Constitution create these rights. The right to life has existed even before the advent of the Constitution. In recognising the right, the Constitution does not become the sole repository of the right. It would be preposterous to suggest that a democratic Constitution without a Bill of Rights would leave individuals governed by the state without either the existence of the right to live or the means of enforcement of the right. The right to life being inalienable to each individual, it existed prior to 82 the Constitution and continued in force Under Article 372 of the Constitution. Justice Khanna was clearly right in holding that the recognition of the right to life and personal liberty under the Constitution does not denude the existence of that right, apart from it nor can there be a fatuous assumption that in adopting the Constitution the people of India surrendered the most precious aspect of the human persona, namely, life, liberty and freedom to the state on whose mercy these rights would depend. Such a construct is contrary to the basic foundation of the Rule of law which imposes restraints upon the powers vested in the modern state when it deals with the liberties of the individual. The power of the Court to issue a Writ of Habeas Corpus is a precious and undeniable feature of the Rule of law. 120. A constitutional democracy can survive when citizens have an undiluted assurance that the Rule of law will protect their rights and liberties against any invasion by the state and that judicial remedies would be available to ask searching questions and expect answers when a citizen has been deprived of these, most precious rights. The view taken by Justice Khanna must be accepted, and accepted in reverence for the strength of its thoughts and the courage of its convictions.” [Emphasis by me] 39. What emerges from the aforesaid decisions of this Court, may be culled out as follows: i) That some natural/primordial rights of man have been accorded a secure position under the Constitution so as to protect such rights against undue encroachments by organs of State. The object of elevation of such common law rights/natural rights to the Constitutional plane was to make them specifically enforceable against the State and its agencies through Courts of Law. 83 ii) Notwithstanding that such rights have been placed in Part III of the Constitution of India, the rights are concurrently preserved in the field of natural law or common law. Remedies available in common law for actualising such rights are also preserved. There are therefore two spheres of rights, and corresponding remedies: first , relatable to the Fundamental Rights enshrined under Part III the Constitution of India, which correspond to the remedies under Article 32 and Article 226 of the Constitution of India; second , inalienable/natural/common law rights, which are pre- constitutional rights, and may be protected by having recourse to common law remedies. iii) While the content of a certain common law right, may be identical to a Fundamental Right, the two rights would be distinct in two respects: first , incidence of the duty to respect such right; and s econd , the forum which would be called upon to adjudicate on the failure to respect such right. While the content of the right violated may be identical, the status of the violator, is what is relevant. With that primer, I shall proceed to consider whether the Fundamental Rights under Article 19 or 21 of the Constitution of India can be claimed against any person other than the State or its instrumentalities. 40. With historical and political changes and the advent of democracy and of Constitutional government, the “State” was created under and 84 by a constitution and placed at a position which renders it capable of interfering with natural and common law rights. On the other hand, as is evident from the text of the Preamble of the Constitution of India, the “We the People of India created the State as an entity to serve their interests. In order to reconcile the competing effects of creation of the State, certain common law rights were elevated to the constitutional plane by accommodating them in Part III of the Constitution of India to make them specifically enforceable against the State and its agencies through the Courts. Part III of the Constitution was therefore enacted to dictate the relationship between citizens and the State- this is the true character and utility of Part III. This idea has also found resonance in Puttaswamy , wherein it was observed as follows: “251. Constitutions address the rise of the new political hegemon that they create by providing for a means by which to guard against its capacity for invading the liberties available and guaranteed to all civilized peoples. Under our constitutional scheme, these means - declared to be fundamental rights - reside in Part III, and are made effective by the power of this Court and the High Courts Under Articles 32 and 226 respectively. This narrative of the progressive expansion of the types of rights available to individuals seeking to defend their liberties from invasion - from natural rights to common law rights and finally to fundamental rights - is consistent with the account of the development of rights that important strands in constitutional theory present.” Therefore, the primary object of Part III of the Constitution was to forge a new relationship between the citizens and the State, which was the new site of Governmental power. The realm of interaction between 85 citizens , was governed by common law prior to the enactment inter-se of the Constitution and continued to be so governed even after the commencement of the Constitution because as recognised hereinabove, the common rights and remedies were not obliterated even after the Constitution was enacted. These inalienable rights, although subsequently placed in Part III of the Constitution, retained their identity in the arena of common law and continued to regulate relationships between citizens and entities, other than the State or its instrumentalities. It is therefore observed that the incidence of the duty to respect Constitutional and Fundamental Rights of citizens is on the State and the Constitution provides remedies against violation of Fundamental Rights by the State. These observations are in consonance with the recognition by this Court in People’s Union for Civil Liberties vs. Union of India , (2005) 2 SCC 436 (“ People’s Union for Civil Liberties” ) that the objective of Part III is to place citizens at centre stage and make the state accountable to them. 41. On the other hand, common law rights, regulate the relationship between citizens inter-se . Although the content of a common law right may be similar to a Fundamental Right, the two rights are distinct in so far as, the incidence of duty to respect a common law right is on citizens or entities other than State or its instrumentalities; while the incidence of duty to respect a Fundamental Right, except where expressly otherwise provided, is on the State. Remedies against violation of 86 Fundamental Rights by the State are Constitutionally prescribed under Articles 32 and 226; while common law remedies, some of which are statutorily recognised, are available against violation of common law rights. Such remedies are available even as against fellow citizens or entities other than State or its instrumentalities. To this extent, horizontality is recognised in common law. Further to some extent certain Fundamental Rights are recognised statutorily and some others are expressly recognised in the Constitution as being applicable as horizontal rights between citizens inter se such as Articles 15(2), 17, 23, 24. A similar declaration as regards the right to privacy is found in the decision of this Court in Puttaswamy . The relevant excerpts from the said decision have been reproduced hereinunder: “253. Once we have arrived at this understanding of the nature of fundamental rights, we can dismantle a core assumption of the Union's argument: that a right must either be a common law right or a fundamental right. The only material distinctions between the two classes of right - of which the nature and content may be the same - lie in the incidence of the duty to respect the right and in the forum in which a failure to do so can be redressed. Common law rights are horizontal in their operation when they are violated by one's fellow man, he can be named and proceeded against in an ordinary court of law. Constitutional and fundamental rights, on the other hand, provide remedy against the violation of a valued interest by the 'state', as an abstract entity, whether through legislation or otherwise, as well as by identifiable public officials, being individuals clothed with the powers of the state. It is perfectly possible for an interest to simultaneously be recognized as a common law right and a fundamental right. Where the interference with a recognized interest is by the state or any other like entity recognized by Article 87 12, a claim for the violation of a fundamental right would lie. Where the author of an identical interference is a non-state actor, an action at common law would lie in an ordinary court. 254. Privacy has the nature of being both a common law right as well as a fundamental right. Its content, in both forms, is identical. All that differs is the incidence of burden and the forum for enforcement for each form.” [Emphasis by me] It has therefore been unequivocally declared by this Court that while the content of a right recognised under Part III of the Constitution may coincide or overlap with a common law right, the remedies available against violation of the respective form of right, operate in different spheres of law. That is, although the content of a common law right and a fundamental right may be almost identical, the remedy against violation of a common law right, shall lie under common law and not under the Constitution; similarly, the remedy against violation of a Fundamental Right is provided for under the Constitution itself expressly against the State under Article 19(2) thereof. 42. The status of the violator of the right, is also an essential parameter for distinction between the two rights and corresponding remedies. Where the interference with a recognized right is by the State or any other entity recognized under Article 12, a claim for the violation of a fundamental right would lie under Articles 32 and 226 of the Constitution before this Court or before the High Court respectively. Where interference is by an entity other than State or its 88 instrumentalities, an action would lie under common law and to such extent, the legal scheme recognises horizontal operation of such rights. 43. Though the content of the Fundamental Right may be identical under the Constitution with the common law right, it is only the common law right that operates horizontally except when those Fundamental Rights have been transformed into statutory rights under specific enactments or where horizontal operation has been expressly recognised under the Constitution. This is because, the following difficulties would surface if the Fundamental Rights enshrined under Article 19 and 21 are permitted to operate horizontally so as to seek the remedy by way of a writ petition before a Constitutional Court: i) No recognition that Fundamental Rights enshrined under Article 19 and 21 are permitted to operate horizontally can be made except by ignoring the elementary differences between a Fundamental Right and the congruent common law right. Such a recognition could proceed only by ignoring the fact that the incidence of the duty to respect a Fundamental Right is on the State and its instrumentalities. Recognition of horizontal enforceability of Fundamental Rights would also ignore the status of the violator of the right except when a Fundamental Right is also recognised as a statutory right against another person or citizen. Therefore, such a recognition is misplaced as it proceeds with total disregard to the elementary differences in status of the two forms of rights, incidence of duty to respect each of such forms of rights, and the 89 forum which would be called upon to adjudicate on the failure to respect each of such rights. ii) The following decisions of this Court are demonstrative of its disinclination or reluctance in recognising that Fundamental Rights enshrined under Article 19 and 21 are permitted to operate horizontally: a) In P.D. Shamdasani vs. Central Bank of India Ltd. , A.I.R. 1952 SC 59 , a Constitution Bench of this Court refused to entertain a Writ Petition filed under Article 32 of the Constitution, wherein a prayer was made to enforce the right under Article 19(1)(f) and Article 31(1), as they then stood, against a private entity. In that context, it was held that the language and structure of Article 19 and its setting in Part III of the Constitution clearly show that the Article was intended to protect those freedoms against State action. This Court declared that violation of rights of property by individuals or entities other than the State and its instrumentalities, was not within the purview of Article 19(1)(f). Further, this Court made a comparison between Article 31(1), as it then stood, and Article 21 as both Articles cast a negative duty on the State. In that context it was held that although there is no express reference to the State in Article 21, it could not be suggested that the Article was intended to 90 afford protection to life and liberty against violation by private individuals. That the words “except by procedure established by law” exclude such suggestion that Article 21 would operate horizontally. The aforesaid decision is illustrative of this Court’s reluctance to hold that the Fundamental Rights under Articles 19 or 21 of the Constitution, would operate horizontally. It is also to be noted that in the aforesaid case, this Court has acknowledged that a suitable remedy exists under statutory law to redress the infraction complained of. Therefore, while this Court was mindful that the rights in the realm of common law, some of which have gained statutory recognition, operate horizontally, the Fundamental Rights under Articles 19 and 21, do not, except in the case of seeking a writ in the nature of habeas corpus. (b) In Zoroastrian Cooperative Housing Society Limited vs. District Registrar, Cooperative Societies (Urban), (2005) 5 SCC 632 , the Petitioner society was a registered society with its own bye-laws, under its parent legislation, the Bombay Cooperative Societies Act. As per bye-law 7, only members of the Parsi community were eligible to become members of the Society. The effect of this was that since housing shares could be transferred only to members, effectively, only Parsis could 91 buy plots under the aegis of the Cooperative Society. This restrictive covenant in the bye-laws became the subject matter of challenge before this Court, inter-alia , on the ground that it violated the right to equality enshrined in the Constitution. This Court refused to accept such a challenge and held that the Society’s bye-laws were in the nature of Articles of Association of a company and were not like a statute. The bye- laws were only “binding between the persons affected by them.” That a private contractual agreement is not subject to general scrutiny under Part III of the Constitution. This Court further distinguished between a discriminatory legislation passed by the State and a discriminatory bye-laws of a society or association, which is not ‘State’. Accordingly, it held that while a legislation may be subject to a challenge on the touchstone of Part III of the Constitution, bye-laws of a society or association, could not. This decision is also demonstrative of this Court’s disapproval of horizontal operation of fundamental rights, making them directly applicable to interactions, whether contractual or otherwise, between private parties. iii) I am however mindful of the fact that over the years, the conception of “State” as defined under Article 12 of the Constitution has undergone significant metamorphosis. 92 Through its jurisprudential labour, this Court has devised several principles and doctrines, so as to enable citizens to enforce their fundamental rights not only against “State” as defined in the strict sense to mean “agency of the Government,” but also against entities imbued with public character, or entitles which perform functions which closely resemble governmental functions. [See: Pradeep Kumar Biswas vs. Indian Institute of Chemical Biology, (2002) 5 SCC 111; Zee Telefilms Ltd. vs. Union of India, (2005) 4 SCC 649; Janet Jeyapaul vs. S.R.M. University, (2015) 16 SCC 530] This Court has progressively expanded the scope of Article 12 of the Constitution so as to ensure that a private entity, which performs a public duty/function and therefore informs our national life, does not get away scott-free merely because it is not “State” stricto sensu . Such entitles are imbued with constitutional obligations on account of the public or statutory functions performed by them. At this juncture, it is necessary to reflect on the difference between holding that Fundamental Rights may be enforced against a private entity on account of the public nature of its functions, as contrasted with universal operation of fundamental rights claims against all persons. A private body, acting in private capacity, fulfilling a private 93 function, cannot be axiomatically amenable to the claims of fundamental rights violations. The decision of this Court in Ramakrishna Mission vs. Kago Kunya, (2019) 16 SCC 303 is also highly instructive on the issue of amenability of actions of private entities, to judicial review under Article 226 of the Constitution of India. In the said case, the issue before this Court was whether the Hospital run by the Petitioner Mission performed a public function that made it amenable to writ jurisdiction under Article 226. This Court found that the Hospital and the Mission were not amenable to writ jurisdiction under Article 226 since running a hospital would not constitute a public function. This Court further highlighted that even when a private entity performs a public function, the Court would be required to enquire as to whether the grant in aid received by the said entity covers a significant portion of its expenditure. This Court went on to declare that regulation of a private body by a statute does not give it the colour of a public function. A public function was held to be one which is “closely related to functions which are performed by the State in its sovereign capacity. ” Accordingly, it was held that the Hospital was not performing a public function since the functions it performed were not “akin to those solely performed by State authorities.” It was 94 held that medical services were provided by private as well as State entities and therefore, the nature of medical services was not such that they could be carried out solely by State authorities. Thus, according to the decision of this Court in Ramakrishna Mission , regulation by the State either through a statute or otherwise; receipt of a meagre amount of aid from the State; receipt of concessions by the State; do not make a private entity amenable to the writ jurisdiction of Courts under Article 226 of the Constitution. Thus, recognising a horizontal approach of Fundamental Rights between citizens inter se would set at naught and render redundant, all the tests and doctrines forged by this Court to identify “State” for the purpose of entertaining claims of fundamental rights violations. Had the intention of this Court been to allow Fundamental Rights, including the rights under Articles 19 and 21, to operate horizontally, this Court would not have engaged in evolving and refining tests to determine the true meaning and scope of “State” as defined under Article 12. This Court would have simply entertained claims of fundamental rights violations against all persons and entities, without deliberating on fundamental questions as to maintainability of the writ petitions. Although this Court has 95 significantly expanded the scope of “State” as defined under Article 12, such expansion is based on considerations such as the nature of functions performed by the entity in question and the degree of control exercised over it by the State as such. This is significantly different from recognising horizontality of the fundamental rights under Articles 19 and 21, except while seeking a writ in the nature of habeas corpus. Such a recognition would amount to disregarding the jurisprudence evolved by this Court as to the scope of Article 12 of the Constitution. iv) Another aspect that needs consideration is that a Writ Court, does not ordinarily adjudicate to issue Writs in cases where alternate and efficacious remedies exist under common law or statutory law particularly against private persons. Therefore, even if horizontal operation of the Fundamental Rights under Article 19/21 is recognised, such recognition would be of no avail because the claim before a Writ Court of fundamental rights violations would fail on the ground that the congruent common law right which is identical in content to the Fundamental Right, may be enforced by having recourse to common law remedies. Therefore, on the ground that there exists an alternate and efficacious remedy in common law, the 96 horizontal claim for fundamental rights violations would fail before a Writ Court. This may be better understood by way of an illustration. Let me assume for the purpose of argument that the Fundamental Right under Article 19(1)(a) read with Article 21 is allowed to operate horizontally. A person would then be eligible to file a writ petition, against another private individual or entity for violation of such right. The violation may for instance be a verbal attack at the aggrieved person, which may have the effect of undermining such person’s dignity or reputation. Dignity and reputation are essential facets of the right to life under Article 21; at the same time, they are also recognised as common law rights as they are fundamental attributes of human personality which is regarded as a supreme value in common law. Common law remedies, including declarations, injunctions and damages, are available to redress any injury to common law rights, including the right to dignity and reputation. Such remedies are also statutorily recognised under the Specific Relief Act, 1963 and the Indian Penal Code. Therefore, on account of availability of an alternate remedy under common law, the Courts would be reluctant to entertain a writ petition under Articles 226 or 32, as the case may be. 97 v) Further, it is trite that Writ Courts do not enter into adjudication of disputed questions of fact. But, questions regarding infringement of the fundamental rights under Article 19/21, by a private entity, would invariably involve disputed questions of fact. Therefore, this is another difficulty that must be borne in mind while determining the horizontal operation of such rights in a writ proceeding. However, there is another aspect of the matter that requires to be discussed. A writ of habeas corpus is an order directing the person who has detained another to produce the detainee before the court in order for the court to ascertain on what ground or for what reason he has been confined, and to release him if there is no legal justification for the detention. A writ of habeas corpus is granted ex debito justiae and the applicant must only demonstrate prima-facie, unlawful detention of himself or any other person. If there is no justification for the detention and the same is unlawful, a writ is issued as of right vide Union of India vs. Paul Manickam, (2003) 8 SCC 342 . The importance of a writ of habeas corpus is the duty being cast on a Constitutional Court to issue the writ to safeguard the freedom of a citizen against illegal and arbitrary detention. In my humble view, an illegal detention is a violation of Article 21 of the Constitution, irrespective of whether the detention is by the State or by a private person. 98 A petition under Article 226 of the Constitution would therefore lie before the High Court, not only when the person has been detained by the State but also when he/she is detained by a private individual vide Mohd. Ikram Hussain vs. State of Uttar Pradesh , A.I.R. 1964 SC 1625 at 1630 . In my view, such a petition under Article 32 of the Constitution would also lie before this Court for seeking a writ of habeas corpus in terms of Article 32 (2). Such a writ could be issued not just against the State which may have illegally detained a person, but even as against a private person. Hence, in the context of illegal detention, Article 21 would operate horizontally against private persons also. Such a departure has to be made although Fundamental Rights are normally enforced against the State under Article 32 of the Constitution. Otherwise, the remedy by way of a writ of habeas corpus would be rendered incomplete if the said remedy is not available against a private person under Article 32 of the Constitution. Hence in the context of illegal detention, even by a private person, I would opine that Article 21 would operate horizontally and the writ of habeas corpus could be issued against a private person just as under Article 226 of the Constitution, the High Court can issue such a writ against any person or authority. But even in the context of Article 32(2) of the Constitution, it may not be proper to restrict the said remedy only as against the State but the same may be made available even as against private persons, in which event the power exercised by this Court could be in accordance 99 with Article 142 (1) of the Constitution to do complete justice in the matter. For ease of reference Article 142(1) may be extracted as under:
142. Enforcement of decrees and orders of Supreme
Court and unless as to discovery, etc. - ( 1 ) The
Supreme Court in the exercise of its jurisdiction may
pass such decree or make such order as is necessary for
doing complete justice in any cause or matter pending
before it, and any decree so passed or orders so made
shall be enforceable throughout the territory of India in
such manner as may be prescribed by or under any law
made by Parliament and, until provision in that behalf is
so made, in such manner as the President may by order
prescribe.”
Therefore, a writ of habeas corpus could be issued by this Court under Article 32 of the Constitution, not only against the ‘State’ as defined under Article 12 of the Constitution but also against a private individual. This is because illegal detention by a private person is a tort and of a nature similar to a constitutional tort. The reason for saying so is because an illegal detention whether by a State or a private person has a direct and identical effect on the detainee. The detainee loses his liberty and there may be a threat to his life. Directions in the nature of writs of habeas corpus have been issued by this Court on previous occasions, against private individuals, particularly in cases of kidnapping, child custody etc. [See for instance: Nirmaljit Kaur (2) vs. State of Punjab, (2006) 9 SCC 364 ] In such cases, resorting to the process of instituting a criminal case before a police station, may prove to be futile because the need of the hour in such cases is swift action. The writ of habeas corpus under Article 226 100 as well as Article 32 of the Constitution, is , i.e., a festium remidium speedy remedy, and such remedy needs to be made available even as against a private individual. It is appropriate that the High Court concerned under whose jurisdiction the illegal detention has occurred should be approached first. In order to invoke jurisdiction of this Court under Article 32 of the Constitution by approaching this Court directly, it has to be shown by the Petitioner as to why the concerned High Court has not been approached. In cases where it would be futile to approach the High Court, and where satisfactory reasons are indicated in this regard, a petition seeking issuance of a writ of habeas corpus, may be entertained. However, in the absence of such circumstances, filing a petition under Article 32 of the Constitution is not to be encouraged, vide Union of India vs. Paul Manickam , (2003) 8 SCC 342 . The judicial precedent referred to above are aligned with the aforesaid discussion. In light of the aforesaid discussion, Question No. 2 is answered as follows: “The rights in the realm of common law, which may be similar or identical in their content to the Fundamental Rights under Article 19/21, operate horizontally: However, the Fundamental Rights under Articles 19 and 21, may not be justiciable horizontally before the Constitutional Courts except those rights which have been statutorily recognised and in accordance with the applicable law. However, they may be the 101 basis for seeking common law remedies. But a remedy in the form of writ of Habeas Corpus, if sought against a private person on the basis of Article 21 of the Constitution can be before a Constitutional Court i.e., by way of Article 226 before the High Court or Article 32 read with Article 142 before the Supreme Court.” Re: Question No. 3: Whether the State is under a duty to affirmatively protect the rights of a citizen under Article 21 of the Constitution of India even against a threat to the liberty of a citizen by the acts or omissions of another citizen or private agency? 44. In order to answer this question, it may be prudent to consider the circumstances under which this Court has previously observed that the State is bound to protect the life and liberty of every human being, from the following judgments: i) In Pt. Parmanand Katara vs. Union of India , A.I.R. 1989 SC 2039 , this Court was confronted with the question as to whether a doctor has the professional obligation to instantaneously extend his services to a person brought for medical treatment, without any delay on the pretext of compliance with procedural criminal law. This court declared that the obligation of a doctor to extend his services with due expertise, for protecting life was paramount and absolute and any laws of procedure which would interfere with the discharge of this obligation, would be antithetical to Article 21 of the Constitution. It was further observed that where there is delay 102 on the part of medical professionals to administer treatment in emergencies, state action can intervene. ii) In National Human Rights Commission vs. State of Arunachal Pradesh , (1996) 1 SCC 742 , this Court considered a writ petition filed under Article 32 of the Constitution, pertaining to the threats held out by the All Arunachal Pradesh Students’ Union, to force Chakmas out of the State of Arunachal Pradesh. It was the case of the Petitioner therein that a large number of Chakmas from erstwhile East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) were displaced by the Kaptai Hydel Power Project in 1964. They had taken shelter in Assam and Tripura. Most of them were settled in these States and became Indian citizens in due course of time. Since a large number of refugees had taken shelter in Assam, the State Government had expressed its inability to rehabilitate all of them and requested assistance in this regard from certain other States. As a result of such consultations between the North Eastern States, some population of Chakmas began residing in Arunachal Pradesh. It was also stated that many of such persons had made representations for the grant of citizenship under Section 5(1)(a) of the Citizenship Act, 1955, however, no decision was communicated in this regard. In the interim, relations between citizens residing in Arunachal Pradesh and the Chakmas deteriorated and the latter were being subjected to repressive measures with a view to forcibly expel them from the State. In that background, a writ 103 petition came to be filed, alleging, , unwillingness on the inter-alia part of the State to contain the hostile situation. In that background, this Court issued a writ of mandamus, inter-alia, directing the State of Arunachal Pradesh to ensure that the life and liberty of every Chakma residing in the State is protected, and any attempt by organised groups to evict or drive them out of the State is repelled, if necessary, by requisitioning the service of para- military or police force. It was also directed that the application made by Chakmas for the grant of citizenship under Section 5(1)(a) of the Citizenship Act, 1955 be considered, and pending such consideration, no Chakma shall be evicted from the State. It is to be noted that in the said case, this Court cited the Fundamental Rights of persons under Article 21 in directing the State to protect the rights of Chakmas from threats by private actors. The said directions were issued in the backdrop of the State’s inaction to mobilise the available machinery to contain the hostile situation and such inaction had or could have had the effect of depriving Chakmas of their right to life and personal liberties. It was in that context that this Court declared that the State is bound to protect the life and liberty of every human being, be he a citizen or otherwise. iii) In Gaurav Kumar Bansal vs. Union of India , (2015) 2 SCC 130 , this Court, in directing the respondents therein to provide ex gratia 104 monetary compensation to the families of the deceased who have succumbed to the pandemic of Covid-19, in view of Section 12 of the Disaster Management Act, 2005, relied on Article 21 of the Constitution. iv) Similarly, in Swaraj Abhiyan vs. Union of India , (2016) 7 SCC 498 , this Court relied on Article 21 of the Constitution, in issuing a writ of mandamus to the Union of India, to effectively implement the National Food Security, 2013 in certain parts of the country which had been affected due to drought. The aforesaid cases illustrate that this Court has observed that the State is bound to protect the life and liberty of every human being, in the following contexts: a) Where inaction on the part of the State, to contain a hostile situation between private actors, could have had the effect of depriving persons of their right to life and liberty; b) Where the State had failed to carry out its obligations under a statute or a policy or scheme, and such failure could have had the effect of depriving persons of their right to life and liberty. c) It is therefore clear that the acknowledgement of this Court of the duty of the State under Article 21, only pertains to a negative duty not to deprive a person of his right to life and personal liberty, except in accordance with law. This Court has not recognised an affirmative duty on the part of the State under Article 21 of the 105 Constitution to protect the rights of a citizen, against a threat to the liberty of a citizen by the acts or omissions of another citizen or private agency. Of course, there exist a plethora of statutes which cast an obligation on the State and its machinery to contain hostile situations between private actors; to repel any action by private actors which would undermine the life and liberty of other persons etc. This Court has, on several occasions, issued writs of mandamus directing State authorities to carry out such statutory obligations. In directing so, this Court may have referred to the right to life and personal liberties under Article 21. However, such reference to Article 21 is not to be construed as an acknowledgement by the Court of an affirmative duty on the part of the State under Article 21 of the Constitution to protect the rights of a citizen, against a threat to the liberty of a citizen by the acts or omissions of another citizen or private agency. Given that Article 21 only imposes a negative duty, a violation of the same would occur only when the State undertakes an obligation by enacting a statute or a scheme, but does not fulfil it. Thus, the violation will only occur when a scheme has been initiated but is not being appropriately implemented, as was noted in the aforecited cases. In light of the aforesaid discussion, Question No. 3 is answered as follows: 106 “The duty cast upon the State under Article 21 is a negative duty not to deprive a person of his life and personal liberty except in accordance with law. The State has an affirmative duty to carry out obligations cast upon it under statutory and constitutional law, which are based on the Fundamental Right guaranteed under Article 21 of the Constitution. Such obligations may require interference by the State where acts of a private actor may threaten the life or liberty of another individual. Failure to carry out the duties enjoined upon the State under statutory law to protect the rights of a citizen, could have the effect of depriving a citizen of his right to life and personal liberty. When a citizen is so deprived of his right to life and personal liberties, the State would have breached the negative duty cast upon it under Article 21.” Re: Question No. 4: Can a statement made by a Minister, traceable to any affairs of State or for protecting the Government, be attributed vicariously to the Government itself, especially in view of the principle of Collective Responsibility? 45. A Minster may make statements in two capacities: , in his first personal capacity; second , in his official capacity and as a delegate of the Government. It is a no brainer that in respect of the former category of statements, no vicarious liability may be attributed to the Government itself. The latter category of statements may be traceable to any affair of the State or may be made with a view to protect the Government. If such statements are disparaging or derogatory and represent not only the personal views of the individual Minister making them, but also embody the views of the Government, then, such statements can be 107 attributed vicariously to the Government itself, especially in view of the principle of Collective Responsibility. In other words, if such views are endorsed not only in the statements made by an individual Minister, but are also reflective of the Government’s stance, such statements may be attributed vicariously to the Government. However, if such statements are stray opinions of an individual Minister and are not consistent with the views of the Government, then they shall be attributable to the Minister personally and not to the Government. Therefore, Question No. 4 is answered as follows: “A statement made by a Minister if traceable to any affairs of the State or for protecting the Government, can be attributed vicariously to the Government by invoking the principle of collective responsibility, so long as such statement represents the view of the Government also. If such a statement is not consistent with the view of the Government, then it is attributable to the Minister personally.” Re: Question No. 5: Whether a statement by a Minister, inconsistent with the rights of a citizen under Part Three of the Constitution, constitutes a violation of such constitutional rights and is actionable as ‘Constitutional Tort’? 46. While public law and private law are in theory, treated as analytically different, in practice, the divide between the two spheres is often blurred. As a result, ideas, concepts and devices from one sphere, influence the other. Such an intermingling has given rise to the doctrine of horizontal effects as discussed hereinabove, wherein a constitutional 108 directive or norm (Fundamental Right) is interpreted by Courts to apply between individuals. 47. Another concept which can be traced to the interaction between public law and private law is that of a Constitutional tort, which in essence attributes vicarious liability on the State for acts and omissions of its agents which result in violation of fundamental rights of an individual or group. A constitutional tort is a violation of one’s constitutional rights, particularly fundamental rights, by an agent of the government, acting in his/her official capacity. The alleged constitutional violation creates a cause of action that is distinct from any other available state tort remedy. It however, carries with it, the essential element of tort law, which seeks to redress a harm or injury by awarding monetary compensation by a competent court of law. Writ Petition: Principles of Procedure 48. Normally the filing of a writ petition invoking Article 32 of the Constitution before the Supreme Court or Article 226 before the High Court is resorted to seeking an extraordinary remedy. The prerogative powers of the High Court are not exercised for enforcement of private rights of the parties but are for the purpose of ensuring that public authorities act within the limits of law. Writ remedy is thus not a private law remedy except writ of habeas corpus. Thus, writ petition would lie against the State including local authorities and other authorities as defined under Article 12 of the Constitution which is an inclusive 109 definition which takes within its scope and ambit all statutory bodies instrumentalities and authorities or persons charged with, or expected to exercise, public functions or discharge public duties. A writ petition may be instituted for the enforcement of any fundamental rights guaranteed by Part III of the Constitution under Article 32 before the Supreme Court but under Article 226 of the Constitution, the jurisdiction of the High Courts is wider than the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court inasmuch as the said Article may be invoked for enforcement of fundamental rights as also “ for any other purpose ”. Tortious liability: 49. In India, the government can be held liable for tortious acts of its servants and can be ordered to be paid compensation to the persons suffering as a result of the legal wrong. Article 294(b) of the Constitution declares that the liability of the Union Government or the State Government may arise “out of any contract or otherwise ”. The word otherwise implies that the said liability may arise for tortious acts as well. Article 300 enables institution of appropriate proceedings against the government for enforcing such liability. 50. Even prior to the commencement of the Constitution, the liability of the Government for tortious acts of its servants or agents were recognised vide Peninsular & Oriental Steam Navigation Co. vs. Secy. Of State, (1868-69) 5 Bom HCR APP 1. After the commencement of the Constitution, there have been several cases in which the Union 110 of India and State Governments were held liable for tortious acts of their employees, servants and agents. All those cases were not necessarily by invoking the writ jurisdiction of the Supreme Court and the High Courts. Though, the Government is liable for tortious acts of its officers, servants or employees, normally , such liability cannot be enforced by a Writ Court. An aggrieved party has the right to approach the competent court or authority to seek damages or compensation in accordance with the law of the land. 51. But if fundamental rights have been violated, and if the court is satisfied that the grievance of the petitioner is well founded, it may grant the relief by enforcing a person’s fundamental right. Such relief may be in the form of monetary compensation/damages. Instances of such cases are Rudul Sah vs. State of Bihar, (1983) 4 SCC 141; Sebastian M. Hongray vs. Union of India, (1984) 3 SCC 82; Bhim Singh vs. State of J&K, (1985) 4 SCC 677; People’s Union for Democratic Rights vs. Police Commissioner, (1989) 4 SCC 730; Saheli vs. Commissioner of Police, (1990) 1 SCC 422; State of Maharashtra vs. Ravikant S. Patil, (1991) 2 SCC 373; Kumari vs. State of Tamil Nadu, (1992) 2 SCC 223; Shakuntala Devi vs. Delhi Electric Supply Undertaking, (1995) 2 SCC 369; Tamil Nadu Electricity Board vs. Sumanth, (2000) 4 SCC 543; Railway Board vs. Chandrima Das, (2000) 2 SCC 465.
52. Article 21 has played a significant role in shaping the law on
tortious liability of the Government. This Court has asserted that the
concept of sovereign function, which acts as an exception to attracting
tortious liability, ends where Article 21 begins. Therefore, this Court has
been willing to defend life and liberty of persons against state
lawlessness by holding that where Article 21 is violated, the State has
to pay compensation and the concept of sovereign function does not
prevail in this area.
53.This proposition may be specifically traced to early PILs, which
began in India in the 1980s, primarily in cases where officials of the State, such as prison officials had mistreated prisoners. The focus of the first phase of PIL in India was on exposure of repression by the agencies of the state, notably the police, prison, and other custodial authorities. These early PILs were essentially Constitutional tort actions which concerned allegations of violation of protected fundamental rights, as a result of acts or omissions on the part of officials of the State. Therefore, Constitutional law and tort law came to be merged by this Court under the rubric of PIL, and this Court began allowing successful petitioners to recover monetary damages from the State for infraction of their fundamental rights. In such cases, there may have been statutory rights of persons also which would then be an enunciation of an aspect of Fundamental Rights particularly under Article 21 of the Constitution. 112 54. In Rudul Sah vs. State of Bihar , (1983) 4 SCC 141 , Y.V. Chandrachud, CJ., gave further momentum to fundamental rights to combat state lawlessness by granting cash compensation to a victim of unlawful incarceration for fourteen years. It is to be noticed that His Lordship, in the said case, took note of the dilemma in allowing a litigant to seek damages in a writ petition/PIL action against the State. His Lordship noted that this could have the effect of ordinary civil action being circumvented on a routine basis, by invoking writ jurisdiction of the High Courts and the Supreme Court as an alternative to ordinary civil action. However, it was recognized that granting such remedies would enhance the legitimacy of the vehicle of PIL. Therefore, this Court in Rudul Sah ultimately chose to grant monetary damages, in order to ‘mulct’ the violators, as well as to offer a ‘palliative’ for victims. Subsequent to the decision in Rudul Sah , compensatory relief has been granted as a means to ‘civilize public power’ in several cases involving abrogation of Fundamental Rights, [See for instance, Sabastian M. Hongray vs. Union of India , A.I.R. 1984 SC 1026 ; Bhim Singh, MLA vs. State of Jammu and Kashmir , A.I.R. 1986 SC 494 .] 55. In Nilabati Behera vs. State of Orissa, (1993) 2 SCC 746, this Court observed that the award of compensation in a proceeding under Article 32 or Article 226 of the Constitution is a remedy available in public law based on strict liability for contravention of fundamental rights. In respect of such actions, the doctrine of sovereign immunity 113 does not apply, though it may be available as a defence in a private law in an action based on tort. Drawing a distinction between proceedings under the private and public law, it was observed that a public law proceeding may serve a different purpose than a private law proceeding. Public law proceedings are based on the concept of strict liability for contravention of guarantee basic and indivisible rights of the citizens by the State. The purpose of public law is not only to civilise governmental power and but also to assure the citizens that they live under a legal system which gains to protect their interest and preserve their rights. Therefore, when the court moulds the relief by granting compensation, in proceedings under Article 32 and Article 226 of the Constitution seeking enforcement or protection of fundamental rights, it does so under public law by way of employing elements of the law of torts and fixing the liability on the State which has been negligent and has failed in its public duty to protect the fundamental rights of the citizens. The payment of compensation under such cases is not to be understood as it is generally understood in a civil action for damages under private law, but in the broader sense of providing relief by ordering monetary amounts to be paid for the wrong done due to breach of public duty which would have the effect of violation of fundamental rights of citizens. Such grant of damages in exercise of a writ jurisdiction by the constitutional courts is independent of the rights available to the aggrieved party to claim compensation under private law in an action based on tort. Therefore, a suit may be instituted in a competent court 114 of law or proceedings may be initiated to prosecute the offender under the penal law. 56. Though, in D.K.Basu vs. State of West Bengal, (1997) 1 SCC 416 monetary compensation was granted, in Hindustan Paper Corporation Ltd. vs. Ananta Bhattacharjee, (2004) 6 SCC 213 this Court cautioned that a direction to pay compensation under Article 226 of the Constitution is permissible as a public law remedy and resorted to only when there is a violation by the State or its agents acting in official capacity of the fundamental right guaranteed by Article 21 of the Constitution, and not otherwise. It was further observed that it is not every violation of the provisions of the Constitution or a statute which would enable the court to direct grant of compensation. The power of the court to grant compensation in public law is limited. Therefore, normally in case of tortious liability, the person aggrieved has to approach a civil court for ventilating his grievances and he cannot invoke the writ jurisdiction of the Supreme Court or a High Court. However, if the duty breached is of a public nature or there is violation or breach or infringement of a fundamental right by an act or omission on the part of the authority, it is open to the party who has suffered a “legal wrong” to invoke the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court or a High Court by instituting the writ petition. In that case, the court, in exercise of its extraordinary jurisdiction and discretion judiciously may grant relief to the person wronged without relegating him to avail a remedy, 115 otherwise available to him under private law having regard to the facts and circumstances of the particular case. 57. In Chairman, Railway Board vs. Chandrima Das , (2000) 2 SCC 465 , this Court was presented with an appeal against an order of the Calcutta High Court in a writ petition filed by a civil rights lawyer on behalf of a foreign national-victim of rape, allegedly committed by railway employees at a government-owned railway station. The events in question happened when the employees were off duty, but were present at the premises owned and operated by the Government (Railways) . The writ petition was filed against the employer, in addition to initiating criminal proceedings against the individuals. A specific prayer was made in the writ petition for monetary compensation for the victim, payable by the Government, alleging that its failure to protect the victim and prevent the crime, had violated the victim’s fundamental right. The High Court awarded a sum of Rs. 10 Lakhs as compensation to the victim of rape, as it was of the opinion that the offence was committed at the building (Rail Yatri Niwas) belonging to the Railways and was perpetrated by the Railway employees. An appeal against the said judgment was preferred before this Court. 58. This Court dismissed the appeal holding that where public functionaries are involved and the matter relates to violation of Fundamental Rights, or the enforcement of public duties, the remedy would be available under public law, notwithstanding that a suit could 116 be filed under private law, for damages. Since the crime of rape amounted to a violation of the victim’s right to life under Article 21 of the Constitution, this Court concluded that a public law remedy was wholly appropriate. 59. The decisions in Rudul Sah and Chandrima Das establish that a public law action seeking monetary compensation for violation of fundamental rights was no longer an action in lieu of a private law claim, but was to serve an independent and more important purpose. However, it cannot be ignored that the decisions of Courts to award compensation in such cases, proceed on the basis of lower evidentiary standards, as noted by this Court in Kumari vs. State of Tamil Nadu , (1992) 2 SCC 223 . 60. In Tamil Nadu Electricity Board vs. Sumathi Das , (2000) 4 SCC 543 , this Court held that exercise of writ jurisdiction would be inappropriate where there were disputed questions of fact that required proof through substantial evidence. However, it has been clarified that the restriction applied only to the higher judiciary’s writ jurisdiction under Articles 32 and 226, and that it did not restrain this Court’s power to address the matter under Article 142, which allows this Court to pass any order ‘necessary for doing complete justice in any cause or matter.’ Therefore, this Court has recognised that factual disputes could operate as a limit on the Courts’ ability to treat a matter as being 117 actionable as a Constitutional tort but has nevertheless awarded monetary compensation in certain cases possibly having regard to the glaring facts of those cases by exercising power under Article 142 of the Constitution. 61. Scholarly views suggest that the concept of Constitutional tort challenges the ability of law to deter socially harmful behaviour of different kinds, by forcing the perpetrator to internalise the costs of their actions. However, in case of a Constitutional tort action, the entity saddled with the cost, is not the same as the entity who is to be deterred. This absurdity is stated to be threatening to the corrective justice idea that tort law embodies. In other words, an actor’s direct ability to alter the injury-causing behaviour is critical to the foundation of tort law. However, given that an action of Constitutional tort imposes the burden of damages on an entity, other than the violator of the right, a doubt has been cast on its effectiveness in serving as a vehicle of corrective justice. 62. In light of the aforesaid discussion, it is observed that it is not prudent to treat all cases where a statement made by a public functionary resulting in harm or loss to a person/citizen, as a constitutional tort. Regard must be had in every case to the nature of resultant harm or loss. Further, it is to be noted that even the cases cited hereinabove have permitted treating an act or omission as a constitutional tort only where there has been an infraction of 118 fundamental right as a direct result of such act or omission. Therefore the causal connection between the act or omission and the resultant infraction of fundamental rights, is central to any determination of an action of constitutional tort. 63. In Delhi Jal Board vs. National Campaign for Dignity & Rights of Sewerage & Allied Workers , (2011) 8 SCC 568 , this Court refused to entertain a matter against an interim order passed by the Delhi High Court in a writ petition, whereby the Petitioner Board had been directed to deposit compensation in favour of the family of a sewerage worker who had died while performing his duties. Dismissing the case, this Court held that since the deceased had died due to insensitivity on the part of the State apparatus, to the safety and well- being of its employees, the State would be liable to pay compensation to the family of the deceased. This Court invoked Article 142 of the Constitution to enhance the amount of compensation payable. 64. At this juncture, it may be apposite to sound a word of caution as regards the approach of the Courts in granting monetary compensation as a means for vindication of fundamental rights. It is to be noted that in the absence of a clear, cogent and comprehensive legal framework based on judicial precedent, which would clarify what harm or injury is actionable as a constitutional tort, such a device is to be resorted to only in cases where there are brutal violations of fundamental rights, such as the violations that were involved in Rudul 119 Sah and Chandrima Das . This Court has acknowledged such a view in Sebastian M. Hongray , by noting that compensation was being awarded in the said case having regard to “torture, the agony and the mental oppression” which the family of the victim therein had to endure due his death by an encounter. Similarly, this Court, in Bhim Singh stated that the compensation was awarded by taking note of the “bizzare acts” of police lawlessness. As already highlighted, compensation was awarded in Delhi Jal Board , by exercising power under Article 142. Thus, the remedy provided is on a case to case basis on an evolution of the concept of constitutional tort through judicial dicta. 65. While it is true that the Courts must mould their tools to deal with particularly extreme and threatening situations, and the device of a ‘constitutional tort’ has evolved through such an exercise, it must be borne in mind that the tool of treating an action as a constitutional tort must not be wielded only in instances wherein state lawlessness and indifference to the right to life and personal liberties have caused immense suffering. The law would have to evolve in this regard, in respect of violation of other Fundamental Rights apart from issuance of the prerogative writs. 66. Therefore, it is observed that presently invocation of writ jurisdiction to grant damages, by treating acts and omissions of agencies of the State as Constitutional torts, must be an exception 120 rather than a rule. The remedy before a competent court or under criminal law is, in any case available as per the existing legal framework. In light of the aforesaid discussion, Question No. 5 is answered as follows: “A proper legal framework is necessary to define the acts or omissions which would amount to constitutional tort and the manner in which the same would be redressed or remedied on the basis of judicial precedent. Particularly, it is not prudent to treat all cases where a statement made by a public functionary resulting in harm or loss to a person/citizen, as a constitutional tort, except in the context of the answer given to Question No. 4 above.” 67. In light of the above discussion as well as the answers given to the questions referred, the following other conclusions are drawn: a) It is for the Parliament in its wisdom to enact a legislation or code to restrain, citizens in general and public functionaries, in particular, from making disparaging or vitriolic remarks against fellow citizens, having regard to the strict parameters of Article 19(2) and bearing in mind the freedom under Article 19(1) (a) of the Constitution of India. Hence, I am not inclined to issue any guideline in this regard, but the observations made hereinabove may be borne in mind. b) It is also for the respective political parties to regulate and control the actions and speech of its functionaries and members. This could be through enactment of a Code of Conduct which would prescribe 121 the limits of permissible speech by functionaries and members of the respective political parties. c) Any citizen, who is prejudiced by any form of attack, as a result of speech/expression through any medium, targeted against her/him or by speech which constitutes ‘hate speech’ or any species thereof, whether such attack or speech is by a public functionary or otherwise, may approach the Court of Law under Criminal and Civil statutes and seek appropriate remedies. Whenever permissible, civil remedies in the nature of declaratory remedies, injunctions as well as pecuniary damages may be awarded as prescribed under the relevant statutes. However, answers given to Question Nos. 4 and 5 may have a bearing in the context of collective responsibility of government and Constitutional tort. Writ Petition (Crl.) No.113 of 2016 and Special Leave Petition (Civil) bearing Diary No.34629 of 2017 are directed to be listed before an appropriate Bench after seeking orders of Hon’ble the Chief Justice of India. …………..….………J. B.V. NAGARATHNA NEW DELHI, 03 JANUARY, 2023.