Full Judgment Text
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PETITIONER:
SANJEEV COKE MANUFACTURING COMPANY
Vs.
RESPONDENT:
BHARAT COKING COAL LTD. AND ANOTHER
DATE OF JUDGMENT10/12/1982
BENCH:
REDDY, O. CHINNAPPA (J)
BENCH:
REDDY, O. CHINNAPPA (J)
SEN, AMARENDRA NATH (J)
BHAGWATI, P.N.
VENKATARAMIAH, E.S. (J)
ISLAM, BAHARUL (J)
CITATION:
1983 AIR 239 1983 SCR (1)1000
1983 SCC (1) 147 1982 SCALE (2)1193
CITATOR INFO :
F 1984 SC 326 (21,26,52,57,94,100)
F 1984 SC 374 (16,17)
RF 1986 SC1466 (13,14)
RF 1988 SC 782 (29,40)
R 1990 SC 123 (27)
D 1990 SC1771 (13)
R 1992 SC 847 (64)
RF&R 1992 SC 938 (22,33)
RF 1992 SC 999 (14)
ACT:
(A) Constitution of India, 1950, Articles 226 and 32-
Practice and Procedure-In proceedings involving
constitutional issues, courts cannot travel beyond
their scope.
(B) Interpretation of Statutes-Rules of Construction-
Value of grammar.
(C) Constitution of India, 1950-Legislative validity
of-Tests for determination-Affidavits made in the
courts to sustain legislation, value of.
(D) Constitution of India, 1950, Articles 39(b), 31C
and 14-Directive Principle of State Policy under
Article 39(b)-Immunity of challenge under Article
31 C on ground of violation of Article 14 is not
permissible, Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation)
Act 36 of 1972.
(E) Constitution of India, Article 14-Whether Coking
Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act is violative of
Art. 14.
(F) Judicial review of matters of State policy like
scheme of Nationalisation-Proceedings under
Article 226.
(G) Constitution of India, Article 39(b)-Whether
"material resources of the community" referred to
is confined to "natural resources".
(H) Constitution of India, Article 31 C (as amended by
the Constitution Forty Second Amendment Act 1976,
and Articles 14 and 39 Scope of-Article 31 C
with its extended protection is constitutionally
valid.
(I) Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act (Act 36 of
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1972) Sections 3 (g), 3(b) and 4(1)-The definition
of "Coke oven plants" in Section 3(b) should be
read together with clauses (vi) and (x) of 3(i)
defining "mine" for understanding the correct
description of "Mines" in the Act.
(J) Costs in proceedings under Articles 226 or 32 when
the grievances are not frivolous, cost should not
be awarded, when the petition is dismissed.
1001
HEADNOTE:
Consequent to the passing of the Coking Coal Mines
(Emergency Provisions) Act, 1971, which was replaced by the
Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act, 1972, the Coal
Mines (Taking Over of Management) Act, 1973 and the Coal
Mines (Nationalisation) Act, 1973, all coal mines known to
exist in the country were nationalised, whether they are
coking coal mines or non-coking mines. Along with them coke
oven plants in or belonging to the mines were also
nationalised. In addition twelve specified coke oven plants
not belonging to the owners of the mines, but known to exist
near about the mines were also nationalised. All other coke
oven plants were left out of the scheme of nationalisation
for private exploitation.
Sanjeev Coke Manufacturing Company, Bhowra Coke Company
who were owners of the coke oven plants described in items 2
and 9 of the Second Schedule filed writ petitions in the
Calcutta High Court challenging the inclusion of their coke
oven plants in the Second Schedule as violative of the
provisions of Article 14 of the Constitution. The writ
petitions were withdrawn to the Supreme Court under Article
139 A.
Dismissing the petitions, the Court
^
HELD: 1. It is not open to a court to answer academic
or hypothetical questions on such considerations, such as
that they dealt with Constitutional amendments and not
ordinary law, which of their own force permitted violation
of freedoms through laws passed for certain purposes,
particularly so when serious constitutional issues are
involved. Judges are not authorised to make disembodied
pronouncements on serious and cloudy issues of
constitutional policy without battle lines being properly
drawn. Judicial pronouncements cannot be immaculate legal
conceptions. It is but right that no important point of law
should be decided without a proper lis between parties
properly ranged on either side and a crossing of the swords.
It is in expedient for the Supreme Court to delve into
problems which do not arise and express opinion thereon.
[1016 A-C]
2. Adjectives are attractive forensic aids but in
matters of interpretation they are diverting intruders. They
should not be allowed to get the better of the nouns which
they qualify. [1020 G-H]
3:1. Validity of legislation is not to be judged merely
by affidavits filed on behalf of the State, but by all the
relevant circumstances which the court may ultimately find
out and more especially by what may be gathered from what
the legislature has itself said. [1029 F-G]
3:2. Courts are not really concerned with the
hollowness or the self-condemnatory nature of the statements
made in the affidavits filed by the respondents to justify
and sustain the legislation. The deponents of the affidavits
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filed into court may speak for the parties on whose behalf
they swear to the statements. They do not speak for the
Parliament and Parliament is never before the Court. Once a
statute leaves Parliament House, the Court’s is the only
authentic voice which may echo (interpret) the Parliament.
This the court will do with reference to the language of the
statute and other permissible aids. [1029 A-D]
1002
3:3. No act of Parliament can be struck down because of
the under standing or misunderstanding of Parliamentary
intention by the executive government or because their (the
Government’s) spokesmen do not bring out relevant
circumstances but indulge in empty and self defeating
affidavits. They do not and cannot bind Parliament. [1029 E-
F]
4:1. The Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act 1972
is a legislation for giving effect to the policy of the
State towards securing the principle specified in Article
39(b) of the Constitution and is, therefore, immune under
Article 31-C from attack on the ground that it offends the
fundamental right guaranteed by Article 14. [1027 C-D]
4:2. By the Coking Coal Mines Nationalisation Act all
coking coal mines known to exist in the country were
nationalised. Other coke oven plants which did not belong to
the owners of the mines but which were located near about
the nationalised coking coal mines were also identified and
nationalised by express provision to that effect. At that
stage of the rationalisation and nationalisation of the coal
mining industry, it was apparently thought necessary and
sufficient to nationalise such coke oven plants as were in
or belonged to the nationalised coking coal mines or as were
identified as located near the nationalised coking coal
mines, leaving out all other coke oven plants. [1021 F-H;
1022 A-B]
4:3. The object of the coking coal Mines
(Nationalisation Act is to recognise and reconstruct coking
coal mines and coke oven plants for the purpose of
protecting, conserving and promoting scientific development
of the resources of coking coal needed to meet the growing
requirements of the Iron and Steel Industry and for matters
connected therewith and incidental thereto. The requirements
of the Iron and Steel industry are recognised as ’Growing
requirements’ and it is found necessary to protect conserve
and promote the scientific development of resources of
coking coal so as to meet those ’growing requirements’ The
Act is contemplating the future. If the object of the Act is
to provide for the future, it does not make any difference,
if in the past or in the present, the hard coke produced by
the nationalised coking coal mines is diverted elsewhere
than the Iron and Steel Industry. The requirements of the
Iron and Steel Industry which are to be met by the
nationalised coke oven plants are its growing requirements,
that is to say, its future requirements. [1026 E-H; 1027 A]
5:1. The Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act is not
violative of Article 14 of the Constitution. There has been
no such infringement, as could be seen from the facts of the
right guaranteed under Article 14. [1027 D; 1028 F]
5:2. The process of nationalisation of the Coal
industry is, of course, not complete as yet. Nationalisation
of any industry or means of production may not be and need
not be effected all at once. It may be achieved in stages.
If in the process of nationalisation some units are left out
in the earlier stages either because it is so planned or
because of some mistake it cannot be said that there has
been a violation of Article 14. Nor can any inference be
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drawn of discrimination from the circumstance that
subsequently eighty seven new coke oven plants have been
allowed to come up. Obviously there is demand for hard coke
from industries other than the iron and steel industry and
normally,
1003
the State does not want to stifle those industries by making
it difficult for them to obtain their requirements,
especially since the production of the Nationalised Coke
Oven Plants has first to meet the requirements of the iron
and steel industry. What is important to note is that these
eighty seven new coke oven plants are not situated in or
about coal mines though they are in the coal field area, as
indeed they are bound to be. [1028 E-H]
6. The distribution between public, private and joint
sectors and the extent and range of any scheme of
nationalisation are essentially matters of State policy
which are inherently inappropriate subjects for judicial
review. Scales of justice are just not designed to weigh
competing social and economic factors. In such matters
legislative wisdom must prevail and judicial review must
abstain. The contention that Article 39(b) would be
attracted, if the industry as a whole was nationalised and
not if only a part of the industry was nationalised is,
therefore, misplaced. [1026 B-D]
7:1. The expression "Material resources of the
community" as used in Article 39(b) of the Constitution is
not confined to natural resources; it is not confined to
resources owned by the public; it means and includes all
resources, natural and man-made, public and private-owned.
[1026 A-B]
7:2. The expression "material resources of the
community" means all things which are capable of producing
wealth for the community. There is no warrant for
interpreting the expression in so narrow a fashion as to
confine it to public-owned material resources and exclude
private owned material resources. The expression involves no
dichotomy. The words must be understood in the context of
the constitutional goal of establishing a sovereign,
socialist, secular’ democratic republic. [1022 H; 1023 A-B]
7:3. When Article 39(b) refers to material resources of
the community it does not refer only to resources owned by
the community as a whole, but it refers also to resources
owned by individual members of the community.
Resources of the community do not mean public resources only
but include private resources as well The distribution
envisaged by Article 39(b) necessarily takes within its
stride the transformation of wealth from private-ownership
into public-ownership and is not confined to that which is
already public-owned. [1023 G-H; 1024 A-B]
State of Karnataka v. Ranganathan Reddy, [1978] 1
S.C.R. 641 @ 689 followed.
8:1. The question of the validity of Article 31 C
stands concluded by the decision of the Supreme Court in
Keshavananda Bharati’s case. in which it was expressly ruled
that Article 31 C, as it stood at that time i.e., as
inserted by the Constitution (Twenty-fifth Amendment) Act,
1971, was constitutionally valid. No doubt the protection of
Article 31C was at that time confined to law giving effect
to the policy of the clauses (b) and (c) of Article 39. By
the Constitution Forty Second Amendment Act, the protection
was extended to all laws giving effect to all or any of the
principles laid down in Part IV. The dialectics, the logic
and the rationale involved in upholding the validity of
Article 31C when it confined its protection to laws enacted
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to further Article 39(b) or Article 39(c) should
uncompromisingly lead to the same resolute
1004
conclusion that Article 31 C with its extended protection is
also constitutionally valid. It cannot also be said that the
nature of the Directive Principles enunciated in other
Articles of Part IV of the Constitution is so drastic or
different from the Directive Principle in clauses (b) and
(c) of Article 39, that the extension of constitutional
immunity to laws made to further those principles would
afford the basic structure of the constitution Any
observations made to the contrary in Minerva Mills’ case,
[1981] 1 S.C.R. 206 may be held to be obiter. [1016 D-H]
9:2. To contend that a law founded on discrimination is
not entitled to the protection of Article 31 C, as such a
law can never be said to further the directive principles
affirmed in Article 39(b) would be to put the cart before
the horse. If the law made to further directive principle is
necessarily non-discriminatory or is based on a reasonable
classification, then such law does not need any protection
such as that afforded by Article 31 C. Such law would be
valid on its own strength, with no aid from Article 31 C. To
make it a condition precedent that a law seeking the haven
of Article 31 C must not be discriminatory or based on
reasonable classification is to make Article 31 C
meaningless. If Article 14 is not offended, no one need give
any immunity from an attack based on Article 14. [1019 A;
1020 A-B]
The broad egalitarian principle of social and economic
justice for all was was implicit in every Directive
Principle, and, therefore, a law designed to promote a
directive principle, even if it came into conflict with the
formalistic and doctrinaire view of equality before the law,
would most certainly advance the broader egalitarian
principle and the desirable constitutional goal of social
and economic justice to all. If the law was aimed at the
broader egalitarianism of the Directive Principles, Article
31 C protected the law from needless, unending and
rancourous debate on the question whether the law
contravened Article 14’s concept of equality before the law.
The law seeking the immunity afforded by Article 31 C must
be a law directing the policy of the State towards securing
a Directive Principle. The object of the law must be to give
effect to the Directive Principle and the connection with
the Directive Principle must not be "same remote or tenuous
connection". [1020 B-F]
9:3. When Article 31 C comes in, Article 14 goes out.
There is no scope for bringing in Article 14 by a side wind
as it were, that is, by equating the rule of equality before
the law of Article 14 with the broad egalitarianism of
Article 39(b) or by treating the principle of Article 14, as
included in the principle of Article 39(b). To insist on
nexus between the law for which protection is claimed and
the principle of Article 39(b) is not to insist on
fulfilment of the requirement of Article 14. They are
different concepts and in certain circumstances, may even
run counter to each other. That is why the need for the
immunity afforded by Articles 31 C. [1021 A-B]
10:1. The word "Mine" as defined in Section 3(j) of the
Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act 36 of 1972 does
include ’Coke Oven Plant’. If the definition of ’Coke Oven
Plant’ in Section 3(b) is read alongside clauses (vi) and
(x) of Section 3(j) which defines mine, it becomes plain
that ’coke oven plant’ belonging to or in a mine is treated
as comprised in ’mine’ as defined. Therefore, all coke oven
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plants belong to or in the mines mentioned in the First
Schedule,
1005
by the very force of definition of ’mine’, go with the mines
and the right, title, and interest thereto vest in the
Central Government under Section 4(1) of the Act. [1008 D-F;
1010 D]
Bharat Coking Coal Ltd. v. P.K. Agarwala and Anr,
[1979] 3 S.C.R. 609, over ruled.
10:2. The object of the Coking Coal Mines
(Nationalisation) Act was to nationalise all coking coal
mines and coke oven plants situated in or about the mines
whether or not they belonged to the owners of the mines.
Those which belonged to the owners of the mines, went with
the mines, but [those which did not belong to the owners of
the mines, obviously did not go with the mines, and separate
provision had to be made for their nationalisation, and
payment of compensation etc. That was the reason for the
separate definition of "Coke Oven Plant" and the separate
provision for the nationalisation of certain coke oven
plants. The reason was not any dichotomy between the word
’mine’ on the one hand and the words "coke oven plant" on
the other. [1010 E-F]
10:3. All coke oven plants were not nationalised; only
those which were situated in or about the nationalised
coking coal mines were nationalised. There was no separate
legislation providing for the take over of all coke oven
plants but as a part of the legislation to take over coking
coal mines, such coke oven plants were also nationalised.
Quite obviously coke oven plants situated in or about coal
mines had to be nationalised along with the mines in the
interests of convenience and efficiency of the coal industry
and to minimise the opportunities for clandestine operations
for which the coal industry has become notorious. Coke oven
plants away from the mines were not touched either by the
Coking Coal (Emergency Provisions) Act or the Coking Coal
(Nationalisation) Act. [1010 H; 1011 A-C]
Amarendra Nath Sen, J. (Contra) costs generally follow
event. When a citizen is deprived of his property by a State
action and feels aggrieved by the act of the State and
approaches the Court and if it cannot be said that his
grievance is absolutely frivolous, the citizen in such a
case should not be saddled with the costs simply because the
Court finds that his grievance has no valid legal basis.
[1034 G-H]
JUDGMENT:
ORIGINAL JURISDICTION : Transferred Cases Nos. 1 and 2
of 1980.
Transferred from the Calcutta High Court Matter No. 307
of 1979 with the petitions pending in the Court.
WITH
Special Leave Petition (Civil) No. 2020 of 1980.
From the Judgment and Order dated the 27th November,
1979 of the Calcutta High Court in F.M.A.T. No. 3124 of
1979.
S.N. Kacker, A.K. Ganguli and G.S. Chatterjee for the
Petitioner in Transferred Case No. 1 of 1980.
1006
M.C. Bhandare, Sukumar Bose, G.S. Chatterjee and Miss
Mirdula Ray for Transferred Case No. 2 of 1980.
G.S. Chatterjee for the Petitioner.
L.N. Sinha, Attorney General, M.L. Verma and Miss A.
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Subhashini for the Respondents.
The following Judgment were delivered
CHINNAPPA REDDY, J. In these cases, Sanjeev Coke
Manufacturing Co. and Sunil Kumar Ray, representing the
Bhowra Coke Company question the nationalisation of the Coke
Oven Plants belonging to them.
The history of the legislation concerning the take-over
of the Management and the Nationalisation of Coal Mines has
been set out in some of the earlier judgments of this Court
(Tara Prasad Singh v. Union of India, etc.(1) and it is not
necessary for us to recall here that history in any great
detail. The Coking Coal Mines (Emergency Provisions) Act,
1971, the Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act, 1972, the
Coal Mines (Taking Over of Management) Act, 1973, and the
Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act, 1973 were respectively
enacted in that order.
First came the Coking Coal Mines (Emergency) Provision.
Act 1971 which provided for the taking over of the
management of coking coal mines and coke oven plants pending
nationalisation of such mines and plants. Sec. 3(1) of the
Act declared that on and from the appointed day, the
management of all coking coal mines shall vest in the
Central Government. All coking coal mines which were known
to exist were specified in the First Schedule to the Act and
Sec. 3(2) declared that those were the coking coal mines
whose management vested in the Central Government under sub-
sec. (1). It was further provided that if any coal mine was
found, after investigation made by the Coal Board, to
contain coking coal, a declaration to the effect shall be
made by the Board and thereupon the management of such mine
shall vest in the Central Government and the mine shall be
deemed to be included in the First Schedule. The idea
clearly was not to leave out of the management of the
Central Government any coking coal mine. The words ’mine’,
’coking coal mine’ and ’coke oven plant’ were separately
defined in
1007
the Act. ’Mine’ was defined widely enough that ’coking coal
mine’ would take within its expanse ’coke oven plants’
belonging to or in a mine. By the very force of the
definition of ’mine’, the management of coke oven plants
belonging to or in coking coal mines also stood vested in
the Central Government from the appointed day. This aspect
of the matter will be considered in slightly greater detail
when we refer to the provisions of the Coking Coal Mines
Nationalisation Act. As one may well expect, there were some
coke oven plants which were situated near about coking coal
mines but which did not belong to the owners of such mines
and the management of which did not, therefore,
automatically vest in the Central Government along with the
vesting of the management of the coking coal mines. It was
apparently thought necessary and desirable that the
management of such coke oven plants also should be taken
over. Twelve such coke oven plants were identified and
specified in the Second Schedule and by Sec. 7 of the Act
the management of the coke oven plants specified in Second
Schedule were declared to vest in the Central Government.
Next, The Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act, 1972
was enacted "to provide for the acquisition and transfer of
the right, title and interest of the owner of the coking
coal mines specified in the First Schedule, and the right,
title and interest of the owners of such coke oven plants as
are in or about the said coking coal mines with a view to
reorganising and reconstructing such mines and plants for
the purpose of protecting, conserving and promoting
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scientific development of the resources of coking coal
needed to meet the growing requirements of the iron and
steel industry and for matters connected therewith or
incidental thereto". By Section 4 of the Act the right,
title and interest of the owners in relation to the coking
coal mines specified in the First Schedule stands
transferred to and vests absolutely in the Central
Government. The First Schedule mentions the names of 214
coking coal mines, with their location and with the names
and addresses of the owners of the mines. ’Coking coal mine’
is defined by Section 3(c) to mean "a coal mine in which
there exist one or more seams of coking coal, whether
exclusively or in addition to any seam of other coal".
’Mine’ is, defined by s. 3(j) to mean "any excavation where
any operation for the purpose of searching for or obtaining
minerals has been or is being carried on", and to include,
among other things.
"(vi) all lands, buildings, works, adits, levels,
planes, machinery and equipment, vehicles, railways,
tramways and
1008
sidings belonging to, or about, a mine;" and
"(x) all lands, buildings and equipment belonging
to, or in, a mine where the washing of coal or
manufacture of coke is carried on;"
We may also notice here the definition of ’Coke Oven Plants’
as in s. 3(b) which is as follows :
"coke oven plant" means the plant and equipment
with which the manufacture of hard coke has been, or is
being, carried on, and includes-
(i) ... ... ...
(ii) ... ... ...
(iii) ... ... ...
(iv) ... ... ...
(v) all lands, buildings and equipment belonging
to the coke oven plant where the washing of
coal is carried on,
(vi) ... ... ...
If the definition of ’coke oven plant’ in s. 3(b) is read
alongside clause (vi) and (x) of s. 3(j) which defines mine,
it becomes plain that ’coke oven plant’ belonging to or in a
mine is treated as comprised in ’mine’ as defined.
Therefore, all coke oven plants belong to or in the mines
mentioned in the First Schedule, by the very force of the
definition of ’mine’, go with the mines and the right, title
and interest thereto vest in the Central Government under s.
4(1) of the Act. But the object of the Act was not merely to
acquire the right, title and interest of the owners of the
coking coal mines specified in the First Schedule including
the coke oven plants in or belonging to such coking coal
mines but also to acquire the right, title and interest of
the owners of coke oven plants which were generally, in or
about such coking coal mines, even if they did not belong to
the owners of such mines. Apparently, it was not thought
sufficient to acquire the coke oven plants in the acquired
mines or belonging to the owners of the acquired mines but
it was thought necessary, also, to acquire the coke oven
plants which were near about the acquired mines. So a
separate provision had to be made in the Act to acquire such
1009
coke oven plants as were near about the acquired mines but
did not belong to the owners of the mines. Twelve such coke
oven plants, the same twelve coke oven plants which were
mentioned in the Second Schedule to the Coking Coal Mines
(Emergency Provisions) Act, are again specified in the
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Second Schedule to the Coking Coal Mines Nationalisation Act
too and s. 5 of the Act provides that the right, title and
interest of the owners of each of the coke oven plants
specified in the Second Schedule, being the coke oven plants
which are situated in or about the coking coal mines
specified in the First Schedule also vest in the Central
Government. Thus, all coke oven plants which belonged to or
which were in the mines specified in the First Schedule
stood transferred to the Central Government along with those
mines and, in addition, the twelve coke oven plants
specified in the Second Schedule which did not belong to the
mines but which were near about coking coal mines also stood
transferred to the Central Government.
In order that the ground may straight away be cleared,
we must mention here that in Bharat Coking Coal Ltd. v. P.K.
Agarwala and Anr.(1) Krishna Iyer and A.P. Sen, JJ.
considered the definitions of "Mine" and "coke oven plant"
in the Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act, 1972 and
expressed the view, wrongly in our opinion, that ’Coking
Coal Mine’ did not include a ’coke oven plant’. The learned
judges appear to have thought that there was a dichotomy
between the word ’mine’ on the one hand and the words ’coke
oven plant’ on the other and that was why separate provision
was made in the same Act for the nationalisation of mines
and coke oven plants. The learned Judges observed :
"It must be said in fairness to counsel that there
was some bafflement when confronted by these provisions
although on a broader consideration, we are clear in
our mind that a dichotomy was made by the statute
between mines on the one hand as defined in Section
3(j) and coke oven plants as defined in s. 3(b) on the
other. To give meaning to this dichotomy one has to
read coke oven plants as clearly out from the mines,
which in turn means that mere equipment where washing
of coal or manufacture of coal is done as a simple
subsidiary or an equipment or machinery which is a
small part of a mine cannot be exalted to the position
of
1010
a coke oven plant which, as Section 3(b) bears out, is
an important but separate equipment with which the
manufacture of hard coke is carried on. This is a
processing of considerable significance, for coal that
is extracted from a colliery has an independent
existence. It cannot be confused with a minor item such
as is covered by s. 3(j)(xi) or (x) of the Act. It is
easy to find industrial similarity when we are
referring to oil mines. It is one thing to take over
oil fields and minor machinery or equipment that may be
attached thereto necessary for the very mining
operation, but by no stretch of imagination can it be
said that nationalisation of oil fields or mines also
covers oil refineries. In this view, we think that
there is no substance in the submission on behalf of
the appellant (Union of India) that mine by definition
includes coke oven"
We are afraid, we are unable to agree with the view
expressed by Krishna Iyer and A.P. Sen, JJ. that ’coal mine’
as defined in s. 3(j) particularly cls. (vi) and (x) does
not include ’coke oven plant’. As already mentioned by us,
there were in existence ’coke oven plants’ in or about
coking coal mines, some of which belonged to the owners of
the mines and some to persons other than the owners of the
mines. The object of the Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation)
Act was to nationalise all coking coal mines and coke oven
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plants situated in or about the mines whether or not they
belonged to the owners of the mines. Those which belonged to
the owners of the mines went with the mines but those which
did not belong to the owners of the mines, obviously, did
not so go with the mines and separate provision had to be
made for their nationalisation, and payment of compensation
etc. That was the reason for the separate definition of
’coke oven plant’ and the separate provision for the
nationalisation of certain coke oven plants. The reason was
not any dichotomy between the word ’mine’ on the one hand
and the words ’coke oven plant’ on the other as was supposed
in Bharat Coking Coal Ltd. v. P.K. Agarwala. As was said,
the separate definition of coke oven plant and the separate
provision for the nationalisation of coke oven plants was
necessary to cover those coke oven plants which were
situated in or about the nationalised mines but which did
not belong to the owners of those mines. It is important to
note that all coke oven plants were not nationalised; only
those which were situated in or about the nationalised
coking coal mines were nationalised. There was no separate
legislation providing for the take-over of all coke oven
plants but as a
1011
part of the legislation to take over coking coal mines, such
coke oven plants as were in or about the mines were also
nationalised. Quite obviously coke oven plants situated in
for about coking coal mines had to be nationalised along
with the mines in the interests of convenience and
efficiency of the coal industry and to minimise the
opportunities for clandestine operations for which the coal
industry has become notorious. Coke oven plants away from
the mines were not touched either by the Coking Coal
(Emergency Provisions Act) or the Coking Coal Mines
(Nationalisation) Act.
The Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act, 1972 was
followed soon thereafter by the Coal Mines (Taking Over of
Management) Act, 1973. Coal Mine is defined by sec. 2(b) of
the Act to mean a mine in which there exists one or more
seams of coal. It is seen that the definition of coal mines
takes in coking coal mines also. Mine is defined by Section
2(g) in practically the same terms as in Section 3(j) of the
Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act with some
differences which are not material for the purposes of this
case. Sec. 3(1) provides that on and from the appointed day,
the managements of all coal mines shall vest in the Central
Government. The provision is peremptory; all coal mines
whether they are coking coal mines or non-coking coal mines
are included; none is excluded. Sec. 3(2) further provides
that the coal mines specified in the schedule to the Act
shall be deemed to be the coal mines the management of which
shall vest in the Central Government under sub-sec. (1) and
further that if the existence of any coal mine comes to the
knowledge of the Central Government, the Central Government
shall make a declaration about the existence of such mine
and the management of such coal mine shall thereupon be
deemed to vest in the Central Government and the coal mine
deemed to be included in the schedule. After the Coal Mines
(Taking over of management) Act 1972, came the Coal Mines
(Nationalisation) Act, 1973 which was enacted "to provide
for the acquisition and transfer of the right, title and
interest of the owners in respect of the coal mines
specified in the schedule with a view to re-organising and
re-constructing such coal mines so as to ensure the
rational, coordinated and scientific development and
utilisation of coal resources consistent with the growing
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requirements of the country in order that the ownership and
control of such resources are vested in the State and
thereby so distributed as best to subserve the common good
and for matters connected therewith or incidental thereto".
The expressions ’coal mine’ and ’mine’ are
1012
defined on practically the same lines as in the Coal Mines
(Taking Over of Management) Act. Sec. 3(1) declares that on
the appointed day, the right, title and interest of the
owners in relation to the coal mines specified in the
schedule shall stand transferred to and shall vest
absolutely in the Central Government free from all
encumbrances. Sec. 3(2) provides that if the existence of
any other coal mine comes to the knowledge of the Central
Government, after the appointed day, the provisions of the
Coal Mines (Taking over of Management) Act shall apply to
such mine until that mine is nationalised by an appropriate
legislation. We have already mentioned that the expression
’mine’ is defined in the Coal Mines (Taking over of
Management) Act and the Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act in
practically the same terms as in the Coking Coal Mines
(Emergency Provisions) Act and the Coking Coal Mines
(Nationalisation) Act. The definition is so wide, as to take
in coke oven plants belonging to or in the mine. So, all
coke oven plants belonging to or in a coal mine are
nationalised along with the mine. But, there are no
provisions in the Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act 1973
corresponding to Section 5 of and the Second Schedule to the
Coking Coal Mines Nationalisation Act 1972 to cover coke
oven plants which are situated near the coal mines but which
do not belong to the owners of the mines. Therefore, coke
oven plants not belonging to or in coal mines (not already
nationalised under the Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation)
Act are left out of the Coal Mines (Taking over of
Management) Act and the Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act,
1973. Of course, coke oven plants situated away from the
mines are not touched by either the Coal Mines
(Nationalisation) Act, 1973 or the Coking Coal Mines
(Nationalisation) Act, 1972.
The final result of these statutes is that all coal
mines known to exist in the country are nationalised,
whether they are coking coal mines or non-coking coal mines.
Along with them coke oven plants in or belonging to the
mines also stand nationalised. In addition twelve specified
coke oven plants not belonging to the owners of the mines
but known to exist near about the mines are also
nationalised. All other coke oven plants are left out of the
scheme of nationalisation. The design revealed by the Acts
is that mining of coal is reserved entirely for the public
sector, and so, all existing coal mines, whether coking coal
or non-coking coal, are nationalised and the management of
mines which may be discovered in the future is automatically
taken over by the Central Government until nationalisation
by appropriate legislation; and, the
1013
manufacture of hard coke from coal is reserved for the joint
sector and so all coke oven plants belonging to or in coal
mines and twelve specified coke oven plants are nationalised
while all other coke oven plants are left for private
exploitation ; there is no ban against any new coke oven
plants being set up.
Sanjeev Coke Manufacturing Company, who were the owners
of the coke oven plant described in Item 9 of the Second
Schedule and Bhowra Coke Company, who were the owners of the
Coke oven plant described in Item 2 of the Second Schedule
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filed writ petitions in the Calcutta High Court challenging
the inclusion of these coke oven plants in the Second
Schedule. The writ petitions have been withdrawn to this
Court for disposal. The principal ground of challenge was
that other coke oven plants standing in exactly the same
position as the coke oven plants of the petitioners were
left out and had not been nationalised; there was,
therefore, rank discrimination. It was said that as many as
eighty seven new coke oven plants were allowed to come into
existence subsequent to the Nationalisation Act and so the
nationalisation of twelve of the existing coke oven plants
was ex-facie arbitrary and discriminatory. There were other
grounds, branches and shades of challenge to which we shall
refer later in the course of the judgment. The straight
answer of the Central Government was that the provisions of
the Act were immune from the challenge based on the ground
of discrimination because of the protection afforded by Art.
31C of the Constitution. The Central Government also
defended the inclusion of the coke oven plants of the
petitioners in Second Schedule on merits and explained how
it came about that certain coke oven plants were excluded.
The principal question for consideration, therefore, is
whether the Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act, 1972 is
entitled to the protection of Art 31C of the Constitution
Art 31C of the Constitution, which was introduced by the
Twenty-fifth Amendment Act, 1971, as it stood before the
Forty-second Amendment, provided, "Notwithstanding anything
contained in Article 13, no law giving effect to the policy
of the State towards securing the principles specified in cl
(b) or cl.(c) of Art. 39 shall be deemed to be void on the
ground that it was inconsistant with, or takes away or
abridges any of the rights conferred by Art. 14, Art. 19 or
Art. 31". By the Constitution Forty-second Amendment Act,
the protection of Art. 31C was extended not merely to laws
giving effect to the policy of the State towards securing
the principles specified in cl.(b) or (c)
1014
of Art.39 but to laws giving effect to the policy of the
State towards securing all or any of the principles laid
down in Part IV of the Constitution. The constitutionality
of the original Art. 31C as introduced by the Constitution
Twenty-fifth Amendment Act, was upheld by the Court in
Keshvananda Bharati v. The State of Kerala(1) Section 4 of
the Constitution Forty-second Amendment Act of 1976 which
substituted the words "all or any of the principles laid
down in Part IV" for the words "the principles specified in
Cl.(b) or (c) of Art. 39" was struck down by this Court in
Minerva Mills’s case(2) on the ground that the nature and
quality of the amendment was such that it virtually tore
away the heart of basic fundamental freedoms by totally
withdrawing the protection of Articles 14 and 19 in respect
of a large category of laws; the amendment destroyed the
balance between Part III and Part IV of the Constitution and
thereby ipso facto destroyed the basic structure of the
Constitution. The decision of the Court in Minerva Mills’
was strongly relied upon by Shri A.K. Sen, learned counsel
for the petitioners to support his submissions regarding
what he claimed was the true content and interpretation of
Art. 31C.
We have some misgivings about the Minerva Mills’
decision despite its rare beauty and persuasive rhetoric.
We confess the case has left us perplexed. In the first
place, no question regarding the constitutional validity of
s.4 of the Constitution Forty-second Amendment Act, 1976
appears to have arisen for consideration in that case. The
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question was about the nationalisation and takeover by the
Central Government of a certain textile mill under the
provisions of the Sick Textile Undertakings
(Nationalisation) Act, 1974. The validity of some of the
provisions of that Act was impugned. The Act had been
included in the Ninth Schedule to the Constitution by the
Constitution Thirty-ninth Amendment Act, 1975. The validity
of Art. 31B which provides immunity to the Acts and
Regulations specified in the Ninth Schedule from attack
based on inconsistency with the Fundamental Rights was
challenged and that question, therefore, directly arose for
consideration. The question was, however, not decided in the
Minerva Mills case. Section 39 of the Sick Textile
Undertakings (Nationalisation) Act, 1974, had also declared
that the Act was enacted for giving effect to the policy of
the State towards securing the principles specified in
cl.(b) of Art.39 of the Constitution. Article 31C of the
1015
Constitution which had been introduced into the Constitution
by the Constitution Twenty-fifth Amendment Act 1971
expressly provided that "Notwithstanding anything contained
in article 13, no law giving effect to the policy of the
State towards securing the principles specified in cl.(b) or
cl.(c) of Art. 39 shall be deemed to be void on the ground
that it is inconsistent with, or takes away or abridges any
of the rights conferred by article 14, article 19 or article
31". The Sick Textiles (Undertakings) Nationalisation Act
1974 was passed, we may mention here, before the
Constitution Forty Second Amendment Act came into force. In
order, therefore, to challenge the provisions of the Sick
Textile Undertakings (Nationalisation) Act, 1974 on the
ground of inconsistency or abridgement or taking away of the
Fundamental Rights conferred by Art. 14 or Art. 19, it was
necessary for the petitioners to challenge the
Constitutional validity of the Constitution Twenty-fifth
Amendment Act, 1971 by which Art. 31C was first introduced
into the Constitution. That, however, was not open to the
petitioners because of the decision of this Court in
Keshavananda Bharati’s case. It was so conceded too by the
Learned counsel who appeared for the petitioner in the
Minerva Mills case. The counsel who appeared, however, chose
to question the constitutional validity of Section 4 of the
Constitution Forty-second Amendment Act. 1976 by which the
immunity afforded by Art. 31C was extended by replacing the
words "the principles specified in cl. (b) or cl. (c) of
Art. 39" by the words "all or any of the principles laid
down in Part IV". No question regarding the constitutional
validity of s. 4 of the Constitutional Forty-second
Amendment Act, 1976 arose for consideration in the case,
firstly, because the immunity from attack given to a law
giving effect to the policy of the State towards securing
the principles specified in cl. (b) or cl. (c) of Art 39 was
given by the Constitution Twenty-fifth Amendment Act 1971
itself and secondly because the Sick Textile Undertakings
(Nationalisation) Act had been enacted before the
Constitution Forty-second Amendment Act, 1976. Yet, counsel
successfully persuaded the Court to go into the question of
the validity of s. 4 of the Constitution Forty-second
Amendment Act. An objection was raised before the Court by
the learned Attorney General that the Court should not
concern itself with hypothetical or academic questions. The
objection was overruled on the ground that the Forty-second
Amendment was there for anyone to see and that the question
raised was an important one dealing with, not an ordinary
law, but, a constitutional amendment which had been brought
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into
1016
Operation and which of its own force permitted the
violations of certain freedoms through laws passed for
certain purposes. We have serious reservations on the
question whether it is open to a Court to answer academic or
hypothetical questions on such considerations, particularly
so when serious constitutional issues are involved. We
(judges) are not authorised to make disembodied
pronouncements on serious and cloudy issues of
constitutional policy without battle lines being properly
drawn. Judicial pronouncements cannot be immaculate legal
conceptions. It is but right that no important point of law
should be decided without a proper lis between parties
properly ranged on either side and a crossing of the swords.
We think it is inexpedient for the Supreme Court to delve
into problems which do not arise and express opinion
thereon.
In the second place, the question of the constitutional
validity of Art.31C appears to us to be concluded by the
decision of the Court in Keshavananda Bharati’s case.
In Keshavananda Bharati’s case, the Court expressly
ruled that Art. 31C as it stood at that time was
constitutionally valid. No doubt, the protection of Art. 31C
was at that time confined to laws giving effect to the
policy of the cls. (b) and (c) of Art. 39. By the
Constitution Forty-second amendment Act, the protection was
extended to all laws giving effect to all or any of the
principles laid down in Part IV. The dialectics, the logic
and the rationale involved in upholding the validity of
Art.31C when it confined its protection to laws enacted to
further Art. 39(b) or Art.39(c) should, uncompromisingly
lead to the same resolute conclusion that Art. 31C with its
extended protection is also constitutionally valid. No one
suggests that the nature of the Directive Principles
enunciated in the other Articles of Part IV of the
Constitution is so drastic or different from the Directive
Principles in cls (b) and (c), of Art 39, that the extension
of constitutional immunity to laws made to further those
principles would offend the basic structure of the
Constitution. In fact, no such argument appears to have been
advanced in the Minerva Mills case and we find no discussion
and no reference whatsoever, separately to any of the
distinct principles enunciated in the individual Articles of
Part IV of the Constitution decision in Minerva Mills. The
argument advanced and the conclusion arrived at both appear
to be general, applicable to every clause of Art. 39, and
every Article of Part IV of the Constitution, no less to
clauses (b) and (c) than to the other clauses. We wish to
say no more about
1017
the Minerva Mills case as we are told that there is pending
a petition to review the judgment.
Thirdly, notwithstanding the strong reliance placed
upon Minerva Mills by the learned counsel for the
petitioners, we are not really concerned with the decision
in that case since that is not the point at issue before us.
What the Court held there was that s. 4 of the Constitution
Forty-second Amendment Act was invalid. But we are not faced
with that question here. We are concerned with the validity
of the Constitution Twenty-fifth Amendment Act, 1971 and it
was conceded before us, as it was conceded before the Bench
in the Minerva Mills case that the Constitution Twenty-fifth
Amendment Act is constitutionally valid.
The main submission of Shri A K. Sen. learned counsel
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for the petitioner in one of the cases was based on the
assumption that Art. 31 C as it stood before the
Constitution Forty-second Amendment was constitutionally
valid. Even so, according to Shri Sen, the protection of
Art. 31 C would not be available to a legislation which was
not shown to have any real and substantial nexus to the
Directive Principles enunciated in cl. (b) or cl. (c) of
Art. 39. Iaw founded on arbitrariness and discrimination he
said could never be said to be a law to further the
directive principles in clauses (b) and (c) of Art. 39. Shri
Sen would say that Art. 39(b) itself contemplated a broader
egalitarian principle than that embodied in Art. 14 and,
therefore, it was impossible to conceive of a law offending
the egalitarian principle as furthering the directive
principle voiced in Art. 39(b). On these questions, it was
submitted, there was no difference between the views of the
majority of the Judges who decided Minerva Mills and the
dissenting Judge. He particularly invited our attention to
the following observations of Bhagwati, J. at pp. 329-330:
"It will, therefore, be seen that if a law is enacted for
the purpose of giving effect to a Directive Principle and it
imposes a restriction on a Fundamental Right, it would be
difficult to condemn such restriction as unreasonable or not
in public interest. So also where a law is enacted for
giving effect to a Directive Principle in furtherance of the
constitutional goal of social and economic justice it may
conflict with a formalistic and doctrinaire view of equality
before the law, but it would almost always conform to the
principle of equality before the law in its total magnitude
and dimension, because the equality clause in the
Constitution does not speak of more formal equality before
the
1018
law but embodies the concept of real and substantive
equality which strikes at inequalities arising on account of
vast social and economic differentials and is consequently
an essential ingredient of social and economic justice. The
dynamic principle of egalitarianism fertilisers the concept
of social and economic justice; it is one of its essential
elements and there can be no real social and economic
justice where there is a breach of the egalitarian
principle. If, therefore, there is a law enacted by the
legislature which is really and genuinely for giving effect
to a Directive Principle with a view to promoting social and
economic justice, it would be difficult to say that such law
violates the principle of egalitarianism and is not in
accord with the principle of equality before the law as
understood not in its strict and formalistic sense, but in
its dynamic and activist magnitude. In the circumstances,
the Court would not be unjustified in making the presumption
that a law enacted really and genuinely for giving effect to
a Directive Principle in furtherance of the cause of social
and economic justice, would not infringe any Fundamental
Right under Article 14 or 19". . . . .
If this be the correct interpretation of the
constitutional provisions, as I think it is, the amended
Article 31 C does no more than codify the existing position
under the constitutional scheme by providing immunity to a
law enacted really ann genuinely for giving effect to a
Directive Principle, so that needlessly futile and time
consuming controversy whether such law contravenes Article
14 or 19 is eliminated."
at pp. 337-338: "Now the question is what should be the test
for determining whether a law is enacted for giving effect
to a Directive Principle. One thing is clear that a claim to
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that effect put forward by the State would have no meaning
or value; it is the court which would have to determine the
question. Again it is not enough that there may be some
connection between a provision of the law and a Directive
Principle. The connection has to be between the law and the
Directive Principle and it must be a real and substantial
connection. To determine whether a law satisfies this test,
the court would have to examine the pith and substance, the
true nature and character of the law as also its design and
the subject matter dealt with by it together with its object
and scope. If on such examination, the court finds that the
dominant object of the law is to give effect to the
Directive Principle, it would accord protection to the law
under the amended Article 31C. But if the court finds that
the law though passed seemingly for giving effect
1019
to a Directive Principle, is, in pith and substance. One for
accomplishing an unauthorised purpose-unauthorised in the
sense of not being covered by any Directive Principle, such
law would not have the protection of the amended Art. 31C.".
. . .
The point I wish to emphasize is that the amended
Article 31C does not give protection to a law which has
merely some remote or tenuous connection with a Directive
Principle. What is necessary is that there must be a real
and substantial connection and the dominant object of the
law must be to give effect to the Directive Principle, and
that is a matter which the court would have to decide before
any claim for protection under the amended Article 31C can
be allowed.
at pp. 339-340: "Where, therefore, protection is claimed in
respect of a statute under the amended Article 31C, the
court would have first to determine whether there is real
and substantial connection between the law and a Directive
Principle and the predominant object of the law is to give
effect to such Directive Principle and if the answer to this
question is in the affirmative, the court would then have to
consider which are the provisions of the law basically and
essentially necessary for giving effect to the Directive
Principle and give protection of the amended Article 31 C
only to those provisions. The question whether any
particular provision of the law is basically and essentially
necessary for giving effect to the Directive Principle,
would depend, to a large extent, on how closely and
integrally such provision is connected with the
implementation of the Directive Principle. If the court
finds that a particular provision is subsidiary or
incidental or not essentially and integrally connected with
the implementation of the Directive Principle or is of such
a nature that, though seemingly a part of the general design
of the main provisions of the statute, its dominant object
is to achieve an unauthorised purpose, it would not enjoy
the protection of the amended Article 31(C) and would be
liable to be struck down as invalid if it violates Article
14 or 19."
While we broadly agree with much that has been said by
Bhagwati J. in the extracts above quoted, we do not think
that those observations really advance Mr. Sen’s contention.
To accept the submission of Shri Sen that a law founded on
discrimination is not entitled to the protection of Art.
31C, as such a law can never be said to be to further the
Directive Principle affirmed in Art. 39(b), would indeed be,
to use a hackneyed phrase, to put the cart before
1020
the horse. If the law made to further the Directive
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Principle is necessarily non-discriminatory or is based on a
reasonable classification, then such law does not need any
protection such as that afforded by Art. 31C. Such law would
be valid on its own strength, with no aid from Art. 31C. To
make it a condition precedent that a law seeking the haven
of Art. 31C must be non-discriminatory or based on
reasonable classification is to make Art. 31C meaningless.
If Art. 14 is not offended, no one need give any immunity
from an attack based on Art. 14. Bhagwati J. did not say
anything to the contrary. On the order hand, it appears to
us, he was at great pains to point out that the broad
egalitarian principle of social and economic justice for all
was implicit in every Directive Principle and, therefore, a
law designed to promote a Directive Principles, even if it
came into conflict with the formalistic and doctrinaire view
of equality before the law, would most certainly advance the
broader egalitarian principle and the desirable
constitutional goal of social and economic justice for all.
If the law was aimed at the broader egalitarianism of the
Directive Principles, Art. 31C protected the law from
needless, unending and rancorous debate on the question
whether the law contravened Art. 14’s concept of equality
before the law. That is how we understand Bhagwati J’s
observations. Never for a moment did Bhagwati J. let in by
another door the very controversy which was shut out by Art.
31C. Of course, the law seeking the immunity afforded by
Art. 31 C must be a law directing the policy of the State
towards securing a Directive Principle. Here, we are content
to use the very words of Art. 31C, While we agree with
Bhagwati, J. that the object of the law must be to give
effect to the Directive Principle and that the connection
with the Directive Principle must not be ’some remote or
tenuous connection’, we deliberately refrain from the use of
the words ’real and substantial’, ’dominant’, ’basically and
essentially necessary’ and ’closely and integrally
connected’ lest anyone chase after the meaning of these
expressions, forgetting for the moment the words of the
statute, as happened once when the words ’substantial and
compelling reasons’ were used in connection with appeals
against orders of acquittal and a whole body of literature
grew up on what were ’substantial and compelling reasons’.
As we have already said, we agree with much that has been
said by Bhagwati J. And what we have now said about the
qualifying words is only to caution ourselves against
adjectives getting the better of the noun. Adjectives are
attractive forensic aids but in matters of interpretation
they are diverting intruders. These observations have the
full concurrence of Bhagwati J.
1021
We are firmly of the opinion that where Art. 31C comes
in Art. 14 goes out. There is no scope for bringing in Art.
14 by a side wind as it were, that is, by equating the rule
of equality before the law of Art. 14 with the broad
egalitarianism of Art. 39(b) or by treating the principle of
Art. 14 as included in the principle of Art. 39(b). To
insist on nexus between the law for which protection is
claimed and the principle of Art. 39(b) is not to insist on
fulfilment of the requirement of Art. 14. They are different
concepts and in certain circumstances, may even run counter
to each other. That is why the need for the immunity
afforded by Art. 31C. Indeed there are bound to be
innumerable cases where the narrower concept of equality
before the law may frustrate the broader egalitarianism
contemplated by Art. 39(b). To illustrate, a law which
prescribes that every landholder must surrender twenty
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percent of his holding as well as a law which prescribes
that no one shall hold land in excess of 20 acres, may both
satisfy the ritual requirements of Art. 14. But clearly, the
first would frustrate and the second would advance the
broader egalitarian principle. We are, therefore, not
prepared to accept the submission of Shri Sen, that any law
seeking the protection of Art. 31C must not be a law founded
on discrimination.
The next question for consideration is whether the
Coking Coal Nationalisation Act is a law directing the
policy of the State towards securing ’that the ownership and
control of the material resources of the community are so
distributed as best to subserve the common good’. Coal is,
of course, one of the most important known sources of
energy, and, therefore, a vital national resource. While
coal is necessary as a source of energy for very many
industries, coking coal is indispensable for the country’s
crucial iron and steel industry. So, Parliament gave the
first priority to coking coal. First there was legislation
in regard to the coking coal mines and then there was
legislation in regard to all coal mines, coking as well as
non-coking. By the Coking Coal Mines Nationalisation Act all
coking coal mines known to exist in the country were
nationalised. Coke oven plants which were part of the coking
coal mines so nationalised being in or belonging to the
owners of the mines also stood automatically nationalised.
Other coke oven plants which did not belong to the owners of
the mines but which were located near about the nationalised
coking coal mines were also identified and nationalised by
express provision to that effect. At that stage of the
rationalisation and nationalisation of the coal mining
industry, it
1022
was apparently thought necessary and sufficient to
nationalise such coke oven plants as were in or belonged to
the nationalised coking coal mines or as were identified as
located near the nationalised coking coal mines, leaving out
all other coke oven plants.
The nationalisation of the coking coal mines and the
coke oven plants was ’with a view to reorganising and
reconstructing such mines and plants for the purpose of
protecting, conserving and promoting scientific development
of the resources of coking coal needed to meet the growing
requirements of the iron and steel industry and for matters
connected therewith or incidental thereto’. We do not
entertain the slightest doubt that the nationalisation of
the coking coal mines and the specified coke oven plants for
the above purpose was towards securing that the ownership
and control of the material resource of the community are so
distributed as best to subserve the common good’. The
submission of Shri A.K. Sen was that neither a coal mine nor
a coke oven plant owned by private parties was a ’material
resource of the community’. According to the learned counsel
they would become material resources of the community only
after they were acquired by the State and not until then. In
order to qualify as material resources of the community the
ownership of the resources must vest in the community
i.e.,the State. A legislation such as the Coking Coal Mines
Nationalisation Act may be a legislation for the acquisition
by the State of Coking Coal Mines and coke oven plants
belonging to private parties but it is not a legislation
towards securing that the ownership and control of the
material resources are so distributed as best to subserve
the common good. Shri Sen invited our attention to the
emphasis which Krishna Iyer, J. laid on the word
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"distribute" occurring in Art. 39(b) of the Constitution in
State of Karnataka v. Ranganatha Reddy(1) and Krishna Iyer,
J’s description of it as ’the key word’ and the dissertation
on ’the genius of the Article’. Shri Sen urged that if the
word "Distribute" was given its proper emphasis, it would
inevitably follow that material resources must belong to the
community as a whole, that is to say, to the State or the
public, before they could be distributed as best to subserve
the common good. Since those material resources which
belonged to the State only could be distributed by the
State, Shri Sen argued that material resources had first to
be acquired by the State before they could be distributed. A
law providing for acquisition was not a law for
distribution. We are unable to appreciate the submission of
Shri Sen. The expression
1023
’material resources of the community’ means all things which
are capable of producing wealth for the community. There is
no warrant for interpreting the expression in so narrow a
fashion as suggested by Shri Sen and confine it to public-
owned material resources, and exclude private-owned material
resources. The expression involves no dichotomy. The words
must be understood in the context of the Constitutional goal
of establishing a sovereign, socialist, secular, democratic
republic. Though the word ’socialist’ was introduced into
the Preamble by a late amendment of the Constitution, that
socialism has always been the goal is evident from the
Directive Principles of State Policy. The amendment was only
to emphasise the urgency. Ownership, control and
distribution of national productive wealth for the benefit
and use of the community and the rejection of a system of
misuse of its resources for selfish ends is what socialism
is about and the words and thought of Art. 39 (b) but echo
the familiar language and philosophy of socialism as
expounded generally by all socialist writers. To quote a
recent writer, "Socialism is, first of all, a protest
against the material and cultural poverty inflicted by
capitalism on the mass of the people. It expresses a concern
for the social welfare of the oppressed, the unfortunate and
the disadvantaged. It affirms the values of equality, a
classless society, freedom and democracy. It rejects the
capitalist system and its competitive ethos as being
inefficient in its USE OF RESOURCES--. They (Socialists)
want a new system, whether by reform or revolution, in which
productive wealth is OWNED and CONTROLLED by the community
and USED FOR COMMUNAL ENDS".
We may also look at it this way. When we say that the
State of Himachal Pradesh possesses immense forest wealth or
that the State of Bihar possesses immense mineral wealth, we
do not mean that the Governments of the States of Himachal
Pradesh and Bihar own the forest and mineral wealth; what we
mean is that there is immense forest and mineral wealth in
the territories of the two States, whether such wealth is
owned by the people as a whole or by individuals. Again,
when we talk of, say, a certain area in Delhi being a
Bengali, Punjabi or South Indian area, we do not mean that
the area is owned by Bengalis, Punjabis or South Indians but
only that large numbers of Bengalis, Punjabis or South
Indians live in that area. When Art. 39 (b) refers to
material resources of the community it does not refer only
to resources owned by the community as a whole but it refers
also to resources owned by individual members of the
community. Resources of the community do not mean
1024
public resources only but include private resources as well.
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Nor do we understand the word "distribute" to be used in
Art. 39 (b) in the limited sense in which Shri Sen wants us
to say it is used, that is, in the sense only of retail
distribution to individuals. It is used in a wider sense so
as to take in all manner and method of distribution such as
distribution between regions, distribution between
industries, distribution between classes and distribution
between public, private and joint sectors. The distribution
envisaged by Art. 39(b) necessarily takes within its stride
the transformation of wealth from private-ownership into
public ownership and is not confined to that which is
already public-owned. The submissions of Shri Sen are well
answered by the observations of Krishna Iyer, J. in State of
Karnataka v. Ranganatha Reddy which we quote below:
"The key word is distributed and the genius of the
article, if we may say so, cannot but be given fully
play as it fulfils the basic purpose of re-structuring
the economic order. Each word in the article has a
strategic role and the whole article is a social
mission. It embraces the entire material resources of
the community. Its task is to distribute such
resources. Its goal is so to undertake distribution as
best to subserve the common good. It re-organizes by
such distribution the ownership and control.
’Resources’ is a sweeping expression and covers
not only cash resources but even ability to borrow
(credit resources). Its meaning given in Black’s Legal
Dictionary is:
"Money or any property that can be converted into
supplied; means of raising money or supplies;
capabilities of raising wealth or to supply, necessary
wants; available means or capability of any kind".
And material resources of the community in the
context of reordering the national economy embraces all
the national wealth, not merely natural resources, all
the private and public sources of meeting material
needs, not merely public possessions. Everything of
value or use in the material world is material
resources and the individual being a member of the
community his resources are part
1025
of those of the community. To exclude ownership of
private resources from the coils of Article 39(b) is to
cipherise its very purpose of redistribution the
socialist way. A directive to the State with a
deliberate design to dismantle feudal and capitalist
citadels of property must be interpreted in that spirit
and hostility to such a purpose alone can be hospitable
to the meaning which excludes private means of
production or goods produced from the instruments of
production. Shri A.K. Sen agrees that private means of
production are included in ‘material resources of the
community’ but by some baffling logic excludes things
produced. If a car factory is a material resource, why
not cars manufactured? ‘Material’ may cover everything
worldly and ‘resources’, according to Random House
Dictionary, takes in ‘the collective wealth of a
country or its meas of producing wealth : money or any
property that can be converted into money; assets’. No
further argument is needed to conclude that Articles
39(b) is ample enough to rope in buses. The motor
vehicles are part of the material resources of the
operators.
The next question if whether nationalisation can
have nexus with distribution. Should we assign a narrow
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or spacious sense to this concept? Doubt less, the
latter, for reasons so apparent and eloquent. To
‘distribute’, even in its simple dictionary meaning, is
to ‘allot, to divide into classes or into groups’ and
‘distribution’ embraces ‘arrangement, classification,
placement, disposition, apportionment, the way in which
items, a quantity, or the like, is divided or
apportioned; the system of dispersing goods through out
a community’ (see Random House Dictionary). To classify
and allocate certain industries or services or
utilities or articles between the private and the
public sectors of the national economy is to distribute
those resources. Socially conscious economists will
find little difficulty in treating nationalisation of
transport as a distributive process for the good of the
community. You cannot condemn the concept of
nationalisation in our Plan on the score that Article
39(b) does not envelope it. It is a matter of public
policy left to legislative wisdom whether a particular
scheme of take-over should be undertaken".
1026
We hold that the expression ‘Material resources of the
community’ is not confined to natural resources; it is not
confined to resources owned by the public; it means and
includes all resources, natural and man-made, public and
private-owned.
The learned counsel submitted that Art. 39(b) would be
attracted if the industry as a whole was nationalised and
not if only a part of the industry was nationalised.
According to him, all the coke oven plants wherever they
existed had to be nationalised and no privately owned coke
oven plants could be allowed to be set up in the future, if
Art. 39(b) was to be applied. We are unable to see any force
in this submission. The distribution between public, private
and joint sectors and the extent and range of any scheme of
nationalisation are essentially matters of State policy
which are inherently in appropriate subjects for judicial
review. Scales of justice are just not designed to weigh
competing social and economic factors. In such matters
legislative wisdom must prevail and judicial review must
abstain.
Another submission of the learned counsel was that the
coke produced by the nationalised coke oven plants was
always sold in the open market in the past and was never
used by the steel industry because steel plants had their
own captive coke ovens to meet their requirements. That the
coke produced by the nationalised coke oven plants was
previously used and is even now being used by consumers
other than those of the steel industry is neither here nor
there since we are really concerned with the future for
which the Act provides. The object of the Coking Coal Mines
(Nationalisation) Act is to reorganize and reconstruct
coking coal mines and coke oven plants for the purpose of
protecting, conserving and promoting scientific development
of the resources of coking coal needed to meet the growing
requirements of the Iron and Steel Industry and for matters
connected therewith and incidental thereto. The requirements
of the Iron and Steel Industry are recognized as ‘growing
requirements’ and it is found necessary to protect, conserve
and promote the scientific development of resources of
coking coal so as to meet those growing requirements. The
Act is contemplating the future. If the object of the Act is
to provide for the future, we do not see what difference it
makes if in the past or in the present, the hard coke
produced by the nationalised cocking coal mines is diverted
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elsewhere than the Iron and Steel Industry. The requirements
of the Iron any Steel Industry which are to be met by the
1027
nationalised coke oven plants are its growing requirements,
that is to say, its future requirements. The design of
nationalisation as it appears from the statute itself,
including the preamble, is that the increasing future
demands of the iron and steel industry are to be met by the
nationalised coke oven plants and demands of other industry
are to be met by the non-nationalised and new coke oven
plants That the iron and steel industry is not now utilising
the hard coke produced by the nationalised coke oven plants
is not material since the industry is expected to expand,
its requirements of hard coke are expected to grow and the
nationalised coke oven plants are to be harnessed and be in
readiness to meet those requirements.
In view of the foregoing discussion, we hold that the
Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act, 1972 is a
legislation for giving effect to the policy of the State
towards securing the principle specified in Art. 39(b) of
the Constitution and is, therefore, immune, under Art.
31(C), from attack on the ground that it offends the
fundamental right guaranteed by Art. 14.
But we do not also see that there is any merit in the
attack based on Art. 14. The facts that we are able to
gather from the several affidavits filed in the case are
like this: In the beginning, that is, when the Coking Coal
Mines (Nationalisation) Act was passed, there were in
existence seventy five coke oven plants. Later, that is,
after the Nationalisation Acts came into force, eighty seven
new coke oven plants came into existence. Now, out of the
original seventy five coke oven plants, forty six were parts
or units of the coking coal mines which were nationalised by
the Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act. Those forty six
coke oven plants stood nationalised as parts or units of the
Coking Coal Mines. Another coke oven plant which was in the
same position went out of the statutory nationalisation
design by reason of the judgment of this Court in Bharat
Coking Coal Company v. P.K. Agarwala and another, a judgment
from which we have now retracted. We are told that the coke
oven plant which was the subject matter of Bharat Coking
Coal Company v. P.K. Agarwala has since been acquired by the
Central Government by private treaty. Out of the remaining
twenty six coke oven plants, twelve were identified as
situated near nationalised Coking Coal Mines and so they
were expressly specified in the 1972 Nationalisation Act and
nationalised.
1028
Of the remaining fourteen, eleven were parts or units of
non-coking Coal Mines and they too stood nationalised when
non-coking coal Mines also were nationalised by the Coal
Mines Nationalisation Act, 1973. That leaves out three pre-
existing coke oven plants unaccounted. After the passing of
the Nationalisation Acts, eighty seven new coke oven plants
were allowed to come into existence. Thus, finally, we have
three pre-existing and eighty seven new coke oven plants
outside the nationalisation scheme.
From the additional affidavit filed by P.R. Desai on
behalf of Bharat Coking Coal Limited, it transpires that
when the Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act, 1972 was
passed, fourteen coke oven plants were left out as they were
not situated in or about coking coal mines but they were
expected to be nationalised when the coal mines in which
they were located or to which they belonged were to be
nationalised by the Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act, 1973.
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In fact, eleven coke oven plants were so nationalised. But
it was later discovered that three coke oven plants,
Nichitpur Coke Oven Plant, Shri Gopinathpur Coke Oven Plant
and Royal Tisra Coke Oven Plant did not belong to the owners
of the collieries after which they were named and near which
they were located. So they were not covered by the 1973
Nationalisation Act too. Quite obviously, legislation is now
necessary to nationalise these three coke oven plants also.
The process of nationalisation of the coal industry is, of
course, not complete yet. Nationalisation of any industry or
means of production may not be and need not be effected all
at once. It may be achieved in stages. If in the process of
nationalisation, some units are left out in the earlier
stages, either because it is so planned or because of some
mistake, we do not think we can possibly say that there has
been a violation of Art. 14. Nor can we draw any inference
of discrimination from the circumstance that subsequently
eighty seven new coke even plants have been allowed to come
up. Obviously, there is demand for hard coke from industries
other than the iron and steel industry and, naturally, the
state does not want to stifle those industries by making it
difficult for them to obtain their requirements, especially
since the production of the Nationalised Coke oven plants
has first to meet the requirements of the iron and steel
industry. What is important to note is that these eighty
seven new coke oven plants are not situated in or about coal
mines though they are in the coal field area, as indeed they
are bound to be.
1029
Shri Ashok Sen drew pointed attention to the earlier
affidavit filed on behalf of Bharat Coking Coal Company and
commented severally on the alleged contradictory reasons
given therein for the exclusion of certain coke oven plants
from the Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation) Act. But, in
the ultimate analysis, we are not really to concern
ourselves with the hollowness or the self-condemnatory
nature of the statements made in the affidavits filed by the
respondents to justify and sustain the legislation. The
deponents of the affidavits filed into Court may speak for
the parties on whose behalf they swear to the statement.
They do not speak for the Parliament. No one may speak for
the Parliament and Parliament is never before the Court.
After Parliament has said what it intends to say, only the
Court may say what the Parliament meant to say. None else.
Once a statute leaves Parliament House, the Court’s is the
only authentic voice which may echo (interpret) the
Parliament. This the court will do with reference to the
language of the statute and other permissible aids. The
executive Government may place before the court their
understanding of what Parliament has said or intended to say
or what they think was Parliament’s object and all the facts
and circumstances which in their view led to the
legislation. When they do so, they do not speak for
Parliament. No Act of Parliament may be struck down because
of the understanding or misunderstanding of Parliamentary
intention by the executive government or because their (the
Government’s) spokesmen do not bring out relevant
circumstances but indulge in empty and self-defeating
affidavits. They do not and they cannot bind Parliament.
Validity of legislation is not to be judged merely by
affidavits filed on behalf of the State, but by all the
relevant circumstances which the court may ultimately find
and more especially by what may be gathered from what the
legislature has itself said. We have mentioned the facts as
found by us and we do not think that there has been any
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infringement of the right guaranteed by Art. 14.
In the Writ Petition filed by Sanjeev Coking Coal
Company, a question has been raised about the identity of
the coke oven plant, sought to be taken over. Item 9 of the
Second Schedule to the Coking Coal Mines (Nationalisation)
Act is as follows:-
1030
____________________________________________________________
Sl. Name of the coke Location of the Name & address
No. oven plant coke oven plant of the owners of
the coke oven
plant
____________________________________________________________
x xx xxx xxx
9. New Sudamdih New Sudamdih Col- Sanjeev Coke Manu-
liery, Post office facturing Company,
Patherdih, Distt. Care of H. D.
Dhanbad. Adjmera, Post
Office Patherdih
District Dhanbad.
x xx xxx xxx
The submission of the petitioner was that Item 9, which
was the new Sudamdih Coke Oven Plant did not belong to the
petitioners, but non-the-less they were wrongly shown as the
owners. Taking advantage of the error, that is, the wrong
description of the owner, the Central Government had taken
over the coke oven plant belonging to them, though it was
not the New Sudamdih coke oven plant at all. The submission
of the petitioners would suggest that there were two coke
oven plants-one belonging to the New Sudamdih mine and the
other belonging to the Sanjeev Coking Coal Company and that
as a result of the mixing up of the names of the plant and
owner, the coke oven plant belonging to the petitioners has
been taken over. The respondents have denied that there were
two coke oven plants-one belonging to the owners of the mine
and another belonging to the Sanjeev Coking Coal Company. It
is submitted on behalf of the respondents that there was
only one coke oven plant and that as it did not belong to
the owners of the mine, it had to be included separately in
the Second Schedule. If it was part of the mine or if it
belonged to the owners of the mine, there was no need to
include it separately in the Second Schedule. That there has
never been any real doubt about the identity of the coke
oven plant that was meant to be taken over and in fact taken
over is clear from the very statements in the affidavit
filed on behalf of the petitioners. In paragraph 19 of the
petition, it is stated: "Your peti-
1031
tioner’s coke oven plant is included in the Second Schedule
in Item No. 9 thereof." In paragraph 23, it is stated: "Your
petitioner states that your petitioner has never been the
owner of any coke oven plant by the name of New Sudamdih,
the name of the coke oven plant of your petitioner is
Sanjeev Coke Manufacturing Company’s coke oven plant.
Although the said coke oven plant is situated near New
Sudamdih Colliery as every coke oven plant has got to be
situated near a colliery, the address of the coke oven plant
of your petitioner is not New Sudamdih Colliery. Your
petitioner states that the name of your petitioner’s coke
oven plant has been wrongly given in the second schedule to
the said Act." We do not think there is any possible doubt
about the identity of the coke oven plant shown as Item No.
9 in the second schedule to the Coking Coal Mines
(Nationalisation) Act. It is the coke oven plant belonging
to the Sanjeev Coking Coal Company.
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One point which was touched by Shri A. K. Sen, the
learned counsel for Sunil Kumar Ray, was that in any event
the coaltar plant of the petitioners did not vest in the
Government, as a result of the Nationalisation Act. Shri
Sen, however, conceded that the definition of coke oven
plant was wide enough to include the coaltar plant.
Therefore, he did not press the point.
In the result, the Writ Petitions of Sanjeev Coking
Coal Company and Sunil Kumar Ray are both dismissed with
costs, quantified at Rs. 10,000/- in each case.
AMARENDRA NATH SEN, J. I have had the benefit of
reading in advance the judgment of my learned Brother
Chinnappa Reddy, J. All the material facts have been set out
in the judgment of my learned brother who has also carefully
considered all the arguments which were advanced from the
Bar. It does not, therefore, become necessary for me to
reproduce the same in this judgment.
After tracing the history of the relevant Acts and
analysing the provisions thereof my learned brother has
held:-
"The final result of these statutes is that all
coal mines known to exist in the country are
nationalised, whether they are coking coal mines or
non-coking coal mines.
1032
Along with them coke oven plants in or belonging to the
mines also stand nationalised. In addition twelve
specified coke oven plants not belonging to the owners
of the mines but known to exist near about the mines
are also nationalised. All other coke oven plants are
left out of the scheme of nationalisation. The design
revealed by the Acts is that mining of coal is reserved
entirely for the public sector, and as, all existing
coal mines, whether coking coal or non-coking coal, are
nationalised and the management of mines which may be
discovered in the future is automatically taken over by
the Central Government until nationalised by
appropriate legislation; and, the manufacture of hard
coke from coal is reserved for the joint sector and so
all coke oven plants belonging to or in coal mines and
twelve specified coke oven plants are nationalised
while all other coke oven plants are left for private
exploitation; there is no ban against any new coke oven
plants being set up."
I entirely agree with these observations. In these writ
petitions, the validity of the inclusion of the coke oven
plants belonging to the petitioners in the second schedule
has been challenged mainly on the ground that other coke
oven plants standing in exactly the same position as the
coke oven plants of the petitioners were left out and had
not been nationalised. The petitioners complain that there
has been a clear violation of Art. 14 of the Constitution.
The principal answer of the Central Government to the charge
of discrimination is that the provisions of the Act are
immune from the challenge based on the ground of
discrimination in view of the protection afforded by Art.
31C of the Constitution. The Central Government also
contends that the inclusion of the coke oven plants of the
petitioners in the second schedule is clearly justified
without any infringement of Art. 14 of the Constitution.
My learned brother on a consideration of the facts and
circumstances of the case and the submissions made on behalf
of the respective parties has come to the conclusion that
there is no merit in the attack based on Art. 14. He has
also held that Art. 31C of the Constitution will in any
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event afford a clear answer to the charge of discrimination,
if there be any; and he has further expressed the
1033
view that the declaration in the instant case that the law
is for giving effect to the policy of the State towards
securing "that the ownership and control of the material
resources of the community are so distributed as to best
subserve the common good" as enumerated in Art. 39 (b) of
the Constitution, is clearly justified.
I must frankly confess that I had doubts in my mind as
to the legality of the nationalisation of the coke oven
plants of the petitioners in view of the discrimination
alleged. But on an anxious and very careful consideration of
the matter I have come to the conclusion that in the facts
and circumstances of this case it cannot be said that there
has been any such discrimination as infringe Art. 14 of the
Constitution.
My learned brother Chinnappa Reddy, J. in his judgment
observed:-
"Coke oven plants which were part of the coking
coal mines as nationalised being in or belonging to the
owners of the mines also stood automatically
nationalised. Other coke oven plants which did not
belong to the owners of the mines but which were
located near about the nationalised coking coal mines
were also identified and nationalised by express
provision to that effect. At that stage of the
rationalisation and nationalisation of the coal mining
industry, it was apparently thought necessary and
sufficient to nationalise such coke oven plants as were
in or belonged to the nationalised coking coal mines or
as were identified as located near the nationalised
coking coal mines, leaving out all other coke oven
plants.
The nationalisation of the coking coal mines and
the coke oven plants was ‘with a view to reorganising
and reconstructing such mines and plants for the
purpose of protecting, conserving and promoting
scientific development of the resources of coking coal
needed to meet the growing requirements of the iron and
steel industry and for matters connected therewith or
incidental thereto’. We do not entertain the slightest
doubt that the nationalisation
1034
of the coking coal mines and the specified coke oven
plants for the above purpose was towards securing that
‘the ownership and control of the material resources of
the community are so distributed as best to subserve
the common good.’
I agree with these observations. To my mind, therefore,
there was a logical basis for the nationalisation of the
coke oven plants of the petitioners, leaving out a few and I
am not satisfied that there has been any rank or arbitrary
discrimination in violation of Art. 14. I am further of the
opinion that even if on the basis of a doctrinaire and
formalistic attitude, it could be said that Art. 14 had been
infringed, Art. 31C of the Constitution and the appropriate
declaration, in the peculiar facts and circumstances of this
case, would provide the necessary remedy for such violation,
if there be any. Applicability of Art. 31C and the validity
of the declaration will, to my mind, depend on the
particular facts and circumstances of a case. In the present
case as the State has enacted the law in directing its
policy towards securing the principles formulated in Art. 39
(b) of the Constitution, Art. 31C is properly attracted and
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the declaration is valid.
The decision of this Court in Minerva Mills case relied
on by Mr. Sen, is not of any great assistance and in the
view that I have taken it does not become necessary for me
to refer to the same. It has been represented to us that the
said decision is pending review in this Court. I, therefore,
refrain from dealing with the said decision and from making
any observations or comments on the same.
I agree with my learned brother that these writ
petitions must fail and should be dismissed. Costs generally
follow event. To my mind, however, when a citizen is
deprived of his property by a State action and feels
aggrieved by the act of the State and approaches the Court
and if it cannot be said that his grievance is absolutely
frivolous, the citizen in such a case should not be saddled
with the costs simply because the Court finds that his
grievance has no valid legal basis. To my mind, it cannot be
said that the Writ petitions filed by the petitioners were
vexatious particularly in view
1035
of the earlier decision of this Court in Bharat Coking Coal
Ltd. v. P.K. Agarwala.(1) I would, therefore, dismiss these
writ petitions without any order as to costs.
S.R. Petition dismissed.
1