Full Judgment Text
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PETITIONER:
In re THE DELHI LAWS ACT, 1912,THE AJMER-MERWARA (EXTENSION
Vs.
RESPONDENT:
THE PART C STATES (LAWS) ACT, 1950.
DATE OF JUDGMENT:
23/05/1951
BENCH:
KANIA, HIRALAL J. (CJ)
BENCH:
KANIA, HIRALAL J. (CJ)
FAZAL ALI, SAIYID
SASTRI, M. PATANJALI
MAHAJAN, MEHR CHAND
DAS, SUDHI RANJAN
BOSE, VIVIAN
MUKHERJEA, B.K.
CITATION:
1951 AIR 332 1951 SCR 747
CITATOR INFO :
R 1952 SC 75 (29)
RF 1952 SC 123 (9,49)
D 1952 SC 252 (64,110)
R 1953 SC 252 (27)
R 1954 SC 465 (9)
RF 1954 SC 569 (17)
R 1957 SC 414 (13)
RF 1957 SC 510 (9,11)
R 1958 SC 468 (25)
R 1958 SC 682 (11)
R 1958 SC 909 (7)
R 1958 SC 956 (4)
R 1959 SC 512 (7)
E&F 1959 SC 749 (28)
E 1960 SC 833 (8)
RF 1961 SC 4 (15)
R 1961 SC 954 (23)
RF 1961 SC1381 (4)
RF 1961 SC1519 (4)
RF 1962 SC 981 (5,6,12,13)
F 1964 SC 381 (38)
R 1965 SC 745 (17,156,178)
R 1965 SC 845 (30,55)
R 1965 SC1107 (22,79,80)
MV 1966 SC 693 (28)
D 1966 SC1788 (44,45)
RF 1967 SC 212 (26)
RF 1967 SC1048 (20)
R 1967 SC1480 (3,4,9,19)
RF 1968 SC1232 (13,15,49,50,52,75)
RF 1969 SC 549 (2)
RF 1971 SC 454 (6)
RF 1973 SC1461 (227,450,566,1874,1890)
D 1974 SC 669 (12)
R 1974 SC1660 (17,28,48,55)
R 1975 SC1549 (34,35)
RF 1975 SC2299 (46,685)
D 1976 SC 714 (38,41,45,48,51,57,58,62,64,69
RF 1979 SC1475 (18)
R 1980 SC 650 (5)
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RF 1980 SC 882 (15)
C 1982 SC 710 (51)
R 1982 SC1126 (9)
R 1984 SC1130 (29)
R 1990 SC 560 (3,12,13,14,17,18,20,21,22,23,
RF 1992 SC 522 (21)
ACT:
Delhi Laws Act, 1912, s. 7--Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of
Laws) Act, 1947, s. 2--Part C States (Laws) Act, 1950--Laws
giving power to Government to extend to Delhi and Ajmer-
Merwara with such restrictions and modifications as it
thinks fit any law in force in any other part of India--Law
empowering Government to extend to Part C States any law in
force in a Part A State and to repeal existing laws --Valid-
ity--Rule against delegation of legislative powers--Scope
and basis of the rule--Applicability to India--Difference
between delegation of legislative power and conditional
legislation--Powers of Indian Legislature under the Indian
Councils Act, 1861, the Government of India Act, 1935, and
the Indian Constitution, 1950.
HEADNOTE:
Section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act, 1912, provided that "The
Provincial Government may by notification in the official
gazette extend, with such restrictions and modifications as
it thinks fit, to the Province of Delhi, or any part there-
of, any enactment which is in force in any part of British
India at the date of such notification". Section 2 of the
Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of Laws) Act, 1947, provided that
"The Central Government may, by notification in the official
gazette, extend to the Province of Ajmer-Merwara, with such
restrictions and modifications as it thinks fit, any enact-
ment which is in force in any other Province at the date of
such notification. Section 2 of the Part C States (Laws)
Act, 1950, provided that "The Central Government may, by
notification in the official gazette extend to any Part C
State ........ or to any part of such State, with such
restrictions and modifications as it thinks fit, any enact-
ment which is in force in a Part A State at the date of the
notification and provision may be made in any enactment so
extended for the repeal or amendment of any corresponding
law .... which is for the time being applicable to that
Part C State. As a result of a decision of the Federal
Court, doubts were entertained with regard to the validity
of laws delegating legislative powers to the executive
Government and the President of India made a reference to
the Supreme Court under Art. 143 (1) of the Constitution for
considering the question whether the above-mentioned sec-
tions or any provisions thereof were to any extent, and if
so to what extent
748
and in what particulars, ultra vires the legislatures that
respectively passed these laws, and for reporting to him the
opinion of the Court thereon:
Held, (1)per FAzL ALl, PATANJALI SASTRI, MUKHERJEA, DAS
and Bose JJ., (KANIA C.J., and MAHAJAN J., dissenting).-
Section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act, 1912, and s. 2 of the
Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of Laws) Act, 1947, are wholly
intra vires. KANIA C.J.--Section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act,
1912, and s. 2 of the Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of Laws) Act,
1947, are ultra vires to the extent power is given to the
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Government to extend Acts other than Acts of the Central
Legislature to the Provinces of Delhi and Ajmer-Merwara
respectively inasmuch as to that extent the Central Legisla-
ture has abdicated its functions and delegated them to the
executive government. MAHAJAN J.--The above said sections
are ultra vires in the following particulars: (i) inasmuch
as they permit the executive to apply to Delhi and Ajmer-
Merwara, laws enacted by legislatures not competent to make
laws for those territories and which these legislatures may
make within their own legislative field, and (ii) inasmuch
as they clothe the executive with co-extensive legislative
authority in the matter of modification of laws made by
legislative bodies in India.
(2) Per FAZL ALI, PATANJALI SASTRI, MUKHERJEA, DAS and
BOSE JJ.--The first portion of s. 2 of the Part C States
(Laws) Act, ;950, which empowers the Central Government to
extend to any Part C State or to any part of such State with
such modifications and restrictions as it thinks fit any
enactment which is in force in a Part A State, is intra
vires. Per KANIA C.J., MAHAJAN, MUKHERJEA and Boss JJ.--The
latter portion of the said section which empowers the Cen-
tral Government to make provision in any enactment extended
to a Part C State, for repeal or amendment of any law (other
than a Central Act) which is for the time being applicable
to that Part C State, is ultra vires. Per FAzL ALI, PATAN-
JALI SASTRI and DAS JJ.--The latter portion of s. 2 of the
Part C States (Laws) Act, 1950, is also intra vires.
KANIA C.J.--To the extent that s. 2 of the Part C
States (Laws) Act, 1950, empowers the Central Government to
extend laws passed by any Legislature of a Part A Slate to a
Part C State it is ultra vires.
MAHAJAN J.--Section 2 of the Part C States (Laws) Act,
1950, is ultra vires in so far as it empowers the Central
Government (i) to extend to a Part C State laws passed by a
legislature which is not competent to make laws for that
Part C State and (ii) to make modifications of laws made by
the legislatures of India and (iii) to repeal or amend laws
already applicable to that Part C State.
749
KANIA C.J.--(i) The essentials of a legislative function
are the determination of the legislative policy and its
formulation as a rule of conduct and these essentials are
the characteristics of a legislature by itself. Those
essentials arc preserved when the legislature specifies the
basic conclusions of fact upon the ascertainment of which
from relevant data by a designated administrative agency it
ordains that its statutory command is to be effective. The
legislature having thus made its laws, every detail for
working it out and for carrying the enactment into operation
and effect may be done by the legislature or may be left to
another subordinate agency or to some executive officer.
While this is also sometimes described as delegation of
legislative powers, in essence it is different from delega-
tion of legislative power as this does not involve the
delegation of the power to determine the legislative policy
and formulation of the same as a rule of conduct. While the
so called delegation which empowers the making of rules and
regulations has been recognised as ancillary to legislative
power, the Indian Legislature had no power prior to 1935 to
delegate legislative power in its true sense. Apart from
the sovereign character of the British Parliament whose
powers are absolute and unlimited, a general power in the
legislature to delegate legislative powers is not recognised
in any state. The powers of the Indian Legislature under
the Constitution Acts of 1935 and 1950 are not different in
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this respect. (ii)An "abdication" of its powers by a legis-
lature need not necessarily amount to complete effacement of
itself. It may be partial. If full powers to do everything
that the legislature can do are conferred on a subordinate
authority, although the legislature retains the power to
control the action of the subordinate authority by recalling
such power or repealing the Acts passed by the subordinate
authority, there is an abdication or effacement of the
legislature conferring such power.
FAzL ALl J.--(i) The legislature must formally dis-
charge its primary legislative function itself and not
through others. (ii) Once it has been established that it
has sovereign powers within a certain sphere, it is free to
legislate within that sphere in any way which appears to it
to be the best way to give effect to its intention and
policy in making a particular law and it may.utilise any
outside agency to any extent it finds necessary for doing
things, which it is unable to do itself or finds it incon-
venient to (iii) It cannot, however abdicate its legislative
functions and therefore, while entrusting power to an out-
side agency, it must see that such agency acts as a subordi-
nate authority and does not become a parallel legislature.
(iv) As the courts of India are not committed to the doc-
trine of separation of powers and the judicial interpreta-
tion it has received in America, there are only two main
checks in this country on the power of the legislature to
delegate, these being its good sense and the principle that
it should not cross the line beyond which delegation amounts
to
750
’abdication and self-effacement.’-(v) The power to intro-
duce necessary restrictions and modifications is incidental
to the power to adapt or apply the law. The modifications
contemplated are such as can be made within the framework of
the Act and not such as to affect its identity or structure
or the essential purpose to be served by it.
PATANJALI SASTRI J.--(i) It is now established beyond doubt
that the Indian Legislature, when acting within the limits
circumscribing its legislative power, has and was intended
to have plenary powers of legislation as large and of the
same nature as those of the British Parliament itself and no
constitutional limitation on the delegation of legislative
power to a subordinate unit is to be found in the Indian
Councils Act, 1861, Or the Government of India Act, 1935, or
the Constitution of 1950. It is therefore as competent for
the Indian Legislature to make a law delegating legislative
power, both quantitatively and qualitatively. as it is for
the British Parliament to do so, provided it acts within the
circumscribed limits. (ii) Delegation of legislative au-
thority is different from the creation of a new legislative
power. III the former, the delegating body does not efface
itself but retains its legislative power intact and merely
elects to exercise such power through an agency or instru-
mentality of its choice. In the latter, there is no delega-
tion of power to subordinate units but a grant Of power to
an independent and co-ordinate body to make laws operative
of their own force. For the first, no express provision
authorising delegation is required. In the absence of a
constitutional inhibition, delegation of legislative power,
however extensive, could be made so long as the delegating
body retains its own legislative power intact. For the
second, however, a positive enabling provision in the con-
stitutional document is required. (iii) The maxim delegates
non potest delegare is not part of the constitutional law of
India and has no more force than a political precept to be
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acted upon by legislatures in the discharge of their func-
tion of making laws, and the courts cannot strike down an
Act of parliament as unconstitutional merely because Parlia-
ment decides in a particular instance to entrust its legis-
lative power to another in whom it has confidence or, in
other words, to exercise such power through its appointed
instrumentality, however repugnant such entrustment may be
to the democratic process. What may be regarded as politi-
cally undesirable is constitutionally competent. (iv) Howev-
er wide a meaning may be attributed to the expression
"restrictions and modifications," it would not affect the
constitutionality of the delegating statute.
’MAHAJAN J.--(i) It is a settled maxim of constitu-
tional law that a legislative body cannot delegate its
power. Not only the nature of legislative power but the very
existence of representative government depends on the doc-
trine that legislative powers cannot be transferred. The
legislature cannot substitute the
751
judgment, wisdom, and patriotism of any other body, for
those to which alone the people have seen fit to confide
this sovereign trust. The view that unless expressly prohib-
ited a legislature has a general power to delegate its
legislative functions to a subordinate authority is not
supported by authority or principle. The correct view is
that unless the power to delegate is expressly given by the
constitution, a legislature cannot delegate its essential
legislative functions. As the Indian Constitution does not
give such power to the legislature, it has no power to
delegate essential legislative functions to any other body.
(ii) Abdication by a legislative body need not necessarily
amount to complete effacement. There is an abdication when
in respect of a subject in the Legislative List that body
says in effect that it will not legislate but would leave it
to another to legislate on it.
MUKHERJEA J.--As regards constitutionality of the delegation
legislative powers, the Indian Legislature cannot be in the
same position as the omnipotent British Parliament and how
far delegation is permissible has to be ascertained in India
as a matter of construction from the express provisions of
the Indian Constitution. It cannot be said that an unlimit-
ed right of delegation is inherent in the legislative power
itself. This is not warranted by the provisions of the
constitution and the legitimacy of delegation depends en-
tirely upon its being used as an ancillary measure which the
legislature considers to be necessary for the purpose of
exercising its legislative powers effectively and complete-
ly. The legislature must retain in its own hands the essen-
tial. legislative functions which consist in declaring the
legislative policy and laying down the standard which is to
be enacted into a rule of law and what can be delegeted is
the task of subordinate legislation which by its very nature
is ancillary to the statute which delegates the power to
make it. Provided the legislative policy is enunciated with
sufficient clearness or a standard is laid down, the courts
should not interfere with the discretion that undoubtedly
rests with the legislature itself in determining the extent
of delegation necessary in a particular case.
Das J.--(i) The principle of non-delegation of legisla-
tive powers founded either on the doctrine of separation of
powers or the theory of agency has no application to the
British Parliament or the legislature constituted by an Act
of the British Parliament;(ii) in the ever present complex-
ity of conditions with which governments have to deal,
the.power of delegation is necessary for, and ancillary to,
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the exercise of. legislative power and is a component part
of it; (iii) the operation of the act performed under dele-
gated power is directly and immediately under and by virtue
of the law by which the power was delegated and its efficacy
is referable to that antecedent law; (iv) if what the legis-
lature does is legislation within the general scope of the
affirmative words which give the power and if it violates no
express
752
Condition or restriction by which that power is limited,
then it is not for the court to inquire further or enlarge
constructively those conditions or restrictions; (v) while
the legislature is acting within its prescribed sphere there
is, except as herein after stated, no degree of, or limit
to, its power of delegation of its legislative power, it
being for the legislature to determine how far it should
seek the aid of subordinate agencies and how long it shall
continue them, and it is not for the court to prescribe any
limit to the legislature’s power of delegation; (vi) the
power of delegation is however subject to the qualification
that the legislature may not abdicate or efface itself, that
is, it may not, without preserving its own capacity intact,
create and endow with its own capacity a new legislative
power not created or authorised by the Act to which it owes
its own existence. (vii) The impugned laws may also be
supported as instances of conditional legislation within the
meaning of the decision in Queen v. Burah.
Bose J.--The Indian Parliament can legislate along the
lines of Queen v. Burgh, that is to say, it can leave to
another person or body the introduction or application of
laws which are, or may be, in existence at that time in any
part of India which is subject to the legislative control of
Parliament, whether those laws are enacted by Parliament or
by a State Legislature set up by the constitution. But
delegation of this kind cannot proceed beyond that; it
cannot extend to the repealing or altering in essential
particulars laws which are already in force in the area in
question.
JUDGMENT:
SPECIAL JURISDICTION: Special Reference No. 1 of 1951.
The circumstances which led to this Special Reference by the
President and the questions referred appear from the full
text of the reference dated 7th January, 1951, which is
reproduced below :--
"WHEREAS in the year 1912 the Governor-General of India
in Council acting in his legislative capacity enacted the
Delhi Laws Act, 1912, section 7 of which conferred power on
the Central Government by notification to extend to the
Province of Delhi (that is to say, the present State of
Delhi) or any part thereof, with such restrictions and
modifications as it thought fit, any enactment which wag in
force in any part of British India at the date of such
notification;
"AND WHEREAS in 1947 the Dominion Legislature enacted the
Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of Laws) Act, 1947, section 2 of
which conferred power on the Central Government by notifica-
tion to extend to the Province of Ajmer-Merwara (that is to
say, the present State of Ajmer), with such restrictions and
modifications as it thought fit, any enactment which was in
force in any other Province at the date of such notifica-
tion;
753
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"AND WHEREAS, by virtue of the powers conferred by the
said sections of the said Acts, notifications were issued by
the Central Government from time to time extending a number
of Acts in force in the Governors’ Provinces to the Province
of Delhi and the Province of Ajmer-Merwara, sometimes with,
and sometimes without, restrictions and modifications, and
the Acts so extended and the orders,rules, by-laws and
other instruments issued under such Acts were and are re-
garded as valid law in force in the Province (now State) of
Delhi and in the Province of Ajmer-Merwara (now State of
Ajmer), as the case may be, and rights and privileges have
been created, obligations and liabilities have been in-
curred and penalties, forfeitures and punishments have been
incurred or imposed under such Acts and instruments;
"AND WHEREAS Parliament with the object inter alia of
making a uniform provision for extension of laws with regard
to all Part C States except Coorg and the Andaman and Nico-
bar Islands enacted the Part C States (Laws) Act, 1950,
section 2, of which confers power on the Central Government
by notification to extend to any Part C State (other than
Coorg and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands) or to any part of
such State, with such restrictions and modifications as it
thinks fit, any enactment which is in force in a Part A
State at the date of the notification and also confers the
power on the Central Government to make provision in any
enactment so extended for the repeal or amendment of any
corresponding law (other than a Central Act) which is for
the time being applicable to that Part C State;
"AND WHEREAS section 4 of the Part C States (Laws) Act,
1950 has repealed section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act, 1912, and
the Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of Laws)Act, 1947, but the
effect of the provisos to the said section is, notwithstand-
ing the said repeals, to continue, inter alia in force the
Acts extended to the Provinces of Delhi and Ajmer-Merwara or
the States of Delhi and Ajmer under the provisions repealed
by the said section;
"AND WHEREAS notifications have been issued by the
Central (Government from time to time under section 9, of
the Part C States (Laws) Act, 1950, extending Acts in force
in Part A States to various Part C States sometimes with,
and sometimes without, restrictions and modifications;
"AND WHEREAS the Federal Court of India in Jatindra Nath
Gupta v. Province of Bihar(1) held by a majority that
(1)[1949] F.C.R. 595.
754
the proviso to sub-section (3) of section 1 of the Bihar
Maintenance of Public Order Act, 1947, was ultra vires of
the Bihar Legislature inter alia on the ground that the said
proviso conferred power on the Provincial Government to
modify an Act of the Provincial Legislature and thus
amounted to a delegation of legislative power;
"AND WHEREAS, as a result of the said decision of the
Federal Court, doubts have arisen regarding the validity of
Section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act, 1912, Section 2 of the
Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of Laws) Act, 1947, and Section 2
of the Part C States (Laws) Act, 1950, and of the Acts
extended to the Provinces of Delhi and Ajmer-Merwara and
various Part C States under the said sections respectively,
and of the orders and other instruments issued under the
Acts so extended:
"AND WHEREAS the validity of Section 7 of the Delhi Laws
Act, 1912, and section 2 of the Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of
Laws) Act, 1947, and of the Acts extended by virtue of the
powers conferred by the said sections has been challenged in
some cases pending at present before the Punjab High Court,
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the Court of the Judicial Commissioner of Ajmer, and the
District Court and the Subordinate Courts in Delhi;
"AND WHEREAS, in view of what is hereinbefore stated,
it appears to me that the following questions of law have.
arisen and are of such nature and of such public importance
that it is expedient that the opinion of the Supreme Court
of India should be obtained thereon;
Now, THEREFORE, in exercise of the powers conferred
upon me by clause (1) of article 143 of the Constitution, I,
Rajendra Prasad, President of India, hereby refer the said
questions to the Supreme Court of India for consideration
and report thereon, namely :-
"(1) Was section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act, 1912, or any
of the provisions thereof and in what particular or particu-
lars or to what extent ultra vires the Legislature which
passed the said Act ?
"(2) Was the Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of Laws) Act, 1947,
or any of the provisions thereof and in what particular or
particulars or to what extent ultra vires the Legislature
which passed the said Act ?
"(3) Is section 2 of the Part C States (Laws) Act, 1950,
or any of the provisions thereof and in what particular or
particulars or to what extent ultra vires the Parliament?"
755
Arguments were heard on the 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th, 16th,
17th, 18th, 19th, 20th, 23rd, 24th, 25th, 26th, 27th and
30th days of April, 1951.
M.C. Setalvad, Attorney-General for India, (G. N. Joshi,
with him) for the President of India.
C.K. Daphtary, Advocate-General of Bombay (G. N. Joshi,
with him) for the State of Bombay.
(R. Ganapathy lyer, for the State of Madras.
M.L. Saxena,for the State of Uttar Pradesh. A.R. Somanatha
lyer, Advocate-General of Mysore
(R. Ganapathy lyer, with him) for the State of
Mysore.
P.S. Safeer, for Captain Deep Chand.
N.S. Bindra, for Pt. Amarnath Bharadwaj.
M.M. Gharakhan, for the Ajmer-Electric Supply Co. Ltd.
N.C. Chatterjee, (G. C. Mathur, Basant Chandra Ghose,
and Tilak Raj Bhasin, with him) for the Maidens Hotel.
Jessaram Banasingh, for Runglal Nasirabad.
Jyoti Sarup Gupta and K.B. Asthana, for the Municipal
Committee, Ajmer.
Din Dayal Kapur, for Shri Munshilal and two others.
1951. May 23. The following judgments were delivered.
KANIA C.J.--This is a reference made by the President of
India under article 143 of the Constitution asking the
Court’s opinion on the three questions submitted for its
consideration and report. The three questions are as fol-
lows:-
"(1) Was section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act, 1912, or any
of the provisions thereof and in what particular or particu-
lars or to what exent ultra vires the Legislature which
passed the said Act ?"
Section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act, mentioned in question,
runs as follows :--
756
"The Provincial Government may, by notification in the
official gazette, extend with such restrictions and modifi-
cations as it thinks fit to the Province of Delhi or any
part thereof, any enactment which is in force in any part of
British India at the date of such notification."
"(2) Was the Ajmer Merwara (Extension of Laws) Act,
1947, or any of the provisions thereof and in what particu-
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lar or particulars or to what extent ultra vires the Legis-
lature which passed the said Act ?"
Section 2 of the Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of Laws) Act,
1947, runs as follows:--
’’Extension of Enactments to Ajmer-Merwara.--The Cen-
tral Government may, by notification in the official ga-
zette, extend to the Province of Ajmer-Merwara with such
restrictions and modifications as it thinks fit any enact-
ment which is in force in any other Province at the date of
such notification."
"(3) Is section 2 of the Part C States (Laws) Act,
1950, or any of the provisions thereof and in what particu-
lar or particulars or to what extent ultra vires the Parlia-
ment ?"
Section 2 of the Part C States (Laws) Act, 1950, runs
as follows :--
"Power to extend enactments to certain Part C
States.--The Central Government may, by notification in the
Official Gazette, extend to any Part C State (other than
Coorg and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands) or to any part of
such State, with such restrictions and modifications as it
thinks fit, any enactment which is in force in a Part A
State at the date of the notification and provision may be
made in any enactment so extended for the repeal or amend-
ment. of any corresponding law (other than a Central Act)
which is for the time being applicable to that Part C
State."
The three sections referred to in the three questions
are all in respect of what is described as the delegation
of. legislative power and the three particular Acts are
selected to raise the question in respect of the three main
stages in the constitutional development of India.
757
The first covers the legislative powers of the Indian Legis-
lature during the period prior to the Government of India
Act, 1915. The second is in respect of its legislative power
after the Government of India Act, 1935, as amended by the
Indian Independence Act of 1947. ’The last is in respect of
the power of the Indian Parliament under the present Consti-
tution of 1950. It is therefore necessary to have an idea of
the legislative powers of the Indian Legislature during
those three periods. Without going into unnecessary details,
it will not be out of place to know the historical back-
ground. The East India Company first started its operations
as a trading company in India and gradually acquired politi-
cal influence. The Crown in England became the legislative
authority in respect of areas which had come under the
control of the East India Company. The Indian Councils Act
of 1861, section 22, gave power to the Governor-General in
Council, with additional nominated members, to make laws.
The constitutional position therefore was that the British
Parliament was the sovereign body which passed the Indian
Councils Act. It gave the Governor-General in Council in his
legislative capacity powers to make laws over the territo-
ries in India under the governance of the Crown. Under the
English Constitution the British Parliament with its legis-
lative authority in the King and the two Houses of Parlia-
ment is supreme and its sovereignty cannot be challenged
anywhere. It has no written Charter to define or limit its
power and authority. Its powers are a result of convention
but are now recognised as completely absolute, uncontrolled
and unfettered. Sir Cecil Cart in his book on English Admin-
istrative Law at page 15 observes: "A more basic difference
between the Constitutions of the United States and Britain
is the notorious fact that Britain has no written Constitu-
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tion, no fundamental statute which serves as a touchstone
for all other legislation and which cannot be altered save
by. some specially solemn and dilatory process. In Britain
the King in Parliament is all powerful. There is no Act
which cannot be passed and will not be valid within
758
the ordinary limits of judicial interpretation ............
Even Magna Carts is not inviolate ......... The efficient
secret of the English Constitution was the close union and
nearly complete fusion of the executive and legislative
powers. In other words by the system of Cabinet Government
the executive authority is entrusted to a committee
consisting of members of the dominant party in the legisla-
ture and in the country."
In Halsbury’s Laws of England, Vol. VI, Article 429, it
is further stated that it is for this reason that there is
no law which the King in Parliament cannot make or unmake
whether relating to the Constitution itself or otherwise;
there is no necessity as in States whose Constitutions are
drawn up in a fixed and rigid form and contained in written
documents for the existence of a judicial body to determine
whether any particular legislative Act is within the consti-
tutional powers of Parliament or not; and laws affecting the
Constitution itself may be enacted with the same ease and
subject to the same procedure as ordinary laws. In England,
when occasions of conferment of powers on subordinate bodies
became frequent and assumed larger scope, questions about
the advisability of that procedure were raised and a Commit-
tee on the Minister’s Powers, what is generally described
as the Donoughmore Committee was appointed. The Committee
recommended that certain cautions should be observed by the
Parliament in the matter of confermen of such powers on
subordinate bodies. This is natural because of the well-
recognised doctrine of the English Constitution that Parlia-
ment is supreme and absolute and no legislation can control
its powers.
Such a legislative body which is supreme has thus cer-
tain principal characteristics. It is improper to use the
word "constitutional" in respect of laws passed by such a
sovereign body. The question of constitutionality can arise
only if there is some touchstone by which the question could
be decided. In respect of a sovereign body like the British
Parliament there is no
759
touchstone. They are all laws and there is no distinction in
the laws passed by the Parliament as constitutional or other
laws. Such laws are changed by the same body with the same
ease as any other law. What law follows from this is that no
court or authority has any right to pronounce that any Act
of Parliament is unconstitutional. In Dicey’s Law of the
Constitution, 9th Edition, in considering the Constitution
of France,it was observed that the supreme legislative power
under the Republic was not vested in the ordinary Parliament
of two Chambers, but in a National Assembly or Congress
composed of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate sitting
together. The Constitutions of France which in this respect
were similar to those of Continental polities exhibited as
compared with the expansiveness or flexibility of English
institutions that characteristic which was described by the
author as rigid. A flexible constitution was one under which
every law of every description can legally be changed with
the same ease and in the same manner by one and the same
body. The flexibility of the British Constitution consists
in the right of the Crown and the two Houses to modify or
repeal any law whatever. They can modify or.repeal in the
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same manner in which they can pass an Act enabling a company
to make a new railway from Oxford to London. Therefore, in
England laws are called constitutional because they refer to
subjects proposed to affect the fundamental institutions of
the State and not because they are legally more sacred or
difficult to change than other laws. Under the circumstances
the term "constitutional law or enactment" is rarely applied
to any English statute to give a definite description to its
character. Under a rigid constitution, the term "consti-
tutional" means that a particular enactment belongs to the
articles of the constitution and cannot be legally changed
with the same ease and in the same manner as ordinary laws,
and it is because of this characteristic that courts are
invested with powers to determine whether a particular
legislation is permitted or not by the constitution. Such a
question can
760
never arise in respect of an enactment of the British
Parliament.
As against this, the Governor-General in Council with
legislative powers established under the Indian Councils
Act stood in a different position. Its charter was the
Indian Councils Act. Its powers were there necessarily
defined and limited. That power, again, at any time could
be withdrawn, altered and expanded or further curtailed.
Moreover, as the powers were conferred by an Act of the
British parliament, the question whether the action of the
Governor-General in Council in his legislative capacity was
within or without its legislative power was always capable
of being raised and decided by a court of law. In Dicey’s
Law of the Constitution, 9th Edition the author has distin-
guished the position of a sovereign legislature and a
subordinate law-making body. The distinction is drawn from
the fact that the subordinate legislatures have a limited
power of making laws. At page 99, he has specifically
considered the position of the legislative Council of
British India prior to 1915 and stated as follows:--"Laws
are made for British India by a Legislative Council having
very wide powers of Legislation. This Council, or, as it
is technically expressed, the Governor-General in Council,
can pass laws as important as any Acts passed by the Brit-
ish Parliament. But the authority of the Council in the
way of law-making is as completely subordinate to, and as
much dependent upon, Acts of Parliament as is the power of
the London and North Western Railway Company to make bye-
laws ...... Now observe, that under these Acts the Indian
Council is in the strictest sense a non-sovereign legisla-
tive body, and this independently of the fact that the
laws or regulations made by the Governor-General in Council
can be annulled or disallowed by the Crown; and note that
the position of the Council exhibits all the marks or notes
of legislative subordination. (1) The Council is bound by a
large number of rules which cannot be changed by the Indian
legislative body itself and which can be changed by the
superior power of the Imperial parliament.
761
(2) The Acts themselves, from which the Council derives its
authority, cannot be changed by the Council and...... they
stand in marked contrast with the laws or regulations which
the Council is empowered to make. These fundamental rules
contain, it must be added, a number of specific restrictions
on the subjects with regard to which the Council may legis-
late ......(3) The courts in India ...... may, when the
occasion arises, pronounce upon the validity or constitu-
tionality of laws made by the Indian Council." It is there-
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fore clear that the Indian Legislature in 1861 and upto 1915
was a subordinate legislature and not a sovereign legisla-
ture.
At this stage it may again be noticed that the Govern-
ment was unitary and not federal. There was no distribution
of legislative powers as between the Centre and the differ-
ent Provinces. Another important factor to be borne in mind
is that while the British Parliament was supreme, its execu-
tive Government came into power and remained in power so
long only as the Parliament allowed it to remain and the
Parliament itself was not dissolved. The result is that the
executive government was a part of the legislature and the
legislature controlled the actions of the executive. Indeed,
the legislature was thus supreme and was in a position
effectively to direct the actions of the executive govern-
ment. In India the position was quite different if not the
reverse. The Governor-General was appointed by the Crown and
even after the expansion of the legislative body before the
Government of India Act of 1915 in numbers, it had no con-
trol over the executive. In respect of the Indian Legisla-
ture functioning prior to the Government of India Act of
1915 the control from the Secretary of State was justified
on the ground that the Provincial Legislatures were but an
enlargement of the executive government for the purpose of
making laws and were no more than mere advisory bodies
without any semblance of power. The executive Government of
India was not responsible to the Indian Legislature and the
composition of the Indian Legislature was such that the
executive officers
762
together with the nominated members constituted the majority
in the Legislature. The result was that the Legislative
Council was practically a creature of the executive Govern-
ment of India and its functions were practically limited to
registering the decrees of the executive government. It
would not be wrong, according to Mr. Cowell in his lecture
on "Courts and Legislative Authorities in India," to de-
scribe the laws made in the Legislative Councils as in
reality the orders of Government. Every Bill passed by the
Governor General’s Council required his assent to become an
Act. The Indian Councils Act of 1892 empowered the
Governor-General in Council, with the approval of the Secre-
tary of State in Council, to make regulations as to the
conditions under which nomination of the additional members
should be made. The word ‘election’ was carefully avoided.
The existence of a strong official block in the Councils was
the important feature of the Act. As noticed by a writer on
Indian Constitution, the Government maintained a tight and
close control over the conduct of official members in the
Legislature and they were not allowed to vote as they
pleased. They were not expected to ask questions or move
resolutions or (in some Councils) to intervene in debate
without Government’s approval. Their main function was to
vote--to vote with the Government. However eloquent the
non-official speakers might talk and however reasonable and
weighty their arguments might be, when the time for voting
came the silent official flanks stepped in and decided the
matter against them. All these factors contributed to the
unreality of the proceedings in the Council because the
number of elected members was small and the issue was often
known beforehand. Speaking in the. House of Lords in Decem-
ber 1908 on the Bill which resulted in the Government of
India Act of 1909, Lord Morley, the then Secretary of State
for India, declared: "If I were attempting to set up a
Parliamentary system in India, or if it could be said that
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this chapter of rules led directly or necessarily up to the
establishment of a Parliamentary system in India. I for one
would have
763
nothing at all to do with it ......... A Parliamentary
system is not at all the goal to which I would for one
moment aspire." The constitution of the Central Legislative
Council under the Regulation of November, 1909, as revised
in 1912, was this:
Ordinary members of the Governor Gene-
ral’s Council, The Commander-in-Chief
and the Lt.-Governor ... 8
Nominated members of whom not more
than 28 must be officials ... 33
Elected members, .... 27
and
The Governor-General ... 1
-----
69
The executive government was thus supreme and was not
bound to obey or carry out the mandates of the legislature.
Instances where Finance Bills were rejected and other Bills
were backed by the popular feeling and which decisions the
Governor-General overruled, are well known. The Indian
Legislature was powerless to do anything in the matter.
Without the consent of the executive government no Bill
could be made into an Act nor an Act could be amended or
repealed without its consent. The possibility of the Legis-
lature recalling the power given tinder an Act to the execu-
tive against the latter’s consent was therefore nil. Once an
Act giving such power (like the Delhi Laws Act) was passed,
practically the power was irrevocable. In my opinion, it is
quite improper to compare the power and position of the
Indian Legislature so established and functioning with the
supreme and sovereign character of the British Parliament.
The legislative power of the Indian Legislature came to
be changed as a result of the Act of 1915 by the creation of
Provincial legislatures. I do not propose to go into the
details of the changes, except to the extent they are di-
rectly material for the discussion of the questions submit-
ted for the Court’s opinion, Diarchy
764
was thus created but there was no federation under the Act
of 1915. Under the Government of India Act, 1935, the legis-
lative powers were distributed between the Central legisla-
ture and the Provincial legislature, each being given exclu-
sive powers in respect of certain items mentioned in Lists I
and II of the Seventh Schedule. List III contained subjects
on which it was open to the Centre or the Province to legis-
late and the residuary power of legislation was controlled
by section 104. This Act however was still passed by the
British Parliament and therefore the powers of the Indian
Central legislature as well as the Provincial legislatures
were capable of being altered, expanded or limited according
to the desire of the British Parliament without the Indian
legislature or the people of India having any voice in the
matter. Even under this Act, the executive government was
not responsible to the Central Legislature or the Provincial
Legislature, as the case may be. I emphasize this aspect
because it shows that there was no fusion of legislative and
executive powers as was the case with the Constitution in
England. The result of the Indian Independence Act, 1947,
was to remove the authority of the British Parliament to
make any laws for India. The Indian Central Legislature was
given power to convert itself into a Constituent Assembly to
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frame a Constitution for India, including the power to amend
or repeal the Government of India Act, 1935, which till the
new Constitution was adopted, was to be the Constitution of
the country. Even with that change it may be noticed that
the executive government was not responsible to the Central
Legislature. In fact with the removal of the control of the
Parliament it ceased to be responsible to anyone.
Under the Constitution of India as adopted on the 26th
of January, 1950, the executive government of the Union is
vested in the President acting on the advice of the Minis-
ters. A Parliament is established to make laws and a Su-
preme Court is established with the powers defined in dif-
ferent articles of the Constitution. The executive,
legislative and judicial
765
functions of the Government, which have to be discharged,
were thus distributed but the articles giving power to these
bodies do not vest the legislative or judicial powers in
these bodies expressly. Under the Constitution of India, the
Ministers are responsible to the legislatures and to that
extent the scheme of the British Parliament is adopted in
the Constitution. While however that characteristic of the
British Parliament is given to the Indian Legislature, the
principal point of distinction between the British Parlia-
ment and the Indian Parliament remains and that is that the
Indian Parliament is the creature of the Constitution of
India and its powers, rights, privileges and obligations
have to be found in the relevant articles of the Constitu-
tion of India. It is not a sovereign body, uncontrolled
with unlimited powers. The Constitution of India has con-
ferred on the Indian Parliament powers to make laws in
respect of matters specified in the appropriate places and
Schedules, and curtailed its rights and powers under certain
other articles and in particular by the articles found in
Chapter 111 dealing with Fundamental Rights. In case of
emergency where the safety of the Union of India is in
danger, the President is given express power to suspend the
Constitution and assume all legislative powers. Similarly.
in the event of the breaking.down of the administrative
machinery of a State, the President is given powers under
article 257 to assume both legislative and executive powers
in the manner and to the extent found in the article. There
can be no doubt that subject to all these limitations and
controls, within the scope of its powers and on the subjects
on which it is empowered to make law% the Legislature is
supreme and its powers are plenary.
The important question underlying the three questions
submitted for the Court’s consideration is what is described
as the delegation of legislative powers. A legislative body
which is sovereign like an autocratic ruler has power to do
anything. It may, like a Ruler, by an individual decision,
direct that a certain person may be put to death or a cer-
tain property may be
766
taken over by the State. A body of such character may have
power to nominate someone who can exercise all its powers
and make all its decisions. This is possible to be done
because there is no authority or tribunal which can question
the right or power of the authority to do so.
The contentions urged on behalf of the President of
India are that legislative power carries with it a power of
delegation to any person the legislature may choose to
appoint. Whether sovereign or subordinate, the legislative
authority can so delegate its function if the delegation can
stand three tests. (1) It must be a delegation in respect of
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a subject or matter which is within the scope of the legis-
lative power of the body making the delegation. (2) Such
power of delegation is not negatived by the instrument by
which the legislative body is created or established. And
(3) it does not create another legislative body having the
same powers and to discharge the same functions which it
itself has, if the creation of such a body is prohibited by
the instrument which establishes the legislative body it-
self. It was urged that in the ease of an unwritten consti-
tution, like the British Parliament there can De no affirm-
ative limitation or negative prohibition against delegation
and therefore the power of delegation is included to the
fullest extent within the power of legislation. The British
Parliament can efface itself or even abdicate because it has
a power to pass the next day a law repealing or annulling
the previous day’s legislation. When the British Parliament
established legislative bodies in India, Canada and Austra-
lia by Acts of the British Parliament, the legislatures so
established, although in a sense subordinate, because their
existence depended on the Acts of the British Parliament and
which existence could be terminated or further let-
tered by an Act of the British Parliament, neverthe-
less are supreme with plenary powers of the same nature as
the British Parliament, on the subjects and matters within
their respective legislative authority. As the power of
delegation is
767
included in the power of legislation, these legislative
bodies have also, subject to the three limitations mentioned
above, full power of delegation in their turn. These legis-
lative bodies were not agents of the British Parliament.
Not being agents or delegates of the British Parliament, the
doctrine delegata potestas non potest delegare cannot apply
to their actions and if these legislatures delegate powers
to some other authority to make rules or regulations, or
authorise the executive government to enforce laws made by
them or other legislatures wholly or in part and with or
without restrictions or modifications, the legislatures are
perfectly competent to do so. The history of legislation in
England and India and the other Dominions supports this
contention. It is recognised as a legislative practice and
is seen in several Acts passed by the legislatures of the
Dominions and in India. Such delegation of the legislative
functions has been recognised over a series of years by the
Judicial Committee of the Privy Council and it is too late
to contest the validity of such delegation. It was lastly
contended that the observations of the Federal Court in
Jatindra Nath Gupta v. Province of Bihar(1), tending to show
that delegation was not permissible, required to be recon-
sidered.
Before considering these arguments in detail, I think it
is essential to appreciate clearly what is conveyed by the
word "delegation’’. That word is not used, either in discus-
sions or even in some decisions of the courts, with the same
meaning. When a legislative body passes an Act it has
exercised its legislative function. The essentials of such
function are the determination of the legislative policy and
its formulation as a rule of conduct. These essentials are
the characteristics of a legislature by itself. It has
nothing to do with the principle of division of powers found
in the Constitution of the United States of America. Those
essentials are preserved, when the legislature specifies the
basic conclusions of fact, upon ascertainment of which, from
relevant data, by a designated administrative agency,
(1) [1949] F.C.R. 595.
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768
it ordains that its statutory command is to be effective.
The legislature having thus made its laws, it is clear that
every detail for working it out and for carrying the enact-
ments into operation and effect may be done by the legisla-
ture or may be left to another subordinate agency or to some
executive officer. While this also is sometimes described
as a delegation of legislative powers, in essence it is
different from delegation of legislative power which means a
determination of the legislative policy and formulation of
the same as a rule of conduct. I find that the word "delega-
tion" is quite often used without bearing this fundamental
distinction in mind. While the so-called delegation, which
empowers the making of rules and regulations, has been
recognised as ancillary to the power to define legislative
policy and formulate the rule of conduct, the important
question raised by the Attorney-General is in respect of the
right of the legislature to delegate the legislative func-
tions strictly so called.
In support of his contention that the legislative power
of the Indian Legislature carried with it the power of
delegation, the Attorney-General relied on several decisions
of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council and decisions
of the Supreme Court of Canada and Australia. The first is
The Queen v. Burah(1). Act XXII of 1869 of the Council of
the Governor General of India for making laws and regula-
tions was an Act to remove the Garo Hills from the jurisdic-
tion of the tribunals established under the General Regula-
tions and Acts passed by any legislature in British India
and provided that "no Act hereafter passed by the Council of
the Governor-General for making laws and regulations shall
be deemed to extend to any part of the said territory unless
the same was specifically named therein." The administration
of civil and criminal justice within the said territory was
vested in such officers as the Lieutenant-Governor may from
time to time appoint. Sections 8 and 9 of the said Act
provided as follows :--
(1) 51. A. 178,
769
"Section 8. The said Lieutenant-Governor may from time
to time, by notification in the Calcutta Gazette, extend to
the said territory any law, or any portion of any law, now
in force in the other territories subject to his Government,
or which may hereafter be enacted by the Council of the
Governor-General ,or of the said Lieutenant-Governor. for
making laws and regulations, and may on making such exten-
sion direct by whom any powers of duties incident to the
provisions so extended shall be exercised or performed, and
make any order which he shall deem requisite for carrying
such provisions into operation."
"Section 9. The said Lieutenant-Governor may from time
to time, by notification in the Calcutta Gazette, extend
mutatis mutandis all or any of the provisions contained in
the other sections of this Act to the Jaintia Hills, the
Nags Hills, and to such portion of the Khasi Hills as for
the time being forms part of British India.
Every such notification shall specify the boundaries of
the territories to which it applies."
The Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal issued a notification
in exercise of the power conferred on him by section 9 and
extended the provisions of the said Act to the territory
known as the Khasi and Jaintia Hills and excluded therefrom
the jurisdiction of the ordinary civil and criminal courts.
By a majority judgment the Calcutta High Court decided that
the said notification had no legal force or effect. In the
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Calcutta High Court, Mr. Kennedy, counsel for the Crown,
boldly claimed for the Indian Legislative Council the power
to transfer legislative functions to the Lieutenant-Governor
of Bengal and Markby J. framed the question for decision as
follows: "Can the Legislature confer on the Lieutenant-
Governor legislative power?" Answer: "It is a general prin-
ciple of law in India that any substantial delegation of
legislative authority by the Legislature of this country is
void."
Lord Selbourne after agreeing with the High Court that
Act XXII of 1869 was within the legislative
770
power of the Governor-General in Council, considered the
limited question whether consistently with that view the 9th
section of that Act ought nevertheless to be held void and
of no effect. The Board noticed that the majority of the
Judges of the Calcutta High Court based their decision on
the view that the 9th section was not legislation but was a
delegation of legislative power. They noticed that in the
leading judgment Markby J. the principle of agency was
relied upon and the Indian Legislature seemed to be regarded
an agent delegate, acting under a man.date from the Imperial
Parliament. They rejected this view. They observed: "The
Indian Legislature has powers expressly limited by the Act
of the Imperial Parliament. which created it, and it can, of
course, do nothing beyond the limits which circumscribe
these powers. But, when acting within those limits, it is
not. in any sense an agent or delegate of the Imperial
Parliament, but has, and was intended to have, plenary
powers of legislation, as large, and of the same nature as
those of Parliament itself. The established courts of
justice, when a question arises whether the prescribed
limits have been exceeded, must of necessity determine that
question; and the only way in which they. can properly do.
so, is by looking to the terms of the instrument by which,
affirmatively, the legislative powers were created, and by
which, negatively, they are restricted. If what has been
done is legislation, within the general scope of the affirm-
ative words which give the power, and if it violates no
express condition or restriction by which that power is
limited ...... it is not for any court of justice to
inquire further, or to enlarge constructively those condi-
tions and restrictions.
"Their Lordships agree that the Governor-General in
Council could not, by any form of enactment, create in
India and arm with general legislative authority, a new
legislative power not created or authorised by the Councils
Act. Nothing of that kind has, in their Lordships opinion,
been done or attempted in the present case. What has been
done is this. The Governor-General in Council has deter-
mined in the
771
due and ordinary course of legislation, to remove a particu-
lar district from the jurisdiction of the ordinary courts
and offices, and to place it under new courts and offices,
to be appointed by and responsible to the Lieut.-Governor of
Bengal; leaving it to the Lieut.Governor to say at what time
that change shall take place; and also enabling him not to
make what laws he pleases for that or any other district,
but to apply by public notification to that district any
law, or part of a law, which either already was, or from
time to time might be, in force by proper legislative
authority, in the other territories subject to his gov-
ernment. The legislature determined that, so far, a
certain change should take place; but that it was expedi-
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ent to leave the time and the manner of carrying it into
effect to the discretion of the Lieut.-Governor; and also,
that the laws which were or might be in force in the other
territories subject to the same Government were such as it
might be fit and proper to apply to this district also; but
that, as it was not certain that all those laws, and every
part of them, could with equal convenience be so applied, it
was expedient, on that point also, to entrust a discretion
to the Lieut.-Governor. This having been done as to the
Garo Hills, what was done as to the Khasi and. Jaintia Hills
? The legislature decided that it was fit and proper that
the adjoining district of the Khasi and Jaintia Hills should
also be removed from the jurisdiction of the existing courts
and brought under the same provisions with the Garo
Hills ...... if and when the Lieut.-Governor should think
it desirable to do so; and that it was also possible that it
might be expedient that not all, but some only, of those
provisions should be applied to that adjoining district; and
accordingly the legislature entrusted for these purposes
also a discretionary power to the Lieut.-Governor."
The important part of the decision, dealing with the the
question before them was in these terms :--"Their Lordships
think that it is a fallacy to speak of the
772
powers thus conferred upon the Lieut.-Governor (large as
they undoubtedly are) as if, when they were exercised the
efficacy of the acts done under them would be due to any
other legislative authority than that of the Governor-Gener-
al in Council. Their whole operation is directly and imme-
diately under and by virtue of this Act (XXI of 1869) it-
self. The proper legislature has exercised its judgment as
to place, person, laws powers and the result of that judg-
ment has been to legislate conditionally as to all these
things. The conditions having been fulfilled, the legisla-
tion is now absolute. Where plenary powers of legislation
exist as to particular subjects, whether in an Imperial or
in a Provincial Legislature, they may (in their Lordships
judgment) be well exercised, either absolutely or condition-
ally. Legislation, conditional on the use of particular
powers, or on the exercise of a limited discretion, entrust-
ed by the legislature to persons in whom it places confi-
dence, is no uncommon thing;and, in many circumstances, it
may be highly convenient. The British Statute Book abounds
with examples of it: and it cannot be supposed that the
Imperial Parliament did not, when constituting the Indian
Legislature, contemplate this kind of conditional legisla-
tion as within the scope of the legislative powers which is
from time to time conferred. It certainly used no words to
exclude it." (The italics are mine). They then mentioned by
way of illustrations the power given to the Governor-General
in Council (not in his legislative capacity) to extend the
Code of Civil Procedure and Code of Criminal Procedure by
section 385, Civil Procedure Code. and section 445, Criminal
Procedure Code, to different territories. They held that a
different conclusion will be casting doubt upon the validity
of a long series of legislation, appropriate, as far as they
can judge, to the peculiar circumstances of India; great
part of which belongs to the period antecedent to the year
1861, and must therefore be presumed to have been known to
and in the view of, the Imperial Parliament, when the Coun-
cils Act of that year was passed. For such doubt their
Lordships were unable
773
to discover any foundation either in the affirmative or in
the negative words of the Act before them.
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I have quoted in extenso extracts from this judgment
because it is considered the foundation for the argument
advanced by the learned Attorney-General. In my opinion this
judgment does not support the contention as urged. The
Privy Council noted the following:(1) That the Garo Hills
were removed by the Act from the jurisdiction of the ordi-
nary courts. (2) That in respect of the Khasi and Jaintia
Hills the same position had been arrived at. (:3) That the
power was to be exercised over areas which, notwithstanding
the Act, remained under the administrative control of the
Lieut.-Governor. (4) That the authority given to the
Lieut.-Governor was not to pass new laws but only to extend
Acts which were passed by the Lieut.Governor. or the Gover-
nor-General in respect of the Province both being competent
legislatures for the area in question. He was not given any
power to modify any law. (5) They rejected the view of the
majority of the Judges of the Calcutta High Court that the
Indian Legislature was a delegate or an agent of the British
Parliament. (6) That within the powers conferred on the
Indian Legislature it was supreme and its powers were as
plenary and of the same nature as the British Parliament.
(7) That by the legislation the Indian Parliament had not
created a legislative body with all the powers which it had.
(8) The objection on the ground of delegation was rejected
because what was done was not delegation at all but it was
conditional legislation. Throughout the judgment it is
nowhere suggested that the answer of Markby J. to the ques-
tion framed by him (and quoted earlier in this judgment) was
incorrect. (9) It emphasized that the order of the Lieut-
Governor derived its sanction from the Act of the Governor-
General and not because it was an order of the Lieut.-Gover-
nor. (10) That in the legislation of the Governor-General
in Council (legislative) all that was necessary to consti-
tute legislation was found. This applied equally to future
laws as the appropriate legislative body for the area was
774
the same. This decision therefore carefully and deliberate-
ly did not endorse the contention that the power of delega-
tion was contained in the power of legislation. The Board
after affirming that what was done was no delegation at all
held that the legislation was only conditional legislation.
In Emperor v. Benoari Lal Sarma and others (1), the
question arose about the Special Criminal Courts Ordinance
1I of 1942, issued by the Governor-General under the powers
vested in him on the declaration of an emergency on the
outbreak of war. The validity of that Ordinance was chal-
lenged in India either (1) because the language of the
section showed that the Governor-General, notwithstanding
the preamble, did not consider that an emergency existed
but was making provision in case one should arise in future,
or (2) else because the section amounted to what was called
delegated legislation by which the Governor General without
legal authority sought to pass the decision as to whether an
emergency existed, to the Provincial Government instead of
deciding it for himself. The relevant provision of the
Government of India Act, 1935, was in these terms:
"72. The Governor-General may, in cases of emergency,
make and promulgate ordinances for the peace and good gov-
ernment of British India or any part thereof, and any Ordi-
nance so made shall for the space of not more than six
months from its promulgation, have the like force of law as
an Act passed by the Indian Legislature;but the power of
making Ordinances under this section is subject to the like
restrictions as the power of the Indian Legislature to make
laws; and any Ordinance made under this section is subject
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 20 of 148
to the like disallowance as an Act passed by the Indian
Legislature and may be controlled or superseded by any such
Act."
In rejecting this second objection, their Lordships
observed that under paragraph 72 of Schedule 9, the Gover-
nor-General himself must discharge the duty of
(I) 72 I.A. 27.
775
legislation and cannot transfer it to other authorities. But
the Governor-General had not delegated his legislative
powers at all. After stating again that what was done was
not delegated legislation at all, but was. merely an example
of the not uncommon legislative arrangement by which the
local application of the provision of a statute is deter-
mined by the judgment of a local administrative body as to
its necessity, their Lordships disagreed with the majority
view of the Federal Court that what was done was delegation
of legislative functions. If the power of delegation was
contained in the power of legislation as wide as contended
by the Attorney-General, there appears no reason why the
Privy Council should have rejected the argument that the Act
was an act of delegation and upheld its validity on the
ground that it was conditional legislation. Moreover they
reaffirmed the following passage from Russell v. The Queen
(1): "The short answer to this objection (against delegation
of legislative power) is that the Act does not delegate any
legislative powers whatever. It contains within itself the
whole legislation on the matters with which it deals. The
provision that certain parts of the Act shall come into
operation only on the petition of a majority electors does
not confer on these persons powers to legislate. Parliament
itself enacts the condition and everything which is to
follow upon the condition being fulfilled. Conditional
legislation of this kind is in many cases convenient, and is
certainly not unusual, and the power so to legislate cannot
be denied to the Parliament of Canada when the subject of
legislation is within its competency." (The italics are
mine). Support for this last mentioned statement was found
in the decision of the Privy Council in The Queen v.
Burah(2). It is clear that this decision does not carry the
matter further. Even though this was a war measure the
Board emphasized that the Governor-General must himself
discharge the duty of legislation and cannot transfer it to
other authorities. They examined the impugned Act and
(1) 7 App. Cas. 629.
(2) 5 I.A. 178.
776
came to the conclusion that it contained within itself the
whole legislation on the matters with which it dealt and
there was no delegation of legislative functions.
A close scrutiny of these decisions and the observations
contained therein, in my opinion, clearly discloses that
instead of supporting the proposition urged by the
Attorney-General impliedly that contention is negatived.
While the Judicial Committee has pointed out chat the Indian
Legislature had plenary powers to legislate on the subjects
falling within its powers and that those powers were of the
same nature and as supreme as the British Parliament, they
do not endorse the contention that the Indian Legislature,
except that it could not create another body with the same
powers as it has, or in other words, efface itself, had
unlimited powers of delegation. When the argument of the
power of the Indian Legislature to delegate legislative
powers in that manner to subordinate bodies was directly
urged before the Privy Council, in each one of their deci-
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 21 of 148
sions the Judicial Committee has repudiated the suggestion
and held that what was done was not delegation but was
subsidiary legislation or conditional legislation. Thus
while the Board has reiterated its views that the powers of
the Indian Legislature were "as plenary and of the same
nature as the British Parliament" no one, in no case, and in
no circumstances, during the last seventy years, has stated
that the Indian Legislature has power of delegation (as
contended in this case) and which would have been a direct,
plain, obvious and conclusive answer to the argument.
Instead of that, they have examined the impugned legislation
in each case and pronounced on its validity on the ground
that it was conditional or subsidiary legislation. The same
attitude is adopted by the Privy Council in respect of the
Canadian Constitution. The expressions "subsidiary" or
"conditional legislation" are used to indicate that the
powers conferred on the subordinate bodies were not powers
of legislation but powers conferred only to carry the enact-
ment into operation and effect, or that the Legislature
having discharged legislative functions had specified the
basic conclusions of fact upon
777
ascertainment of which, from relevant data by a designated
administrative agency, that body was permitted to bring the
statute into operation. Even in such cases the Board has
expressly pointed out that the force of. these rules, regu-
lations or enactments does not arise out of the decision of
the administrative or executive authority to bring into
operation the enactment or the rules framed thereunder.
The authoritative force and binding nature of the same are
found in the enactment passed by the legislature itself.
Therefore, a correct reading of these decisions does not
support the contention urged by the Attorney-General.
Some decisions of the Privy Council on appeal from the
Supreme Court of Canada and some decisions of the Supreme
Court of Canada, on the point under discussion, on which the
learned Attorney-General relied for his contention, may be
noticed next. In Hodge v. The Queen(1), which was an appeal
from the Court of Appeal, Ontario, Canada, a question about
the validity of the Liquor Licences Act arose. After hold-
ing that the temperance laws were under section 92 of the
British North America Act for "the good government", their
Lordships considered the objection that the Imperial Parlia-
ment had conferred no authority on the local legislature to
delegate those powers to the Licence Commissioners. In
other words, it was argued that the power conferred by the
Imperial Parliament on the local legislature should be
exercised in full by that body and by that body alone. The
maxim delegata potestas non potest delegare was relied upon
to support the objection. Their Lordships observed: "The
objection thus raised by the appellants was founded on an
entire misconception of the true character and position of
the Provincial Legislatures. They are in no sense delegates
of, or acting under mandate from, the Imperial Parliament.
When the British North America Act enacted that there should
be a legislature for Ontario and that its Legislative Assem-
bly should have exclusive authority to make laws for the
Province and for Provincial purposes in relation to the
matters
(1) 9 App. Cas.117.
778
enumerated in section 92, it conferred powers, not in any
sense to be exercised by delegation from, or as agents of,
the Imperial Parliament, but authority as plenary and as
ample within the limits prescribed by section 92 as the
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 22 of 148
Imperial Parliament in the plenitude of its power possessed
and could bestow. Within these limits of subjects and area
the local legislature is supreme and has the same authority
as the Imperial Parliament, or the Parliament of the Domin-
ion, would have had under like circumstances to confide to a
municipal institution or body of its own creation authority
to make byelaws or resolutions as to subjects specified the
enactment, and with the object of carrying the enactment
into operation and effect.
It is obvious that such authority is ancillary to
legislation’ and without it an attempt to provide for vary-
ing details and machinery to carry them out might become
oppressive or absolutely fail ...... It was argued at the
Bar that a legislature committing important regulations to
agents or delegates effaces itself. That is not so. It
retains its power intact and can whenever. it pleases de-
stroy the agency it has created and set up another or take
the matter directly into its own hands. How far it shall
seek the aid of subordinate agencies and how long it shall
continue them are matters for the legislature and not for
the courts of law to decide." (The italics are mine.) As
regards the creation of new offences, their Lordships ob-
served that if byelaws or resolutions are warranted the
power to enforce them seemed necessary and equally lawful.
This case also does not help the Attorney-General. It
recognises only the grant of power to make regulations which
are "ancillary to legislation".
In In re The Initiative and Referendum Act(1), the Act
of the Legislative Assembly of Manitoba was held outside the
scope of section 92 of the British North America Act inas-
much as it rendered the Lieut-Governor powerless to prevent
the Act from becoming actual law, if approved by the voters,
even without his consent. Their Lordships observed: "Section
92 of the
(1) [1919] A.C. 935.
779
Act of 1867 entrusts the legislative power in a Province to
its legislature and to that legislature only. No doubt a
body with power of legislation on the subjects entrusted to
it.so ample as that enjoyed by a Provincial Legislature in
Canada could, while preserving its own capacity intact, seek
the assistance of subordinate agencies as had been done in
Hodge v. The Queen(1), but it does not follow that it can
create and endow with its own capacity a new legislative
power not created by the Act to which it owes its own exist-
ence."
In In re George Edwin Gray(2), the question of delega-
tion of powers in respect of the War Measures Act, 19 14,
came for consideration. The provisions there were very
similar to the Defence of India Act and the Rules made
thereunder in India during the World War I. In delivering
judgment Sir Charles Fitzpatrick C.J. observed as follows: -
"The practice of authorising administrative bodies to make
regulations to carry out the object of an Act instead of
setting out all the details of the Act itself is well known
and its legality is unquestioned.’’ He rejected the argument
that such power cannot be granted to the extent as to enable
the express provisions of a statute to be amended or re-
pealed, as under the Constitution, Parliament alone is to
make laws under the Canadian Constitution. He observed that
Parliament cannot indeed abdicate its function but within
reasonable limits at any rate it can delegate its powers to
the executive government. Such powers must necessarily be
subject to determination at any time by Parliament. He
observed: "I cannot however find anything in that Constitu-
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 23 of 148
tional Act which would impose any limitation on the authori-
ty of the Parliament of Canada to which the Imperial Parlia-
ment is not subject." Against the objection that such wide
discretion should not be left to the executive he observed
that this objection should have been urged when the regula-
tions were submitted to Parliament for its approval or
better still when the War Measures Act was being discussed.
The Parliament was the delegating authority and it was for
that body to put any
(1) 9 App. Cas. 117.
(2) 57 S.C.R. Canada 150.
780
limitations on the powers conferred upon the executive. He
then stated: "Our legislators were no doubt impressed in the
hour of peril with the conviction that the safety of the
country was the supreme law against which no other law can
prevail. It is clearly our duty to give effect to their
patriotic intentions."
In the Chemical Reference case(D, Duff C.J. set out the
true effect of the decision in the War Measures Act. He held
that the decision of the Privy Council in the Fort Frances’
case(2) had decided the validity of the War Measures Act and
no further question remained in that respect. He stated: "In
In re Gray(3) was involved the principle, which must be
taken in this Court to be settled, that an Order-in-Council
in conformity with the conditions prescribed by, and the
provisions of, the War Measures Act may have the effect of
an Act of Parliament." The Court considered that the regu-
lations framed by the Governor-General in Council to safe-
guard the supreme interests of the State were made by the
Governor-General in Council "who was conferred subordinate
legislative authority." He stated: "The judgment of the
Privy Council in the Fort Frances’ case(2), laid down the
principle that in an emergency, such as war, the authority
of the Dominion in respect of legislation relating to the
peace, order and good government of Canada may, in view of
the necessities arising from the emergency, disable or
over-bear the authority of the Provinces in relation to a
vast field in which the Provinces would otherwise have
exclusive jurisdiction. It must not however be taken for
granted that every matter within the jurisdiction of the
Parliament of Canada even in ordinary times could be validly
committed by Parliament to the executive for legislative
action in the case of an emergency." Unlike the Indian
Constitution, in the British North America Act there is no
power to suspend the Constitution or enlarge the legislative
powers in an emergency like war. The Courts therefore
stretched the langugage of the sections to meet the emergen-
cy in
(1) [1943] S.C.R. Canada 1.
(3) [1918] 57 S.C.R, Canada 150.
(2) [1923] A.C. 695.
781
the highest interest of the country but it also emphasized
that such action was not permissible in ordinary times.
The War Measures Acts were thus considered by the z
Supreme Court of Canada on a different footing. The question
was of competence but owing to the unusual circumstances and
exigencies what was stated in the legislation was considered
a sufficient statement of the legislative policy. It ap-
pears to be thought that the same test cannot be applied in
respect of legislation made in normal times, in respect of a
permanent statute which is not of limited duration. The
discussion in Benaori Lal Sarma’s case(1) in the judgment of
the Privy Council mentioned above may be usefully noted in
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 24 of 148
this connection as the legislation in that case was also a
war measure but was held valid as conditional legislation.
In so far as the observations in the Canadian decisions go
beyond what is held in the Privy Council decisions, with
respect, I am unable to agree. It appears that the word
"delegation" has been given an extended meaning in some
observations of the Canadian courts, beyond what is found in
the Privy Council decisions. It is important to notice that
in all the judgments of the Privy Council, the word "delega-
tion" as meaning conferment of_legislative functions strict-
ly, is not used at all in respect of the impugned legisla-
tion and has been deliberately avoided. Their validity
was upheld on the ground that the legislation was either
conditional or subsidiary or ancillary legislation.
An important decision of the Supreme Court of Australia
may be noticed next. In the Victorian Stevedoring and Gener-
al Contracting Company Proprietary Ltd. v. Dignan(2), the
question whether delegation of legislative power was accord-
ing to the Constitution came to be examined by the High
Court of Australia. It was argued that section 3 of the Act
in question was ultra vires and void in so far as it pur-
ported to authorise the Governor-General to make regulations
which (nothwithstanding anything in any other Act) shall
have
(1) 72 I.A. 27. (2) 46 Com. L.R. 73.
782
the force of law. In the judgment of Gavan Duffy C.J. and
Starke J. it was stated: "The attack upon the Act itself was
based upon the American Constitutional doctrine that no
legislative body can delegate to another department of the
Government or to any other authority the power either gener-
ally or specially to enact laws. This high prerogative has
been entrusted to its own wisdom, judgment and patriotism
and not to those of other persons and it will act ultra
vires ii it undertakes to delegate the trust instead of
executing it. (Cooley’s Principles of Constitutional Law,
3rd Edition, p. 111). Roche v. Kronheimer(1) was an authori-
ty for the proposition that an authority of subordinate
law-making may be invested in the executive. Whatever ,may
be said for or against that decision I think we should not
now depart from it." Mr. Justice Dixon considered the argu-
ment fully in these terms: "The validity of this provision
is now attacked upon the ground that it is an attempt to
grant to the executive a portion of the legislative power
vested by the Constitution in the Parliament which is incon-
sistent with the distribution made by the Constitution of
legislative, executive and judicial powers. In support of
the rule that Congress cannot invest another organ of gov-
ernment with legislative power a second doctrine is relied
upon in America but it has no application to the Australian
Constitution. Because the powers of Government are consid-
ered to be derived from the authority of the people of the
Union no agency to whom the people have confided a power may
delegate its exercise. The well-known maxim delegata potesta
non potest delegare applicable to the law of agency in the
general and Common Law is well understood and has had wider
application in the construction of our Federal and State
Constitutions than it has in private laws. No similar doc-
trine has existed in respect of British Colonial legisla-
tures, whether erected in virtue the prerogative or by
Imperial Statute...It is important to observe that in Ameri-
ca the intrusion of the doctrines of agency into Constitu-
tional interpretation
(1) (1921) 29 Corn. L.R. 329.
783
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 25 of 148
has in no way obscured the operation of the separation of
powers. In the opinion of the Judicial Committee a general
power of legislation belonging to a legislature constituted
under a rigid Constitution does not enable it by any form
of enactment to create and arm with general legislative
authority a new legislative power not created or authorized
by the instrument by which it is established." In respect
of the legislation passed during the emergency of war and
where the power was strongly relied upon, Dixon J. observed:
"It might be considered that the exigencies which must be
dealt with under the defence power are so many, so great and
so urgent and are so much the proper concern of the execu-
tive that from its very nature the power appears by neces-
sary intendment to authorise a delegation otherwise general-
ly forbidden to the legislature ............ I think it
certain that such a provision would be supported in America
and the passage in Burah’s case appears to apply to it in
which the Judicial Committee deny that in fact any delega-
tion there took place ............ This does not mean that
a law confiding authority to the executive will be followed,
however extensive or vague the subject-matter may be, if it
does not fall outside the boundaries of federal power. Nor
does it mean that the distribution of powers can supply no
considerations or weight affecting the
validity ............ It may be acknowledged that the
manner in which the Constitution accomplishes the separation
of power itself logically and theoretically makes the Par-
liament the executive repository of the legislative power of
the Commonwealth. The existence in Parliament of power to
authorise subordinate legislation may be ascribed to a
conception of that legislative power which depends less upon
juristic analysis and perhaps more upon the history and
usages of British legislation and the theories of English
law ......... Such subordinate legislation remains under
Parliamentary control and is lacking in the independent and
unqualified authority which is an attribute of true legisla-
tive power." He concludes: " But whatever it may be, we
should now adhere to the interpretation
784
which results from the decision of Roche v. Kronheimer(1).
This whole discussion shows that the learned Judge
12,was refuting the argument that because under the Consti-
tution of U.S.A. such conferment of power would be invalid
it should be held invalid under the Canadian Constitution
also. He was not dealing with the question raised before us.
Ultimately he said that Roche v. Kronheimer(1) was conclu-
sive.
Mr. Justice Evatt stated that in dealing with the
doctrine of the-separation of legislative and executive
powers "it must be remembered that underlying the Common-
wealth frame of government there is the notion of the
British system of an executive which is responsible to
Parliament. That system is not in operation under the
United States’ Constitution. He formulated the larger
proposition that every grant by the Commonwealth Parliament
of authority to make rules and regulations, whether the
grantee is the executive government or some such authority,
is itself a grant of legislative power. The true nature and
quality of the legislative power of the Commonwealth Parlia-
ment involves as a part of its content power to confer law-
making powers upon authorities other than Parliament itself.
If such power to issue binding commands may lawfully be
granted by Parliament to the executive or other agencies an
increase in the extent of such power cannot of itself inval-
idate the grant. It is true that the extent of the power
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 26 of 148
granted will often be a very material circumstance in the
examination of the validity of the legislation conferring
the grant." In this paragraph the learned Judge appears
certainly to have gone much beyond what had been held in any
previous decision but he seems to have made the observations
in those terms because (as he himself had stated just previ-
ously) in his view every conferment of power--whether it was
by conditional legislation or ancillary legislation--was a
delegation of legislative power. He concluded however as
follows:"On final analysis therefore the
(1) (1921) 29 Corn. L.R. 329.
785
Parliament of the Commonwealth is not competent to abdicate
its powers of legislation. This is not because Parliament
is bound to perform any or all of its legislative powers or
functions for it may elect not to do so and not because the
doctrine of the separation of powers prevents Parliament
from granting authority to other bodies to make laws or
byelaws and thereby exercise legislative power for it does
so in almost every statute but because each and every one of
the laws passed by Parliament must answer the description of
law upon one or more of the subject-matters stated in the
Constitution. A law by which Parliament gives all its
lawmaking authority to another body would be bad merely
because it would fail to pass the test last mentioned."Read
properly, these judgments therefore do not support the
contention of the learned Attorney General.
The decisions of the Privy Council on appeal from Canada
do not carry the matter further. In the judgments of the
two decisions of the Supreme Court of Canada and the deci-
sion of the Supreme Court of Australia there are observa-
tions which may appear to go beyond the limit mentioned
above. These observations have to be read in the light of
the facts of the case and the particular regulation or
enactment before the court in each case. These decisions
also uniformly reiterate that the legislature must perform
its functions and cannot leave that to any other authority.
Moreover the word "delegation" as stated by Evatt J. in his
judgment is understood by some Judges to cover what is
described as subsidiary or conditional legislation also.
Therefore because at some places in these judgments the word
"delegation" is used it need not be assumed that the word
necessarily means delegation of legislative functions, as
understood in the strict sense of the word. The actual
decisions were on the ground that they were subordinate
legislation or conditional legislation. Again, in respect
of the Constitutions of the Dominions of Canada and Austra-
lia I may observe that the legislatures of those Dominions
were not packed, as in India, and their Constitution was
786
on democratic lines. The principle of fusion of powers
between the Legislature and Executive can well be considered
in operation in those Dominions, while as I have pointed out
above there was no such fusion at all so far as the Indian
Constitution in force till 1935 was concerned. Conclusions
therefore based on the fusion of legislative and executive
powers are not properly applicable to the Indian Constitu-
tion. In my opinion therefore to the extent the observa-
tions in the Canadian and Australian decisions go beyond
what is clearly decided by the Privy Council in respect of
the Indian Legislature, they do not furnish a useful guide
to determine the powers of the Indian Legislature to dele-
gate legislative functions to administrative or executive
authorities.
The Canadian and Australian Constitutions are both based
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 27 of 148
on Acts of the British Parliament and therefore are crea-
tures of written instruments. To that extent they are
rigid. Moreover in the Australian Constitution in distribut-
ing the powers among the legislative and executive authori-
ties, the word "vest" is used as in the Constitution of the
U.S.A. To that extent the two Constitutions have common
features. There is however no clear. separation of powers
between the legislature and executive so as to be mutually
and completely exclusive and there is fusion of power so
that the Ministers are themselves members of the legisla-
ture.
Our attention was drawn to several decisions of the
Supreme Court of the United States of America mostly to draw
a distinction between the legislative powers of the Congress
in the United States of America and the legislative powers
of the legislature under Constitutions prepared on the
British Parliament pattern. It was conceded that as the
Constitution itself provided that the legislative and execu-
tive powers were to vest exclusively in the legislature and
the executive authority mentioned in the Constitution, it
was not permissible for one body to delegate this authority
and functions to another body. It may be noticed that
several decisions of the Supreme Court of U.S.A,
787
are based on the incompetence of the delegate to receive the
power sought to be conferred on it. Its competence to
function as the executive body is expressly set out in the
Constitution, and it has been thought that impliedly the
Constitution has thereby prevented such body from receiving
from the legislative body other powers. In view of my final
conclusion I shall very briefly notice the position accord-
ing to the U.S.A. Constitution.
In Crawford on Statutory Construction, it is stated as
follows: "So far however as the delegation of any power to
an executive official or Administrative Board is concerned,
the legislature must declare the policy of the law and fix
the legal principles which are to control in given cases and
must provide a standard to guide the official or the ,Board
empowered to execute the law. This standard must not be too
indefinite or general. It may be laid down in broad general
terms. It is sufficient if the legislature will lay down an
intelligible principle to guide the executive or administra-
tive official ...... From these difficult criteria it is
apparent that the Congress exercises considerable liberali-
ty towards upholding legislative delegations if a standard
is established. Such delegations are not subject to the
objection that the legislative power has been unlawfully
delegated. The filling in mere matters of details within the
policy of, and according to, the legal principles and stand-
ards, established by the Legislature, is essentially minis-
terial rather than legislative in character, even’ if
considerable discretion is conferred upon the delegated
authority."
In Hampton & Co. v. United States(1), Taft C.J. ob-
served: "It is a breach of the national fundamental law if
Congress gives up its legislative power and transfers it to
the President or to the judicial branch or if by law it
attempts to invest itself or its members with either execu-
tive or judicial power. This is not to say that the three
branches are not co-ordinate parts of one Government and
that each in the field of duties
(1) (1928) 276 U.S. 394, 406 & 407.
788
may not invoke the action of the two other branches in so
far as the action invoked shall not be an assumption of the
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 28 of 148
constitutional field of action of another branch ......
The field of Congress involves all and many varieties of
legislative action and Congress has found it frequently
necessary to use officers of the executive branch within
defined limits to secure the exact effect intended by its
act of legislation by vesting discretion in such officers to
make public regulations, interpreting a statute and direct-
ing the details of its executive even to the extent of
providing for penalizing a preach of such
regulations ......... Congress may feel itself unable
conveniently to determine exactly when its exercise of the
legislative power should become effective, because dependent
on future conditions, and it may leave the determination of
such time to the decision of an executive." He agreed with
the often cited passage from the judgment of Ranny J. of the
Supreme Court of Ohio in Cincinnati W. & Z.R. Co. v. Clin-
ton County Commissioners (1), viz., "The true distinction
therefore is between the delegation of power to make the
law which necessarily involves a discretion as to what it
shall be and conferring an authority or discretion as to its
execution to be exercised under and in pursuance of the law.
The first cannot be done; to the latter no valid objection
can be made."
In Locke’s Appeal(2), it. is slated: "The proper dis-
tinction is this. The legislature cannot delegate its power
to make a law but it can make a law to delegate a power to
determine some fact or state of things upon which the law
makes or intends to make its own action depend. To deny this
would be to stop the wheels of Government. There are many
things upon which useful legislation must depend, which
cannot be known to the law-making power, and must therefore
be a subject of enquiry and determination outside the halls
of legislature."
In Panama Refining Co. v. Ryan (s), it was observed by
Hughes C.J. "The Congress is not permitted to
(1) 1 Ohio St. 88. (3) 293 U.S. 388.
(2) 72 P.A. 491,
789
abdicate or transfer to others the essential legislative
functions with which it is vested. Undoubtedly legislation
must often be adapted to complex conditions involving a host
of details with which the National Legislature cannot deal
directly. The Constitution has never been regarded as
denying to the Congress the necessary resources of flexibil-
ity and practicality which will enable it to perform its
function in laying down policies and establish standards,
while leaving to selected instrumentalities the making of
subordinate rules within prescribed limits and the determi-
nation of facts to which the policy as declared by the
legislature is to apply. Without capacity to give authori-
sations of that sort we should have the anomaly of a legis-
lative power which in many circumstances calling for its
exertion would be but a futility but the constant recogni-
tion of the necessity and validity of such provisions and
the wide range of administrative authority which has been
declared by means of them cannot be allowed to obscure the
limitations of the authority to delegate if our constitu-
tional system is to be maintained. Similarly, in Schechter
v. United States (1), it is stated: "So long as the policy
is laid down and standard established by a statuten no
unconstitutional delegation of legislative power is involved
in leaving to selected instrumentalities the making of
subordinate rules within prescribed limits and the determi-
nation of facts to which the policy as declared by the
legislature is to apply."
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The complexity of this question of delegation of power
and the consideration of the various decisions in which its
application has led to the support or invalidation of Acts
has been somewhat aptly put by Schwartz on American Adminis-
trative Law. After quoting from Wayman v. Southend (2) the
observations of Marshall C.J. that the line has not been
exactly drawn which separates those important subjects which
must be entirely regulated by the legislature itself from
those of less interest in which a general provision may be
made and power given to those who are to
(1) 295 U.S. 459.
(2) 10 Wheat 1 U.S. 1825.
790
act under such general provision to fill up details, the
author points out that the resulting judicial dilemma, when
the American courts finally were squarely confronted with
delegation cases, was resolved by the judicious choice of
words to describe the word "delegated power". The authority
transferred was, in Justice Holmes’ felicitous phrase,
"softened by a quasi", and the courts were thus able to
grant the fact of delegated legislation and still to deny
the name. This result is well put in Prof. Cushman’s syllo-
gism:
"Major premise: Legislative power cannot be constitu-
tionally delegated by Congress.
Minor premise: It is essential that certain powers be
delegated to administrative officers and regulatory commis-
sions.
Conclusions: Therefore the powers thus delegated are not
legislative powers.
They are instead administrative or quasi-legislative
powers. ’’
It was argued on behalf of the President that the legis-
lative practice in India for over eighty years has recog-
nised this kind of delegation and as that is one of the
principles which the court has to bear in mind in deciding
the validity of Acts of the legislature, this Court should
uphold that practice. In support of this contention a sched-
ule annexed to the case filed on behalf of the President,
containing a list of Acts, is relied upon. In my opinion,
out of those, the very few Acts which on a close scrutiny
may be cited as instances, do not establish any such prac-
tice. A few of the instances can be supported as falling
under the description of conditional legislation or subsid-
iary legislation. I do not discuss this in greater detail
because unless the legislative practice is overwhelmingly
clear, tolerance or acquiescence in the existence of an Act
without a dispute about its validity being raised in a court
of law for some years cannot be considered binding, when a
question about the validity of such practice is raised and
comes for decision before the Court. In my opinion, there-
fore; this broad
791
contention of the Attorney-General that the Indian Legisla-
ture prior to 1935 had power to delegate legislative func-
tions in the sense contended by him is neither supported by
judicial decisions nor by legislative practice.
A fair and close reading and analysis of all these
decisions of the Privy Council, the judgments of the Supreme
Courts of Canada and Australia without stretching and
straining the words and expressions used therein lead me. to
the conclusion that while a legislature, as a part of its
legislative functions, can confer powers to make rules and
regulations for carrying the enactment into operation and
effect, and while a legislature has power to lay down the
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 30 of 148
policy and principles providing the rule of conduct, and
while it may further provide that on certain data or facts
being found and ascertained by an executive authority, the
operation of the Act can be extended to certain areas or may
be brought into force on such determination which is de-
scribed as conditional legislation, the power to delegate
legislative functions generally is not warranted under the
Constitution of India at any stage. In cases of emergency,
like war where a large latitude has to be necessarily left
in the matter of enforcing regulations to the executive, the
scope of the power to make regulations is very wide, but.
even. in those cases the suggestion that there was delega-
tion of "legislative functions" has been repudiated. Simi-
larly, varying according to the necessities of the case and
the nature of the legislation, the doctrine of conditional
legislation or subsidiary legislation or ancillary legisla-
tion is equally upheld under all the Constitutions. In my
opinion, therefore, the contention urged by the learned
Attorney-General that legislative power carries with it a
general power to delegate legislative functions, so that the
legislature may not define its policy at all and may lay
down no rule of conduct but that whole thing may be left
either to the executive authority or administrative or other
body, is unsound and not supported by the authorities on
which he relies. I do not think that apart from the sover-
eign character of
792
the British Parliament which is established as a matter of
convention and whose powers are also therefore absolute and
unlimited, in any legislature of any other country such
general powers of delegation as claimed by the Attorney-
General for a legislature, have been recognised or permit-
ted.
It was contended by the learned Attorney-General that
under the power of delegation the legislative body cannot
abdicate or efface itself. That was its limit. It was
argued that so long as the legislature had power to control
the actions of the body to which power was delegated, that
so long as the actions of such body were capable of being
revoked there was no abdication or effacement. In support
of this argument some reliance was placed on certain obser-
vations in the judgments of the Privy Council in the cases
mentioned above. It should be noticed that the Board was
expressing its views to support the conclusion that the
particular piece of legislation under consideration was
either a conditional legislation or that the legislation
derived its force and sanction from what the legislature had
done and not from what the delegate had done. I do not
think that those observations lead to the conclusion that up
to that limit legislative delegation was permitted. The true
test in respect of’ ’abdication" or "effacement" appears to
be whether in conferring the power to the delegate, the
legislature, in the words used to confer the power, retained
its control. Does the decision of the delegate derive sanc-
tion from the act of the delegate or has it got the sanction
from what the legislature has enacted and decided ? Every
power given to a delegate can be normally called back. There
can hardly be a case where this cannot be done because the
legislative body which confers power on the delegate has
always the power to revoke that authority and it appears
difficult to visualize a situation in which such power can
be irrevocably lost. It has been recognised that a legisla-
tive body established under an Act of the British Parliament
by its very establishment has not the right to create anoth-
er legislative body with the same junctions and
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793
powers and authority. Such power can be only in the British
Parliament and not in the legislature established by an Act
of the British Parliament. Therefore, to say that the true
test of effacement is that the authority which confers power
on the subordinate body should not be able to withdraw the
power appears to be meaningless. In my opinion, therefore,
the question whether there is "abdication" and "effacement"
or not has to be decided on the meaning of the words used in
the instrument by which the power is conferred on the au-
thority. Abdication, according to the Oxford Dictionary,
means abandonment, either formal or virtual, of sovereignty.
Abdication by a legislative body need not necessarily amount
to a complete effacement of it. Abdication may be partial
or complete. When in respect of a subject in the Legisla-
tive List the legislature says that it shall not legislate
on that subject but would leave it to somebody else to
legislate on it, why does it not amount to abdication or
effacement ? If full powers to do anything and everything
which the legislature can do are conferred on the subordi-
nate authority, although the legislature has power to
control the action of the subordinate authority, by recall-
ing such power or repealing the Acts passed by the subordi-
nate authority, the power conferred by the instrument, in my
opinion, amounts to an abdication or effacement of the
legislature conferring such power.
The power to modify an Act in its extension by the order
of the subordinate authority has also come in for considera-
ble discussion. Originally when power was conferred on the
subordinate authority to apply existing legislation to
specified areas it was given only to apply the whole or a
portion thereof. That power was further expanded by giving a
power to restrict its application also. In the next stage
power was given to modify "so as to adapt the same" to local
conditions. It is obvious that till this stage the clear
intention was that the delegate on whom power was con-
ferred was only left with the discretion to apply what was
Considered suitable, as a whole or in part,
794
and to make adaptations which became necessary because of
local conditions and nothing more. Only in recent years in
some Acts power of modification is given without any words
of limitation on that power. The learned Attorney-General
contended that the word "modify" according to the Oxford
Dictionary means to limit, restrain, to assuage, to make
less severe, rigorous, or decisive ;to tone down." It is
also given the meaning "to make partial changes in;to alter
without radical transformation." He therefore contended that
if the done of the power exceeded the limits of the power of
modification beyond that sense, that would be exceeding the
limits of the power and to that extent the exercise of the
power may be declared invalid. He claimed no larger power
under the term "modification." On the other hand, in
Rowland Burrows’ "Words and Phrases ", the word "modify" has
been defined as meaning" vary, extend or enlarge, limit or
restrict." It has been held that modification implies an
alteration. It may narrow or enlarge the provisions of the
former Act. It has been pointed out that under the powers
conferred by the Delhi Laws Act, the Central Government has
extended the application of the Bombay Debtors’ Relief Act
to Delhi. The Bombay Act limits its application to poor
agriculturists whose agricultural income is less than Rs.
SO0. Under the power of modification conferred on it by the
Delhi Laws Act, the Central Government has removed this
limit on the income, with the result that the principles,
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policy and machinery to give relief to poor peasants or
agriculturists with an income of less than Rs. 500 is made
applicable in Delhi to big landowners even with an income of
20 lakhs. This shows how the word ’ ’modification" is
understood and applied by the Central Government and acqui-
esced in by the Indian Legislature. I do not think such
power of modification as actually exercised by the Central
Government is permitted in law. If power of modification so
understood is permitted, it will be open to the Central
Legislature in effect to change the whole basis of the
legislation and the reason for making the
795
law. That will be a complete delegation of legislative
power, because in the event of the exercise of the power in
that manner the Indian legislature has not applied its mind
either to the policy under which relief should be given nor
the class of persons, nor the circumstances nor the machin-
ery by which relief is to be given. The provisions of the
Rent Restriction Act in different Provinces are an equally
good example to show how dangerous it is to confer the power
of modification on the executive government.
Having considered all the decisions which were cited
before us and giving anxious consideration to the elaborate
and detailed arguments advanced by the learned Attorney-
General in the discussion of this case, I adhere to what I
stated in Jatindra Nath Gupta’s case(1) that the power of
delegation, in the sense of the legislature conferring
power, on either the executive government or another author-
ity, "to lay down the policy underlying a rule of conduct"
is not permitted. The word "delegation ", as I have pointed
out, has been somewhat loosely used in the course of discus-
sion and even by some Judges in expressing their views. As I
have pointed out throughout the decisions of the Privy
Council the word "delegation" is used so as not to cover
what is described as conditional legislation or subsidiary
or ancillary legislation, which means the power to make
rules and regulations to bring into operation and effect the
enactment. Giving "delegation" the meaning which has always
been given to it in the decisions of the Privy Council,
what I stated in Jatindra Nath Gupta’s case, as the legisla-
ture not having the power of delegation is, in my opinion,
correct.
Under the new Constitution of 1950, the British Parlia-
ment, i.e. an outside authority, has no more control over
the Indian Legislature. That Legislature’s powers are de-
fined and controlled and the limitations thereon prescribed
only by the Constitution of India. But the scope of its
legislative power has not become
(1) [1949] F.C.R. 595.
796
enlarged by the provisions found in the Constitution of
India. While the Constitution creates the Parliament and
although it does not in terms expressly vest the legislative
powers in the Parliament exclusively, the whole scheme of
the Constitution is based on the concept that the legisla-
tive functions of the Union will be discharged by the Par-
liament and by no other body. The essential of the legisla-
tive functions, viz., the determination of the legislative
policy and its formulation as a rule of conduct, are still
in the Parliament or the State Legislatures as the case may
be and nowhere else. I take that view.because of the provi-
sions of article 357 and article 22 (4) of the Constitution
of India. Article 356 provides against the contingency of
the failure of the constitutional machinery in the States.
On a proclamation to that effect being issued, it is provid-
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 33 of 148
ed in article 357 (1) (a) that the power of the legislature
of the State shall be exercisable by or under the authority
of the Parliament, and it shall be competent for the Parlia-
ment to confer on the President the power of the legislature
of the State to make laws "and to authorise the President to
delegate, subject to such conditions as he may think fit to
impose. the powers so conferred to any other authority to be
specified by him in that behalf." Sub-clause (b) runs as
follows :--" For Parliament, or for the President or other
authority in whom such power to make laws is vested under
sub-cl. (a), to make laws conferring powers and imposing
duties, or authorising the conferring of powers and the
imposition of duties, upon the Union or officers and author-
ities thereof." It was contended that on the breakdown of
such machinery authority had to be given to the Parliament
or the President, firstly, to make laws in respect of sub-
jects on which the State Legislature alone could otherwise
make laws and, secondly, to empower the Parliament or the
President to make the executive officers of the State Gov-
ernment to act in accordance with the laws which the Parlia-
ment or the President may pass in such emergency. It was
argued that for this purpose the word "to delegate" is used.
I do not think this argument is sound. Sub-clause (2) re-
lates to the power
797
of the President to use the State executive officers. But
under clause (a) Parliament is given power to confer on the
President the power of the legislature of the State to make
laws. Article 357 (1) (a) thus expressly gives power to the
Parliament to authorise the President to delegate his legis-
lative powers. If powers of legislation include the power of
delegation to any authority there was no occasion to make
this additional provision in the article at all. The word-
ing of this clause therefore supports the contention that
normally a power of legislation does not include the power
of delegation.
Article 22 (4) again is very important in this connec-
tion. It deals with preventive detention and provides that
no law shall be valid which will permit preventive detention
of a person for a period over three months, unless the
conditions laid down in article 22 (4) (a) are complied
with. The exception to this is in respect of an Act of the
Parliament made on the conditions mentioned in article 22
(4) (b). According to that, the Parliament has to pass an
Act consistently with the provisions of article 22 (7). The
important point is that in respect of this fundamental right
given to a person limiting the period of his detention up to
three months, an exception is made in favour of the Parlia-
ment by the article. It appears to me a violation of the
provisions of this article on fundamental rights to suggest
that the Parliament having the power to make a legislation
within the terms of article 22(7) has the power to delegate
that right in favour of the executive government. In my
opinion, therefore the argument that under the Constitution
of 1950 the power of legislation carries with it the power
of delegation, in the larger sense, as contended by the
Attorney-General cannot be accepted.
Having regard to the position of the British Parliament,
the question whether it can validly delegate its legislative
functions cannot be raised in a court of law. Therefore from
the fact that the British Parliament has delegated legisla-
tive powers it does not follow. that the power of delegation
is recognised in law as necessarily included in the power of
legislation, Although
798
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in the Constitution of India there is no express separation
of powers, it is clear that a legislature is created by the
Constitution and detailed provisions are made for making
that legislature pass laws. Is it then too much to say that
under the Constitution the duty to make laws, the duty to
exercise its own wisdom, judgment and patriotism in making
laws is primarily cast on the legislatures ? Does it not
imply that unless it can be gathered from other provisions
of the Constitution, other bodies, executive or judicial,
are not intended to discharge legislative functions ? I am
unable to read the decisions to which our attention has been
drawn as laying down that once a legislature observes the
procedure prescribed for passing a bill into an Act, it
becomes a valid law, unless it is outside the Legislative
Lists in the Seventh Schedule prescribing its respective
powers. I do not read articles 245 and 246 as covering the
question of delegation of legislative powers. In my opinion,
on a true construction of articles 245 and 246 and the Lists
in the Seventh Schedule, construed in the light of the
judicial decisions mentioned above, legislation delegating
legislative powers on some other bodies is not a law on any
of the subjects or entries mentioned in the Legislative
Lists. It amounts to a law which states that instead of the
legislature passing laws on any subject covered by the
entries, it confers on the body mentioned in the legislation
the power to lay down the policy of the law and make a rule
of conduct binding on the persons covered by the law.
As a result of considering all these decisions together
it seems to me that the legislature in India, Canada, Aus-
tralia and the U.S.A. has to discharge its legislative
functions, i.e., to lay down a rule of conduct. In doing so
it may, in addition, lay down conditions, or state facts
which on being fulfilled or ascertained according to the
decision of another body or the executive authority, the
legislation may become applicable to a particular area. This
is described as conditional legislation. The legislature
may also, in laying down the rule of conduct, express itself
generally if the conditions and circumstances so require.
The extent of the
799
specific and detailed lines of the rule of conduct to be
laid down may vary according to the circumstances or exigen-
cies, of each case. The result will be that if, owing to
unusual circumstances or exigencies, the legislature does
not choose to lay down detailed rules or regulations, that
work may be left to another body which is then deemed to
have subordinate legislative powers.
Having regard to the distinction noticed above between
the power of delegation of legislative functions and the
authority to confer powers which enables the donee of the
power to make regulations or rules to bring into effect or
operation the law and the power of the legislature to make
conditional legislation, I shall proceed to consider the
three specific questions mentioned in the Reference. It may
be noticed that occasions to make legislation of the type
covered by the three sections mentioned in the three ques-
tions began in the early stages of the occupation of India
where small bits of territories were acquired and in respect
of which there was no regular legislative body. It was
thought convenient to apply to these small areas laws which
were made by competent’ legislature in contiguous areas.
That practice was adopted to avoid setting up a separate,
sometimes inconvenient and sometimes costly, machinery of
legislation for the small area. Nor might it have been
considered possible for the Governor-General in Council to
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enact laws for the day to day administration of such bits of
territory or for all their needs having regard to different
local conditions. As local conditions may differ to a cer-
tain extent, it appears to have been considered also conven-
ient to confer powers on the administrator to apply the law
either in whole or in part or to restrict its operation even
to a limited portion of such newly acquired area. This
aspect of legislation is prominently noticed in Act XXII of
1869 discussed in The Queen v. Burah(1). Under section 22 of
the Indian Councils Act of 1861, the Governor-General in
Council was given power to make laws for all persons and for
all places and things whatever within British India. The
Province of Delhi was carved out of the Province of Punjab
and was put
(1) 5 I.A. 178.
800
under a Chief Commissioner and by section 2 of the Delhi
Laws Act the laws in force in the Punjab continued to be
operative in the newly created Province of Delhi. The
Province of Delhi had not its legislative body and so far as
this Chief Commissioner’s Province is concerned it is not
disputed that the power to legislate was in the Governor-
General in Council in his legislative capacity. The first
question as worded has to be answered according to the
powers and position of the legislature in 1912. Section 7 of
the Delhi Laws Act enables the Government (executive) to
extend by notification with such restrictions and modifica-
tions as it thinks fit, to the Province of Delhi or any part
thereof, any enactment which is in force in any part of
British India, at the date of such notification, i.e., a law
which was in force not necessarily in the Province of Punjab
only, from which the Province of Delhi was carved out, but
any Central or provincial law in force in any Province.
Again, the Government is given power to extend any such law
with such restrictions and modifications as it thinks fit.
Moreover it enables the Provincial Government to extend an
Act which is in force "at the date of such notification."
Those words therefore permit extension of future laws which
may be passed either by the Central or any Provincial legis-
lature, also with such restrictions and modifications as the
Provincial Government may think fit. At this stage, sections
8 and 9 of Act XXII of 1869 under which powers were given to
the Lieut.-Governor in The Queen v. Burah(1) may be com-
pared. They permitted the extension of Acts which were or
might be made by the Governor-General in Council (legisla-
tive) or the Lieut.Governor, both of whom were the competent
legislative authorities for the whole area under the admin-
istrative jurisdiction of the Lieut.-Governor. The power was
confined to extend only those Acts, over the area specified
in Act XXII of 1869, although that area was declared by Act
XXII of 1869 as not subject to the laws of the Province,
unless the area was specifically mentioned in the particular
Act. On
(1) 5 I.A. 178.
801
the authority of that decision therefore, so far as section
7 of the Delhi Laws Act gives power to the executive (Cen-
tral) Government to extend Acts passed by the Central Legis-
lature to the Province of Delhi, the same may be upheld.
The question then remains in respect of the power of the
executive government to extend Acts of other Provincial
legislatures (with or without restrictions or modifications)
to the Chief Commissioner’s Province. It is obvious that in
respect of these Acts the Central Legislature has not ap-
plied its mind at all. It has not considered whether the
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Province of Delhi requires the rule of conduct laid down in
those Acts, as necessary or beneficial for the welfare of
the people of the Province or for its government. They are
passed by other Provincial legislatures according to their
needs and circumstances. The effect of section 7 of the
Delhi Laws Act therefore in permitting the Central Govern-
ment to apply such Provincial Acts to the Province of Delhi
is that, instead of the Central Legislature making up its
mind as to the desirability or necessity of making laws on
certain subjects in respect of the Province of Delhi, that
duty and right are conferred on the executive government.
For example, the question whether a rent act, or an excise
act, or what may be generally described as a prohibition
act, or a debt relief act is desirable or necessary, as a
matter of policy for the Province of Delhi is not considered
and decided by the Central Legislature which, in my opinion,
has to perform that duty, but that duty and function without
any reservation is transferred over to the executive govern-
ment. Section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act thus contains an
entirely different quality of power from the quality of
power conferred by sections 8 and 9 of Act XXII of 1869.
All the decisions of the Privy Council unequivocally
affirm that it is not competent for the Indian Legislature
to create a body possessing the same powers as the Central
Legislature itself. It is stated that the legislature
cannot efface itself. One may well ask, if section 7 of the
Delhi Laws Act has done
802
anything else. The Privy Council decisions emphasize two
aspects in respect of this question. The first is whether
the new body is empowered to make laws.The second is, does
the sanction flow from the legislation made by the legisla-
ture or from the decision of the newly created body. As
regards the first, it is obvious that in principle there is
no difference if the newly created body itself writes out on
a sheet of paper different sections of an Act or states that
the Act will be what is written or printed on another clear-
ly identifiable paper. Therefore if such new body says that
the law in Delhi will be the same as Bombay or Madras Act so
and so of such and such year it has made the law. Moreover
it may be remembered that in doing so the new body may re-
strict or modify the provisions of such Act also. On the
second aspect the sanction flows clearly from the notifica-
tion of the newly created body that Bombay or Madras Act so
and so with such modifications as may be mentioned, will be
the law.That has not been the will or decision of the legis-
lature.The legislature has not applied its mind and said
"Bombay Act ............... is the law of this
Province".In my opinion, it is futile to contend that the
sanction flows from the statement of the legislature that
the law will be what the newly created body decides or
specifies, for that statement only indicates the new body
and says that we confer on it power to select a law of
another province.
The illustrations of the extension of the Civil and
Criminal Procedure Codes, mentioned in the judgment in The
Queen v. Burah(1) have to be considered along with the fact
that at that time the Governor-General in Council, in its
legislative capacity, had power of legislation over the
whole of India on all subjects. The Civil and Criminal
Procedure Codes were enacted by the Central Legislature and
it could have made the same applicable at once to the whole
of India. But having passed the laws, it laid down a condi-
tion that its application may be referred to certain areas
until the particular Provincial Government (executive)
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considered it convenient for these Codes to be made
(1) 5 I.A. 178,
803
applicable to its individual area. A Provincial Govern-
ment, e.g., of Bombay, was not empowered to lay down any
policy in respect of the Civil Procedure Code or the Crimi-
nal Procedure Code nor was it authorised to select, if it
liked, a law passed by the Legislature of Madras for its
application to the Province of Bombay. If it wanted to do
so, the Legislature of the Province of Bombay had to exer-
cise its judgment and decision and pass the law which would
be enforceable in the Province of Bombay. It may be noticed
that the power to extend, mutatis mutandis, the laws as
contained in sections 8 and 9 of Act XXII of 1869 brings in
t.he idea of adaptation by modification, but so far only as
it is necessary for the purpose. In my opinion, therefore,
to the extent section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act permits the
Central executive government to apply any law passed by a
Provincial legislature to the Province of Delhi, the same is
ultra vires the Central Legislature. To that extent the
Central Legislature has abdicated its functions and there-
fore the Act to the extent is invalid.
Question 2 relates to Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of Laws)
Act. Till the Government of India Act, 1915, there was
unitary government in India. By the Act of 1915, Provincial
legislatures were given powers of legislation but there was
no distribution of legislative powers between the Centre and
the Provinces. That was brought about only by the Govern-
ment of India Act, 1935. Section 94 of that Act enumerates
the Chief Commissioner’s Provinces. They include the Prov-
inces of Delhi and Ajmer-Merwara. Under sections 99 and 100
there was a distribution of legislative powers between
Provinces and Centre, but the word "Province" did not in-
clude a Chief Commissioner’s Province and therefore the
Central Legislature was the only law-making authority for
the Chief Commissioner’s Provinces. The Ajmer-Merwara Act
was passed under the Government of India Act as adapted by
the Indian Independence Act. Although by that Act the
control of British Parliament over the Government of India
804
and the Central Legislature was removed, the powers of the
Central Legislature were still as those found in the Govern-
ment of India Act, 1935. The Independence Act therefore made
no difference on the question whether the power of delega-
tion was contained in the legislative power. The result is
that to the extent to which section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act
is held ultra vires, section 2 of the Ajmer-Merwara Act,
1947, should also be held ultra vires.
This brings me to Question 3. section 2 of the Part C
States (Laws) Act, 1950, is passed by the Indian Parliament.
Under article 239 of the Constitution of India, the powers
for the administration of Part C States are all vested in
the President. Under article 240 the Parliament is empowered
to create or continue for any State specified in Part C,
and administered through a Chief Commissioner or Lieutenant
Governor;
(a) a body whether nominated or elected or partly
nominated or partly elected, to function as a legislature
for the State, or
(b) a Council of Advisers or Ministers.
It is common ground that no law creating such bodies has
been passed by the Parliament so far. Article 246 deals with
the distribution of legislative powers between the Centre
and the States but Part C States are outside its operation.
Therefore on any subject affecting Part C States, Parliament
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is the sole and exclusive legislature until it passes an Act
creating a legislature or a Council in terms of article 240.
Proceeding on the footing that a power of legislation does
not carry with it the power of delegation (as claimed by the
Attorney-General), the question is whether section 2 of the
Part C States (Laws) Act is valid or not. By that section
the Parliament has given power to the Central Government by
notification to extend to any part of such State (Part C
State), with such restrictions and modifications as it
thinks fit, any enactment which is in force in Part A State
at the date of the.notification. The section although framed
on the lines of the Delhi Laws Act and the Ajmer-Merwara Act
is restricted in
805
its scope as the executive government is empowered to extend
only an Act which is in force in any of the Part A States.
For the reasons I have considered certain parts of the two
sections covered by Questions 1 and 2 ultra rites, that part
of section 2 of the Part C States (Laws) Act, 1950, which
empowers the Central Government to extend laws passed by any
Legislature of Part A State, will also be ultra vires. To
the extent the Central Legislature or Parliament has passed
Acts which are applicable to Part A States, there can be no
objection to the Central Government extending, if necessary,
the operation of those Acts to the Province of Delhi, be-
cause the Parliament is the competent legislature for that
Province. To the extent however the section permits the
Central Government to extend laws made by any legislature of
Part A State to the Province of Delhi, the section is ultra
vires.
In view of my conclusion in respect of the first part of
section 2 of the Part C States (Laws) Act, 1950, I do not
think it necessary to deal with separately the other part of
the section relating to the power to repeal or amend a
corresponding law for the time being applicable to that Part
C State.
Before concluding, I must record the appreciation of the
Court in the help the learned Attorney-General and the
counsel appearing in the Reference have rendered to the
Court by their industry in collecting all relevant materials
and putting the same before the Court in an extremely fair
manner.
My answers to the questions are that all the three
sections mentioned in the three questions are ultra vires
the Legislatures, functioning at the relevant dates, to the
extent power is given to the Government (executive) to
extend Acts other than Acts of the Central Legislature as
mentioned in the judgment.
FAZL ALI J.--The answer to the three questions which
have been referred by the President under article 143 of the
Constitution of India, depends upon the proper answer to
another question which was the
806
subject of very elaborate arguments before us and which may
be stated thus: Can a legislature which is sovereign or has
plenary powers within the field assigned to it, delegate its
legislative functions to an executive authority or to anoth-
er agency, and, if so. to what extent it can do so ?
In dealing with this question, three possible answers
may be considered. They are :--
(1) A legislature which is sovereign in a particular
field has unlimited power of delegation and the content of
its power must necessarily include the power to delegate
legislative functions;
(2) Delegated legislation is permissible only within
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certain limits; and
(3) Delegated legislation is not permissible at all by
reason of certain principles of law which are wellknown and
well-recognised.
I will first consider the last alternative, but I should
state that in doing so I will be using the expressions,
"delegated legislation," and "delegation of legislative
authority," in the loose and popular sense and not in the
strict sense which I shall explain later.
One of the principles on which reliance was placed to
show that legislative power cannot be delegated is said to
be embodied in the well-known maxim, delegatus non potest
delegare, which in simple language means that a delegated
authority cannot be redelegated, or, in other words, one
agent cannot lawfully appoint another to perform the duties
of agency. This maxim however has a limited application even
in the domain of the law of contract or agency wherein it is
frequently invoked and is limited to those cases where the
contract of agency is of a confidential character and where
authority is coupled with discretion or confidence. Thus,
auctioneers, brokers, directors, factors, liquidators and
other persons holding a fiduciary position have generally no
implied authority to employ deputies or sub-agents. The
rule is so stated in Broom’s Legal Maxims, and many other
books, and it is also stated that in a number of cases the
authority to employ
807
agents is implied. In applying the maxim to the act of a
legislative body, we have necessarily to ask "who is the
principal and who is the delegater" In some cases where the
question of the power of the Indian or a colonial legisla-
ture came up for consideration of the courts, it was sug-
gested that such a legislature was a delegate of the British
Parliament by which it had been vested with authority to
legislate. But this view has been rightly repelled by the
Privy Council on more than one occasion, as will appear from
the following extracts from two of the leading cases on the
subject:-
"The Indian Legislature has powers expressly limited by
the Act of the Imperial Parliament which created it, and it
can of course do nothing beyond the limits which circum-
scribe these powers. But when acting within those limits it
is not in any sense an agent or delegate of the Imperial
Parliament, but has, and was intended to have, plenary
powers of legislation as large, and of the same nature, as
those of Parliament itself." Reg. v. Burah (1).
"It appears to their Lordships, however, that the objec-
tion thus raised by the appellants is founded on an entire
misconception of the true character and position of the
Provincial Legislatures. They are in no sense delegates of
or acting under any mandate from the Imperial Parliament.
When the British North America Act enacted that there should
be a Legislature for Ontario, and that its Legislative
Assembly should have exclusive authority to make laws for
the Province and for Provincial purposes in relation to the
matters enumerated in section 92, it conferred powers, not
in any sense to be exercised by delegation from or as agents
of the Imperial Parliament, but authority as plenary and as
ample, within the limits prescribed by section 92, as the
Imperial Parliament in the plenitude of its power possessed
and could bestow. Within these limits of subjects and areas
the Local Legislature is supreme, and has the same authority
as the Imperial Parliament.": Hodge v. The Queen (2).
(1) 3 App. Cas. 889. (2) 9 App. Cas. 117.
808
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It has also been suggested by some writers that the
legislature is a delegate of the people or the electors.
This view again has not been accepted by some constitutional
writers, and Dicey dealing with the powers of the British
Parliament with reference to the Septennial Act, states as
follows :--
"That Act proves to demonstration that in a legal point
of view Parliament is neither the agent of the electors nor
in any sense a trustee for its constituents. It is legally
the sovereign legislative power in the state, and the Sep-
tennial Act is at once the result and the standing proof
of such Parliamentary sovereignty." (1)
The same learned author further observes:--
"The Judges know nothing about any will of the people
except in so far as that will is expressed by an Act of
Parliament, and would never suffer the validity of a statute
to be questioned on the ground of its having been passed or
being kept alive in opposition to the wishes of the elec-
tors." (2)
There can be no doubt that members of a legislature
represent the majority of their electors, but the legisla-
ture as a body cannot be said to be an agency of the elec-
torate as a whole. The individual members may and often do
represent different parties and different shades of opinion,
but the composite legislature which legislates, does so on
its own authority or power which it derives from the Consti-
tution, and its acts cannot be questioned by the electorate,
nor can the latter withdraw its power to legislate on any
particular matter. As has been pointed out by Dicey,--
"the sole legal right of electors under the English
Constitution is to elect members of Parliament. Electors
have no legal right of initiating, of sanctioning, or of
repealing the legislation of Parliament." (3)
It seems to me therefore that it will not be quite
accurate to say that the legislature being an agent of
(1) Dicey’s:"Law of the Constitution", 8th edn., p. 45.
(2) Ibid, p. 72.
(3) Dicey’s "Law of the Constitution", 8th edn., p. 57.
809
its constituents, its powers are subject to the restrictions
implied in the Latin maxim referred to. I shall however
advert to this subject again when I deal with another
principle which is somewhat akin to the principle underlying
the maxim.
The second principle on which reliance was placed was
said to be founded on the well-known doctrine of "separation
of powers." It is an old doctrine which is said to have
originated from Aristotle, but, as is well-known, it was
given great prominence by Locke and Montesquieu. The doc-
trine may be stated in Montesquieu’s own words:---
"In every government there are three sorts of power, the
legislative; the executive in respect to things dependent on
the law of nations; and the executive in regard to matters
that depend on the civil law ...... When the legislative
and the executive powers are united in the same person, or
in the same body of magistrates, there can be no liberty;
because apprehensions may rise, lest the same monarch or
senate should enact tyrannical laws, to execute them in a
tyrannical manner. Again, there is no liberty, if the judi-
ciary power be not separated from the legislative and the
executive. Were it joined with the legislative, the life
and liberty of the subject would be exposed to abritrary
control; for the judge would be then the legislator. Were
it joined to the executive power, the judge might behave
with violence and oppression. There should be an end of
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everything, were the same man or the same body, whether of
the nobles or of the people, to exercise those three powers,
that of enacting laws, that of executing the public resolu-
tions, and of trying the causes of individuals."(1)
The doctrine found many enthusiasts in America and was
virtually elevated to a legal principle in that country.
Washington, in his farewell address, said :-
"The spirit of enroachment tends to consolidate the
powers of all governments in one, and thus to
(1) Montesquieu’s Spirit of Laws, Vol. 1 by J. V.
Pritchard, 1914 edn, pp. 162-3.
810
create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism."
John Adams wrote on similar lines as follows:"
It is by balancing one of these three powers against the
other two that the efforts in human nature toward tyranny
can alone be checked and restrained and any degree of free-
dom preserved." (1)
These sentiments are fully reflected in the Constitu-
tions of the individual States as well as in the
Federal Constitution of America. Massachusetts in her
Constitution, adopted in 1780, provided that "in the govern-
ment of this commonwealth the legislative department shall
never exercise the executive and judicial powers or either
of them; the executive shall never exercise legislative and
judicial powers or either of them; the judicial shall never
exercise legislative and executive powers or either of them;
to the end that it may be a government of laws and not of
men."(2) The Constitutions of 39 other States were drafted
on similar lines, and so far as the Federal Constitution of
the United States was concerned, though it does not express-
ly create a separation of governmental powers, yet from the
three articles stating that the legislative power vests in
Congress, the judicial power in the Supreme Court and the
executive power in the President, the rule has been deduced
that the power vested in each branch of the Government
cannot be vested in any other branch. nor can one branch
interfere with the power possessed by any other branch.
This rule has been stated by Sutherland J. in Springer v.
Government of the Philiipine Islands(s) in these words :--
"It may be stated then, as a general rule inherent in
the American constitutional system, that unless otherwise
expressly provided or incidental to the powers conferred,
the Legislature cannot exercise either executive or judicial
power; the Executive
(1) Vide, Works, Vol. 1, p. 186.
(2) Willoughby’s Constitution of the United
States, Vol. III, 1616.
(3) 277 U.S. 189 at 201,
811
cannot exercise either legislative or judicial power; the
Judiciary cannot exercise either executive or legislative
power."
From the rule so stated, the next step was to deduce the
rule against delegation of legislative power which has so
often been stressed in the earlier American decisions. It
was however soon realized that the absolute rule against
delegation of legislative power could not be sustained in
practice, and as early as 1825, Marshall C.J. openly stated
that the rule was subject to limitations and asserted that
Congress "may certainly delegate to others powers which the
Legislature may rightfully exercise itself ,,(1). In course
of time, notwithstanding the maxim against delegation, the
extent of delegation had become so great that an American
writer wrote in 1916 that "because of the rise of the admin-
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istrative process, the old doctrine prohibiting the delega-
tion of legislative power has virtually retired from the
field and given up the fight".(2) This is in one sense an
over-statement, because the American Judges have never
ceased to be vigilant to check any undue or excessive au-
thority being delegated to the executive as will appear from
the comparatively recent decisions of the American Supreme
Court in Panama Refining Co. v. Ryan (3) and Schechter
Poultry Corp. v. United States(4). In the latter case, it
was held that the National Industrial Recovery Act, in so
far as it purported to confer upon the President the author-
ity to adopt and make effective codes of fair competition
and impose the same upon members of each industry for which
such a code is approved,-was void because it was an uncon-
stitutional delegation of legislative power. Dealing with
the matter, Cardozo J. observed as follows :’-
"The delegated power of legislation which has found
expression in this code is not canalized within
(1) Wayman v. Southard (1825) 23 U.S. 43.
(2) 41 American Bar Asscn. Reports, 356 at 368.
(3) 293 U.S. 388. (4) 295 U.S. 495.
812
banks that keep it from overflowing. It is unconfined and
vagrant ...... Here, in the case before us, is an attempt-
ed delegation not confined to any single act nor to any
class or group of acts identified or described by reference
to a standard. Here in effect is a roving commission to
inquire into evils upon discovery to correct them ......
This is delegation running riot. No such plenitude of power
is capable of transfer."(1)
The fact however remains that the American courts have
upheld the so-called delegated legislation in numerous
instances, and there is now a wide gulf between the theoret-
ical doctrine and its application in practice. How numerous
are the exceptions engrafted on the rule will appear on a
reference to a very elaborate and informing note appended to
the report of the case of Panama Refining Co. v. Ryan in 79,
Lawyer’s Edition at page 448. In this note, the learned
authors have classified instances of delegation upheld in
America under the following 8 heads, with numerous sub-heads
:--
1. Delegation of power to determine facts or
conditions on which operation of statute is contingent.
2. Delegation of non-legislative or administrative
functions.
3. Delegation of power to make administrative
rules and regulations.
4. Delegation to municipalities and local bodies.
5. Delegation by Congress to territorial legislature
or commission.
6. Delegation to private or non-official persons or
corporations.
7. Vesting discretion in judiciary.
8. Adopting law or rule of another jurisdiction.
The learned American Judges in laying down exceptions to the
general rule from time to time, have offered various expla-
nations, a few of which may be quoted as samples:-
(1) 295 U.S, 495 at 551.
813
" ...... however we may disguise it by veiling words
we do not and cannot carry out the distinction between
legislative and executive action with mathematical precision
and divide the branches into watertight compartments, were
it ever so desirable to do so, which I am far from believ-
ing that it is, or that the Constitution requires." [Per
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Holmes J. in Springer v. The Government of Phillipine Is-
lands(1)]
" ......too much effort to detail and particularize, so as
to dispense with the administrative or fact-finding assist-
ance, would cause great confusion in the laws, and would
result in laws deficient in both provision and execution."
[Mutual Film Corporation v. Industrial Commission(2)]
"If the legislature’ ’were’ strictly required to make
provision for all the minutiae of regulation, it would, in
effect, be deprived of the power to enact effective legisla-
tion on subjects over which it has undoubted power."
"The true distinction...... is this. The legislature
cannot delegate its power to make a law; but it can make a
law to delegate a power to determine some fact or state of
things upon which the law makes, or intends to make, its own
action depend. To deny this would be to stop the wheels of
government."(3)
"The true distinction is between the delegation of power
to make the law which necessarily involves a discretion as
to what it shall be. and conferring authority or discretion
as to its execution, to be exercised under and in pursuance
of the law. The first cannot be done; to the latter no
valid objection can be made." [Per Ranney J. in Cincinnati
W. & Z.R. Co. v. Clinton County Commissioners(4)].
(1) 277 U.S. 189. (31 Locke’s Appeal, 1873, 72 Pa. 491.
(2) 236 U.S. 230. (4) 1 Ohio St. 88.
814
"Half the statutes on our books are in the alternative,
depending on the discretion of some person or persons to
whom is confided the duty of determining whether the proper
occasion exists for executing them. But it cannot be said
that the exercise of such discretion is the making of law."
[Moore v.Reading(1)]
"Congress may declare its will and, after fixing
a primary standard, devolve upon administrative officers the
power to fill up the details by prescribing administrative
rules and regulations." [United States v. Shreveport Grain
& E. Co.(2)]
......................
"The Constitution has never been regarded as denying to
the Congress the necessary resources of flexibility and
practicality which will enable it to perform its functions
in laying down policies and establishing standards, while
leaving to selected instrumentalities the making of subordi-
nate rules within the prescribed limits, the determination
of facts to which the policy as declared by the legislature
is to apply. Without capacity to give authorizations of that
sort, we should have the anomaly of a legislative power
which in many circumstances calling for its exertion would
be but a futility." [Per Hughes C.J. in Panama Refining Co.
Ryan(3)]
"This is not to say that the three branches are not co-
ordinate parts of one government and that each in the field
of its duties may not invoke the action of the two other
branches in so far as the action invoked shall not be an
assumption of the constitutional field of action of another
branch." [Per Taft C.J. in J.W. Hampton Jr. & Co. v. U.
S.(4)]
I have quoted these extracts at the risk of encumbering
my opinion for 2 reasons:firstly, because they
(1) 21 Pa. 202. (3) 293 U.S. 388.
(2) 287 U.S. 77. (4) 276 U.S. 394.
815
show that notwithstanding the prevalence of the doctrine
of separation of powers in America, the rule against delega-
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tion of legislative power is by no means an inelastic one in
that country, and many eminent Judges there have tried to
give a practical trend to it so as to bring it in line with
the needs of the present-day administration, and secondly,
because they show that the rule against delegation is not a
necessary corollary from the doctrine of separation of
powers.
It is to be noted that though the principle of separa-
tion of powers is also the basis of the Australian Constitu-
tion, the objection that the delegation of legislative power
was not permissible because of.the distribution of powers
contained in the Constitution has been raised in that Com-
monwealth only in a few cases and in all those cases it has
been negatived. The first case in which this objection was
raised was Baxter v. Ah Way(1). In that case, the validity
of section 52 of the Customs Act, 1901, was challenged. That
section after enumerating certain prohibited imports provid-
ed for the inclusion of "all goods the importation of which
may be prohibited by proclamation." Section 56 of the Act
provided that "the power of prohibiting importation of
goods shall authorise prohibition subject to any specified
condition or restriction and goods imported contrary to any
such condition or restriction shall be prohibited
imports." The ground on which these provisions were chal-
lenged was that they amounted to delegation of legislative
power which had been vested by the Constitution in the
Federal Parliament. Griffith C.J. however rejected the
contention and in doing so relied on Queen v. Burah(2) and
other cases, observing :--
" ............. unless the legislature is prepared to
lay down at once and for all time, or for so far into the
future as they may think fit, a list of prohibited goods,
they must have power to make a prohibition depending upon a
condition, and that condition may be the coming into exist-
ence or the discovery of some fact
(1) (1909) 8 C.L.R. 626. (2) 3 App. Cas. 889.
816
......... And if that fact is to be the condition upon
which the liberty to import the goods is to depend, there
must be some means of ascertaining that fact, some person
with power to ascertain it; and the Governor-in-Council is
the authority appointed to ascertain and declare the fact."
The other cases in which a similar objection was taken,
are Welebach Light Co. of Australasia Ltd. v. The Common-
wealth(1), Roche v. Kronheimer(2), and Victorian Stevedor-
ing and General Contracting Co. Pry. Ltd. and Meakes v.
Dignan(3). In the last mentioned case in which the matter
has been dealt with at great length, Dixon J. observed thus
:--
" .......... the time has passed for assigning to the
constitutional distribution of powers among the separate
organs of government, an operation which confined the legis-
lative power to the Parliament so as to restrain it from
reposing in the Executive an authority of an essentially
legislative character."(4)
In England, the doctrine of separation of powers has exer-
cised very little influence on the course of judicial deci-
sions or in shaping the Constitution, notwithstanding the
fact that distinguished writers like Locke and Blackstone
strongly advocated it in the 17th and 18th centuries. Locke
in his treatise on Civil Government wrote as follows :--
"The legislature cannot transfer the power of making laws to
any other hands; for it being a delegated power from the
people, they who have it cannot pass it over to others. (g
141).
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Blackstone endorsed this view in these words :--
Wherever the right of making and enforcing the law is
vested in the same man or one and the same body of men,
there can be no public liberty."(5)
Again, Montesquieu, when he enunciated the doctrine of sepa-
ration of powers, thought that it represented the
(1) (1916) 22 C.L.R. 268. (3) (1931) 46C.L.R. 73.
(2) (1921) 19 C.L.R. 329. (4) Ibid, p. 100.
(5) Commentaries on the Laws of England, 1765.
817
quintessence of the British Constitution for which he had
great admiration. The doctrine had undoubtedly attracted
considerable attention in England in the 17th and 18th
centuries, but in course of time it came to have a very
different meaning there from what it had acquired in the
United States of America. In the United States, the empha-
sis was on the mutual independence of the three departments
of Government. But, in England, the doctrine means only the
independence of the judiciary, whereas the emergence of the
Cabinet system forms a ]ink between the executive and the
legislature. How the Cabinet system works differently from
the so-called non-parliamentary system which obtains in
the United States, may be stated very shortly. In the
United States, the executive power is vested in the Presi-
dent, to whom, and not to the Congress, the members of the
Cabinet are personally responsible and neither the President
nor the members of the Cabinet can sit or vote in Congress,
and they have no responsibility for initiating bills or
seeking their passage through Congress. In England, the
Cabinet is a body consisting of members of Parliament chosen
from the party possessing a majority in the House of Com-
mons. It has a decisive voice in the legislative activities
of Parliament and initiates all the important legislation
through one or other of the Ministers, with the result that
"while Parliament is supreme in that it can make or unmake
Government, the Government once in power tends to control
the Parliament."
The conclusion which I wish to express may now be stated
briefly. It seems to me that though the rule against delega-
tion of legislative power has been assumed in America to be
a corollary from the doctrine of separation of powers, it is
strictly speaking not a necessary or inevitable corollary.
The extent to which the rule has been relaxed in America and
the elaborate explanations which have been offered to justi-
fy departure from the rule, confirm this view, and it is
also supported by the fact that the trend of decisions in
Australia, notwithstanding the fact that its Constitution
818
is at least theoretically based on the principle of separa-
tion of powers, is that the principle does not stand in the
way of delegation in suitable circumstances. The division of
the powers of Government is now a normal feature of all
civilised constitutions, and, as pointed out by Rich J. in
New South. Wales v. Commonwealth.(1), ,, it is "well-known
in all British communities ; yet, except m the United
States, nowhere it has been held that by itself it forbids
delegation of legislative power. It seems to me that the
American jurists have gone too far in holding that the rule
against delegation was a direct corollary from the separa-
tion of powers.
I will now deal with the third principle, which, in my
opinion, is the true principle upon which the rule against
delegation may be founded. It has been stated in Cooley’s
Constitutional Limitations, Volume 1 at page 224 in these
words :--
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"One of the settled maxims in constitutional law is,
that the power conferred upon the legislature to make laws
cannot be delegated by that department to any other body or
authority. Where the sovereign power of the State has
located the authority, there it must remain; and by the
constitutional agency alone the laws must be made until the
constitution itself is changed. The power to whose judgment,
wisdom, and patriotism this high prerogative has been in-
trusted cannot relieve itself of the responsibility by
choosing other agencies upon which the power shall be de-
volved, nor can it substitute the judgment, wisdom, and
patriotism of any other body for those to which alone the
people have seen fit to confide this sovereign trust."
The same learned author observes thus in his wellknown
book on Constitutional Law (4th Edition, page 138):--
"No legislative body can delegate to another depart-
ment of the government, or to any other authority, the
power, either generally or specially, to enact
(1) 20 C.L.R. 54 at 108.
819
laws. The reason is found in the very existence of its own
powers. This high prerogative has been intrusted to its own
wisdom, judgment, and patriotism, and not to those of other
persons, and it will act ultra vires if it undertakes to
delegate the trust, instead of executing it."
This rule in a broad sense involves the principle underly-
ing the maxim, delegatus non potest delegare, but it is apt
to be misunderstood and has been misunderstood. In my judg-
ment, all that it means is that the legislature cannot
abdicate its legislative functions and it cannot efface
itself and set up a parallel legislature to discharge the
primary duty with which it has been entrusted. This rule
has been recognized both in America and in England, and
Hughes C.J. has enunciated it in these words :--
"The Congress manifestly is not permitted to abdicate,
or to transfer to others, the essential legislative func-
tions with which it is thus vested."(1)
The matter is again dealt with by Evatt J. in Victorian
Stevedoring and General Contracting Co. Pty. Ltd. and Neakes
v. Dignan(2), in these words :-
"On final analysis therefore, the Parliament of the
Commonwealth is not competent to ’abdicate’ its powers of
legislation. This is not because Parliament is bound to
perform any or all of its legislative powers or functions,
for it may elect not to do so; and not because the doctrine
of separation of powers prevents Parliament from granting
authority to other bodies to make laws or bye-laws and
thereby exercise legislative power, for it does so in almost
every statute; but because each and every one of the laws
passed by Parliament must answer the description of a law
upon one or more of the subject-matters.stated in the Con-
stitution. A law by which Parliament gave all its lawmaking
authority to another body would be bad merely because it
would fail to pass the test last mentioned."
(1) 293 U.S. 421, (2) 46 Com. L,R. 73 at 121,
820
I think that the correct legal position has been compre-
hensively summed up by Lord Haldane in In re the Initiative
and Referendum Act(3):--
"No doubt a body, with a power of legislation on the
subjects entrusted to it so ample as that enjoyed by a
Provincial Legislature in Canada, could, while preserving
its own capacity intact, seek the assistance of subordinate
agencies, as has been done when in Hodge v. The Queen, the
Legislature of Ontario was held entitled to entrust to a
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Board of Commissioners authority to enact regulations relat-
ing to taverns; but it does not follow that it can create
and endow with its own capacity a new legislative power not
created by the Act to which it owes its own existence."
What constitutes abdication and what class of cases will
be covered by that expression will always be a question of
fact, and it is by no means easy to lay down any comprehen-
sive formula to define it, but it should be recognized that
the rule against abdication does not prohibit the Legisla-
ture from employing any subordinate agency of its own choice
for doing such subsidiary acts as may be necessary to make
its legislation effective, useful and complete.
Having considered the three principles which are said to
negative delegation of powers, I will now proceed to consid-
er the argument put forward by the learned Attorney-General
that the power of delegation is implicit in the power of
legislation. This argument is based on the principle of
sovereignty of the legislature within its appointed field.
Sovereignty has been variously described by constitutional
writers, and sometimes distinction is drawn between
legal sovereignty and political sovereignty. One of the
writers describes it as the power to make laws and enforce
them by means of coercion it cares to employ, and he pro-
ceeds to say that in England the legal sovereign, i.e., the
person or persons who according to the law of the land
legislate and administer the Government, is the King in
Parliament, whereas the political
(1) [1919] A.C. 935 at 945.
821
or the constitutional sovereign, i.e., the body of persons
in whom power ultimately resides, is the electorate or the
voting public(1). Dicey states that the legal conception of
sovereignty simply means the power of law making unrestrict-
ed by any legal limit, and if the term "sovereignty" is thus
used, the sovereign power under the English Constitution is
the Parliament. The main attribute of such sovereignty is
stated by him in in these words :--
"There is no law which Parliament cannot change (or to
put the same thing somewhat differently, fundamental or so-
called constitutional laws are under our Constitution
changed by the same body and in the same manner as other
laws, namely, by Parliament acting in its ordinary legisla-
tive character) and any enactment passed by it cannot be
declared to be void.
According to the same writer, the characteristics of a
non-sovereign law-making body are :--( 1 ) the existence of
laws which such body must obey and cannot change;(2) the
formation of a marked distinction between ordinary laws and
fundamental laws;and (3) the existence of some person or
persons, judicial or otherwise, having authority to pro-
nounce upon the validity or constitutionality of laws passed
by such law-making body. Dealing with the Indian or the
colonial legislature, the learned writer characterizes it as
a non-sovereign legislature and proceeds to observe that its
authority to make laws is as completely subordinate to and
as much dependent upon Acts of Parliament as is the power of
London and NorthWestern Railway Co. to make byelaws. This
is undoubtedly an overstatement and is certainly not ap-
plicable to the Indian Parliament of today. Our present
Parliament, though it may not be as sovereign as the Parlia-
ment of Great Britain, is certainly as sovereign as the
Congress of the United States of America and the Legisla-
tures of other independent countries having a Federal Con-
stitution. But what is more relevant
(1) Modern Political Constitutions, by Strong.
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822
to our purpose is that Dicey himself, dealing with colonial
and other similar legislatures, says that "they are in
short within their own sphere copies of the Imperial Parlia-
ment, they are within their own sphere sovereign bodies, but
their freedom of action is controlled by their subordination
to the Parliament of the United Kingdom." These remarks
undoubtedly applied to the Legislative Council of 1912 which
passed the Delhi Laws Act, 1912, and they apply to the
present Parliament also with this very material modification
that its freedom of action is no longer controlled by subor-
dination to the British Parliament but is controlled by the
Indian Constitution.
At this stage, it will be useful to refer to certain
cases decided by the Privy Council in England in which the
question of the ambit of power exercised by the Indian and
colonial legislatures directly arose. The leading case on
the subject is Queen v. Burah(1), which has been cited by
this court on more than one’ occasion and has been accepted
as good authority. In that case, the question arose whether
a section of Act No. XXII of 1869 which conferred upon the
Lieutenant Governor of Bengal the power to determine whether
a law or any part thereof should be applied to a certain
territory was or was not ultra vires. While holding that
the impugned provision was intra vires, the Privy Council
made certain observations which have been quoted again and
again and deserve to be quoted once more. Having held that
the Indian Legislature was not a delegate of the Imperial
Parliament and hence the maxim, delegatus non potest dele-
gare, did not apply (see ante for the passage dealing with
this point), their Lordships proceeded to state as
follows:.--
"Their Lordships agree that the Governor-General in
Council could not by any form of enactment, create in India,
and arm with general legislative authority, a new legisla-
tive power, not created or authorized by the Councils Act.
Nothing of that kind has, in their Lordships’ opinion, been
done or attempted in the
(1) 5 I.A. 178.
823
present case. What has been done is this. The Governor-
General in Council has determined, in the due and ordinary
course of legislation, to remove a particular district from
the jurisdiction of the ordinary Courts and offices, and to
place it under new Courts and offices., to be appointed by
and responsible to the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal, leav-
ing it to the Lieutenant-Governor to say at what time that
change shall take place; and also enabling him, not to make
what laws he pleases for that or any other district, but to
apply by public notification to that district any law, or
part of a law, which either already was, or from time to
time might be, in force, by proper legislative authority,
’in the other territories subject to his government ’."
Then, later they added :
"The proper Legislature has exercised its judgment as to
place, person, laws, powers; and the result of that judgment
has been to legislate conditionally as to all these things.
The conditions having been fulfilled, the legislation is now
absolute. Where plenary powers of-legislation exist as to
particular subjects, whether in an Imperial or in a provin-
cial legislature, they may (in their Lordships judgment) be
well exercised, either absolutely or conditionally. Legis-
lation, conditional on the use of particular powers, or on
the exercise of a limited discretion, entrusted by the
Legislature to persons in whom it places confidence, is no
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uncommon thing; and, in many circumstances, it may be highly
convenient. The British Statute Book abounds with examples
of it; and it cannot be supposed that the Imperial Parlia-
ment did not, when constituting the Indian Legislature,
contemplate this kind of conditional legislation as within
the scope of the legislative powers which it from time to
time conferred."
The next case on the subject is Russell v. The Queen
(1). In that case, the Canadian Temperance Act, 1878, was
challenged on the ground that it was
(1) 7 App, Cas. 829.
824
ultra vires the Parliament of Canada. The Act was to be
brought into force in any county or city if on vote of the
majority of the electors of that county city favouring
such a course, the Governor-General in Council declared the
relative part of the Act to be on force. It was held by the
Privy Council that this provision did not amount to a dele-
gation of legislative power to a majority of the voters in a
city or county. The passage in which this is made clear,
runs as follows:--
"The short answer to this objection is that the Act does
not delegate any legislative powers whatever. It contains
within itself the whole legislation on the matters with
which it deals. The provision that certain parts of the Act
shall come into operation only on the petition of a majority
of electors does not confer on these persons power to legis-
late. Parliament itself enacts the condition and everything
which is to follow upon the condition being fulfilled.
Conditional legislation of this kind is in many cases con-
venient, and is certainly not unusual, and the power so to
legislate cannot be denied to the Parliament of Canada when
he subject of legislation is within its competency...If
authority on. this point were necessary, it will be found in
the case of Queen v. Burah, lately before this Board.
The same doctrine was laid down in the case of lodge v.
The Queen (1), where the question arose as to whether the
legislature of Ontario had or had not the power of entrust-
ing to a local authority--the Board of Commissioners--the
power of making regulations with respect to the Liquor
Licence Act, 1877, which among other things created offences
for the breach of hose regulations and annexed penalties
thereto. their Lordships held that the Ontario Legislature
had that power, and after reiterating that the Legislature
which passed the Act was not a delegate, they observed as
follows :--
"When the British North America Act enacted that there
should be a legislature for Ontario, and that
(1) 9 App. Cas. 117.
825
its legislative assembly should have exclusive authority to
make laws for the Province and for provincial purposes in
relation to the matters enumerated in section 92, it con-
ferred powers not in any sense to be exercised by delegation
from or as agents of the Imperial Parliament, but authority
as plenary and as ample within the limits prescribed by
section 92 as the Imperial Parliament in the plenitude of
its powers possessed and could bestow. Within these limits
of subjects and area the local legislature is supreme, and
has the same authority as the Imperial Parliament, or
the Parliament of the Dominion, would have had under
like circumstances to confide to a municipal institution
or body of its own creation authority to make byelaws
or resolutions as to subjects specified in the enactment,
and with the object of carrying the enactment into operation
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and effect."
Another case which may be usefully cited is Powell v.
Apollo Candle Co. (1). The question which arose in that case
was whether section 133 of the Customs Regulations Act of
1879 of New South Wales was or was not ultra rites the
colonial legislature. That section provided that "when any
article of merchandise then unknown to the collector is
imported, which, in the opinion of the collector or the
commissioners, is apparently a substitute for any known
dutiable article, or is apparently designed to evade duty,
but possesses properties in the whole or in part which can
be used or were intended to be applied for a similar purpose
as such dutiable article, it shall be lawful for the Gover-
nor to direct that a duty be levied on such article at a
rate to be fixed in proportion to the degree in which such
unknown article approximates in its qualities or uses to
such dutiable article." Having repelled the contention that
the colonial legislature was a delegate of the Imperial
Parliament and having held that it was not acting as an
agent or a delegate, the Privy Council proceeded to deal
with the question raised in the following manner :--
(1) 10App. Cas. 282.
826
"It is argued that the tax in question has been imposed
by the Governor, and not by the Legislature, who alone had
power to impose it. But the duties levied under the Order
in Council are really levied by the authority of the Act
under which the order is issued. The Legislature has not
parted with its perfect control over the Governor, and has
the power, of course, at any moment, of withdrawing or
altering the power which they have entrusted to him. Under
these circumstances their Lordships are of opinion that the
judgment of the Supreme Court was wrong in declaring section
133 of the Customs Regulations Act of 1879 to be beyond the
power of the Legislature."
Several other eases were cited at the Bar in which the
supremacy of a legislature (which would be nonsovereign
according to the tests laid down by Dicey) within the field
ascribed to its operation, were affirmed, but it is unnec-
essary to multiply instances illustrative of that princi-
ple. I might however quote the pronouncement of the Privy
Council in the comparatively recent case of Shannon v. Lower
Mainland Dairy Products Board (1), which runs as follows :--
"The third objection is that it is not within the
powers of the Provincial Legislature to delegate so-called
legislative powers to the Lieutenant-Governor in Council, or
to give him powers of further delegation. This objection
appears to their Lordships subversive of the rights which
the Provincial Legislature enjoys while dealing with matters
falling within the classes of subjects in relation to which
the constitution has granted legislative powers. Within its
appointed sphere the Provincial Legislature is as supreme as
any other Parliament; and it is unnecessary to try to enu-
merate the innumerable occasions on which Legislatures,
Provincial, Dominion and Imperial, have entrusted var-
ious persons and bodies with similar powers to those con-
tained in this Act."
I must pause here to note briefly certain important
principles which can be extracted from the cases
(1) [1938] A.C. 708 at 722.
827
decided by the Privy Council which I have so far cited,
apart from the principle that the Indian and colonial legis-
latures are supreme in their own field and that the maxim,
delegatus non potest delegare, does not apply to them. In
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the first place, it seems quite clear that the Privy Council
never liked to commit themselves to the statement that
delegated legislation was permissible. It was easy for them
to have said so and disposed of the cases before them, but
they were at pains to show that the provisions impugned
before them were not instances of delegation of legislative
authority but they were instances of conditional legislation
which, they thought, the legislatures concerned were compe-
tent to enact, or that the giving of such authority as was
entrusted in some cases to subordinate agencies was ancil-
lary to legislation and without it "an attempt to provide
for varying details and machinery to carry them out might
become oppressive or absolutely fail." They also laid down:
(1) that it will be not correct to describe conditional
legislation and other forms of legislation which they were
called upon to consider in several cases which have been
cited as legislation through another agency. Each Act or
enactment which was impugned before them as being delegated
legislation, contained within itself the whole legislation
on the matter which it dealt with, laying down the condition
and everything which was to follow on the condition being
fulfilled; (2) that legislative power could not be said to
have been parted with if the legislature retained its power
intact and could whenever it pleased destroy the agency it
had created and set up another or take the matter directly
into its own hands; (3) that the question as to the extent
to which the aid of subordinate agencies could be sought by
the legislatures and as to how long they should continue
them were matters for each legislature and not for the court
of law to decide; (4) that a legislature in committing
important regulations to others does not efface itself; and
(5) that the legislature, like the Governor-General in
Council, could not by any form of enactment create, and arm
with legislative
828
authority, a new legislative power not created or authorised
by the Councils Act to which it (the Governor-General in
Council) owes its existence.
I have already indicated that the expressions "delegated
legislation" and "delegating legislative power" are some-
times used in a loose sense, and sometimes in a strict
sense. These expressions have been used in the loose or
popular sense in the various treatises or reports dealing
with the so-called delegated legislation; and if we apply
that sense to the facts before the Privy Council, there can
be no doubt that every one of the cases would be an instance
of delegated legislation or delegation of legislative au-
thority. But the Privy Council have throughout repelled the
suggestion that the cases before them were instances of
delegated legislation or delegation of legislative authori-
ty. There can be no doubt that if the legislature completely
abdicates its functions and sets up a parallel legislature
transferring all its power to it, that would undoubtedly be
a real instance of delegation of its power. In other words,
there will be delegation in the strict sense if legislative
power with all its attributes is transferred to another
authority. But the Privy Council have repeatedly pointed
out that when the legislature retains its dominant power
intact and can whenever it pleases destroy the agency it has
created and set up another or take the matter directly into
its own hands, it has not parted with its own legislative
power. They have also pointed out that the act of the
subordinate authority does not possess the true legislative
attribute, if the efficacy of the act done by it is not
derived from the subordinate authority but from the legisla-
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ture by which the subordinate authority was entrusted with
the power to do the act. In some of the cases to which
reference has been made, the Privy Council have referred to
the nature and principles of legislation and pointed out
that conditional legislation simply amounts to entrusting a
limited discretionary authority to others, and that to seek
the aid of subordinate agencies in carrying out the object
of the legislation is ancillary to legislation and properly
829
lies within the scope of the powers which every legislature
must possess to function effectively. There is a mass of
literature in America also about the socalled delegated
legislation, but if the judgments of the eminent American
Judges are carefully studied, it will be found that, though
in some cases they have used the expression in the popular
sense, yet in many cases they have been as careful as the
Privy Council in laying down the principles and whenever
they have upheld any provision impugned before them on the
ground that it was delegation of legislative authority they
have rested their conclusion upon the fact that there was in
law no such delegation.
The learned Attorney-General has relied on the authority
of Evatt J. for the proposition that "the true nature and
scope of the legislative power of the Parliament involves as
part of its content power to confer law-making power upon
authorities other than Parliament itself"(1). It is undoubt-
edly true that a legislature which is sovereign within its
own sphere must necessarily have very great freedom of
action, but it seems to me that in strict point of law the
dictum of Evatt J. is not a precise or an accurate state-
ment. The first question which it raises is what is meant by
law-making power and whether such power in the true sense of
the term can be delegated at all. Another difficulty which
it raises is that once it is held as a general proposition
that delegation of lawmaking power is implicit in the power
of legislation, it will be difficult to draw the line at the
precise point where the legislature should stop and it will
be permissible to ask whether the legislature is competent
to delegate 1, 10 or 99 per cent of its legislative power,
and whether the strictly logical conclusion will not be that
the legislature can delegate the full content of its power
in certain cases. It seems to me that the correct and the
strictly legal way of putting the matter is as the Privy
Council have put it in several cases. The legislature in
order to function effectively, has to call for sufficient
data, has to
(1) See the Victorian Stevedoring case: 46 Com L.R. 73.
830
legislate for the future as well as for the present and has
to provide for a multiplicity of varying situations which
may be sometimes difficult to foresee. In order to achieve
its object, it has to resort to various types and forms of
legislation, entrusting suitable agencies with the power to
fill in details and adapt legislation to varying circum-
stances. Hence, what is known as conditional legislation,
an expression which has been very fully explained and de-
scribed in a series of judgments, and what is known as
subordinate legislation, which involves giving power to
subordinate authorities to make rules and regulations to
effectuate the object and purpose for which a certain law is
enacted, have been recognized to be permissible forms. of
legislation on the principle that a legislature can do
everything which is ancillary to or necessary for effective
legislation. Once this is conceded, it follows that the
legislature can resort to any other form of legislation on
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the same principle, provided that it acts within the
limits of its power, whether imposed from without or
conditioned by the nature of the duties it is called upon
to perform.
The conclusions at which I have arrived so far may now
be summed up :--
(1) The legislature must normally discharge its primary
legislative function itself and not through others.
(2) Once it is established that it has sovereign powers
within a certain sphere, it must follow as a corollary that
it is free to legislate within that sphere in any way which
appears to it to be the best way to give effect to its
intention and policy in making a particular law, and that it
may utilize any outside agency to any extent it finds neces-
sary for doing things which it is unable to do itself or
finds it inconvenient to do. In other words, it can do
everything which is ancillary to and necessary for the full
and effective exercise of its power of legislation.
(3) It cannot abdicate its legislative functions, and
therefore while entrusting power to an outside
831
agency, it must see that such agency, acts as a subordinate
authority and does not become a parallel legislature.
(4) The doctrine of separation of powers and the judi-
cial interpretation it has received in America ever since
the American Constitution was framed, enables the American
courts to check undue and excessive delegation but the
courts of this country are not committed to that doctrine
and cannot apply it in the same way as it has been applied
in America. Therefore, there are only two main checks in
this country on the power of the legislature to delegate,
these being its good sense and the principle that it should
not cross the line beyond which delegation amounts to
"abdicacation and self-effacement".
I will now deal with the three specific questions with
which we are concerned in this Reference, these being as
follows :--
(1) Was section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act, 1912, or any of
the provisions thereof and in what particular or particulars
or to what extent ultra vires the legislature which passed
the said Act ?
(2) Was the Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of Laws) Act, 1947,
or any of the provisions thereof and in what particular or
particulars or to what extent ultra vires the legislature
which passed the said Act ?
(3) Is section 2 of the Part C States (Laws) Act, 1950,
or any of the provisions thereof and in what particular or
particulars or to what extent ultra vires the Parliament ?
Before attempting to answer these questions, it will be
Useful to state briefly a few salient facts about the compo-
sition and power of the Indian Legislature at the dates on
which the three Acts in question were passed. It appears
that formerly it was the executive Government which was
empowered to make regulations and ordinances for "the good
government of the factories and territories acquired in
India", and up to 1833, the laws used to be passed by the
Governor General in Council or by the Governors of Madras
and
832
Bombay in Council, in the form of regulations. By the
Charter Act of 1833, the Governor-General’s Council was
extended by the inclusion of a fourth member who was not
entitled to sit or vote except at meetings for making laws
and regulations. The Governor General in Council was by
this Act empowered to make laws and regulations for the
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whole of India and the legislative powers which vested in
the Governors of Madras and Bombay were withdrawn, though
they were allowed to propose draft schemes. The Acts passed
by the Governor-General in Council were required to be laid
before the British Parliament and they were to have the same
force as an Act of Parliament. In 1853, the strength of the
Council of the Governor-General was further increased to 12
members, by including the fourth member as an ordinary
member and 6 special members for the purpose of legislation
only. Then came the Councils Act of 1861, by which the
power of legislation was restored to the Governors of Madras
and Bombay in Council, and a legislative council was ap-
pointed for Bengal; but the Governor-General in Council was
still competent to exercise legislative authority over the
whole of India and could make laws for "all persons and all
places and things", and for legislative purposes the Council
was further remodelled so as to include 6 to 12 members
nominated for a period of 2 years by the Governor-General,
of whom not less than one-half were to be non-officials. In
this Council, no measure relating to certain topics could be
introduced without the sanction of the Governor-General, and
no law was to be valid until the Governor-General had given
his assent to it and the ultimate power of disallowing a law
was reserved to the Crown. Further, local legislatures were
constituted for Madras and Bombay, wherein half the members
were to be non-officials nominated by the Governors, and the
assent of the Governor as well as that of the Governor-
General was necessary to give validity to any law passed by
the local legislature. A similar legislature was directed
to be constituted for the lower Provinces of Bengal,
833
and powers were given to constitute legislative councils for
certain other Provinces. In 1892, the Indian Councils Act
was passed, by which the legislative councils were further
expanded and certain fresh rights were given to the members.
In 1909, came the MorleyMinto scheme under which the
strength of the legislative council was increased by the
inclusion of 60 additional members of whom 27 were elected
and 33 nominated. Soon after this, in 1912, the Delhi Laws
Act was passed, and the points which may be noticed in
connection with the legislature which functioned at that
time are: firstly, within its ambit, its powers were as
plenary as those of the legislature of 1861, whose powers
came up for consideration before the Privy Council in Bu-
rah’s case, and secondly, considering the composition of the
legislative council in which the non-official and the
executive elements predominated, there was no room for the
application of the doctrine of separation of powers in its
full import, nor could it be said that by reason of that
doctrine the legislature could not invest the GovernorGener-
al with the powers which we find him invested with under the
Delhi Laws Act. It should be stated that in section 7 of
that Act as it originally stood, the Governor-General was
mentioned as the authority who could by notification extend
any enactment which was in force in any part of British
India at the date of such notification, The "Provincial
Government" was substituted for the "Governor-General"
subsequently.
Coming to the second Act, namely, the Ajmer-Merwara
(Extension of Laws) Act, 1947, we find that when it was
enacted on the 31st December, 1947, the Government of India
Act, 1935, as adapted by the India (Provisional Constitu-
tion) Order, 1947, issued under the Indian Independence Act,
1947, was in force. Under that Act, there were three Legis-
lative Lists, called the Federal, Provincial and Concurrent
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Legislative Lists. Lists I and II contained a list of sub-
jects on which the Central Legislature and the Provincial
Legislature could respectively legislate, and List III
contained subjects on which both the Central and the
834
Provincial Legislatures could legislate. Section 100(4) of
the Act provided that "the Dominion Legislature has power to
make laws with’ respect to matters enumerated in the Provin-
cial Legislative List except for a Province or any part
thereof." Section 46 (3) stated that the word "Province",
unless the context otherwise required, meant a Governor’s
Province. Therefore, section 100 (4) read with the defini-
tion of "Province", empowered the Dominion Legislature to
make laws with respect to subjects mentioned in all the
three Lists for Ajmer-Merwara, which was not a Governor’s
Province. The Central Legislature was thus competent to
legislate for Ajmer-Merwara in regard to any subject, and it
had also plenary powers in the entire legislative field
allotted to it. Further, at the time the Act in question
was passed, the Dominion Legislature was simultaneously
functioning as the Constituent Assembly and had the power to
frame the Constitution.
The third Act with which we are concerned was passed
after the present Constitution had come into force. Article
245 of the Constitution lays down that "subject to the
provisions of this Constitution, Parliament may make laws
from the whole or any part of the territory of India, and
the Legislature of a State may make laws for the whole or
any part of the State." On the pattern of the Government of
India Act, 1935, Lists I and II in the Seventh Schedule of
the Constitution enumerate the subjects on which the Parlia-
ment and the State Legislatures can respectively legislate,
while List 11 enumerates subjects on which both the Parlia-
ment and the State Legislatures can legislate. Under article
246 (4), "Parliament has power to make laws with respect to
any matter for any part of the territory of India not in-
cluded in Part A or Part B of the First Schedule notwith-
standing that such matter is a matter enumerated in the
State List." The points to be noted in connection with the
Part C States (Laws) Act, 1950, are :--
(1) The present Parliament derives its authority from
the Constitution which has been framed by the
835
people of India through their Constituent Assembly, and not
from any external authority, and within its own field it is
as supreme as the legislature of any other country possess-
ing a written federal Constitution.
(2) The Parliament has full power to legislate for the
Part C States in regard to any subject.
(3) Though there is some kind of separation of govern-
mental functions under the Constitution, yet the Cabinet
system, which is the most notable characteristic of the
British Constitution, is also one of the features of our
Constitution and the doctrine of separation of powers, which
never acquired that hold or significance in this country as
it has in America, cannot dominate the interpretation of any
of the Constitutional provisions.
I may here refer to an argument which is founded on
articles 353 (b) and 357 (a) and (b) of the Constitution.
Under article 353 (b), when a Proclamation of Emergency is
made by the President-
" the power of Parliament to make laws with respect to
any matter shall include power to make laws conferring
powers and imposing duties, or authorising the conferring of
powers and the imposition of duties, upon the Union or
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officers and authorities of the Union as respects that
matter, notwithstanding that it is one which is not enumer-
ated in the Union List."
Under article 357, when there is a failure of constitu-
tional machinery in a State, "it shall be competent--
(a) for Parliament to confer on the President the power
of the Legislature of the State to make laws, and to autho-
rise the President to delegate, subject to such conditions
as he may think fit to impose, the power so conferred to any
other authority to be specified by him in that behalf;
(b) for Parliament, or for the President or other au-
thority in whom such power to make laws is vested under
sub-clause (a), to make laws conferring powers and imposing
duties, or authorising the Conferring of
108
836
powers and the imposition of duties, upon the Union or
officers and authorities thereof.
In both these articles, the power of delegation is ex-
pressly conferred, and it is argued that if delegation was
contemplated in normal legislation, there would have been an
express power given to the’ Parliament, similar to the power
given in articles 353(b) and 357(a) and (b). In other words,
the absence of an express provision has been used as an
argument for absence of the power to delegate. It should
however be noticed that these are emergency provisions and
give no assistance in deciding the question under considera-
tion. So far as article 353(b) is concerned, it is enough to
say that a specific provision was necessary to empower the
Parliament to make laws in respect of matters included in
the State List upon which the Parliament was not otherwise
competent to legislate. When the Parliament was specially
empowered to legislate in a field in which it could not
normally legislate, it was necessary to state all the powers
it could exercise. Again, article 357(a) deals with complete
transfer of legislative power to the President, while clause
(b) is incidental to the powers conferred on the Parliament
and the President to legislate for a State in case of fail-
ure of constitutional machinery in that State. These provi-
sions do not at all bear out the conclusion that is sought
to be drawn from them. Indeed, the Attorney-General drew
from them the opposite inference, namely, that by these
provisions the Constitution-makers have recognized that
delegation of power is permissible on occasions when it is
found to be necessary. In my opinion, neither of these
conclusions can be held to be sound.
I will now deal with the three provisions in regard to
which the answer is required in this Reference. They are as
follows:--
Section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act, 1912.
"The Provincial Government may, by notification in the
official gazette, extend with such restrictions and modifi-
cations as it thinks fit to the Province of Delhi or any
part thereof, any enactment which is in
837
force in any part of British India at the date of such
notification."
Section 2 of the Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of Laws). Act,
1947.
"The Central Government may, by notification in the
official gazette, extend to the Province of Ajmer-Merwara
with such restrictions and modifications as it thinks fit
any enactment which is in force in any other Province at the
date of such notification."
Section 2 of the Part C States (Laws) Act, 1950.
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"The Central Government may, by notification in the
official Gazette, extend to any Part C State (other than
Coorg and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands) or to any part of
such State, with such restrictions and modifications as it
thinks fit, any enactment which is in force in a Part A
State at the date of the notification; and provision may be
made in any enactment so extended for the repeal or amend-
ment of any corresponding law (other than a Central Act)
which is for the time being applicable to that Part C
State."
At the first sight, these provisions appear to be very
wide, their most striking features being these :--
1. There is no specification in the Act by way of a
list or schedule of the laws out of which the selection is
to be made by the Provincial or the Central Government, as
the case may be, but the Government has been given complete
discretion to adopt any law whatsoever passed in any part of
the country, whether by the Central or the Provincial Legis-
lature.
2. The provisions are not confined merely to the laws
in existence at the dates of the enactment of these Acts but
extend to future laws also.
3. The Government concerned has been empowered not only
to extend or adopt the laws but also to introduce such
restrictions and modifications as it thinks fit; and in the
Part C States (Laws) Act, 1950, power has been given to the
Central Government to make a provision in the enactment
extended under the Act for the repeal or amendment of any
corresponding law
838
(other than a Central Act) which is for the time being
applicable to the Part C State concerned.
There can be no doubt that the powers which have been
granted to the Government are very extensive and the three
Acts go farther than any Act in England or America, but, in
my judgment, nothwithstanding the somewhat unusual features
to which reference has been made, the provisions in question
cannot be held to be invalid.
Let us overlook for the time being the power to intro-
duce modifications with which I shall deal later, and care-
fully consider the main provision in the three Acts. The
situation with which the respective legislatures were faced
when these Acts were passed, was that there were certain
State or States with no local legislature and a whole bundle
of laws had to be enacted for them. It is clear that the
legislatures concerned, before passing the Acts, applied
their mind and decided firstly, that the situation would be
met by the adoption of laws applicable to the other Prov-
inces inasmuch as they covered a wide range of subjects
approached from a variety of points of view and hence the
requirements of the State or States for which the laws had
to be framed could not go beyond those for which laws had
already been framed by the various legislatures, and second-
ly, that the matter should be entrusted to an authority
which was expected to be familiar and could easily make
itself familiar with the needs and conditions of the State
or States for which the laws were to be made. Thus, everyone
of the Acts so enacted was a complete law, because it em-
bodied a policy, defined a standard, and directed the au-
thority chosen to act within certain prescribed limits and
not to go beyond them. Each Act was a complete expression of
the will of the legislature to act in a particular way and
of its command as to how its will should be carried out. The
legislature decided that in the circumstances of the case
that was the best way to legislate on the subject and it so
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legislated. It will be a misnomer to describe such legisla-
tion as amounting to abdication of powers, because from the
very nature of the legislation
839
it is manifest that the legislature had the power at any
moment of withdrawing or altering any power with which the
authority chosen was entrusted, and could change or repeal
the laws which the authority was required to make applica-
ble to the State or States concerned. What is even more
important is that in each case the agency selected was not
empowered to enact laws, but it could only adapt and extend
laws enacted by responsible and competent legislatures.
Thus, the power given to the Governments in those Acts was
more in the nature of ministerial than in the nature of
legislative power. The power given was ministerial, because
all that the Government had to do was to study the laws and
make selections out of them.
That such legislation is neither unwarranted on princi-
ple nor without precedent, will be clear from what follows:-
1. The facts of the case of Queen v. Burah(1) are so
familiar that they need not be reproduced, but for the
purpose of understanding the point under discussion, it will
be necessary to refer to section 8 of Act XXII of 1869 and
some of the observations of the Privy Council which obvious-
ly bear on that section. The section runs as follows :--
"The said Lieutenant-Governor may from time to time, by
notification in the Calcutta Gazette, extend to the said
territory any law, or any portion of any law, now in force
in the other territories subject to his Government, or which
may hereafter be enacted by the Council of the Governor-
General, or of the said Lieutenant-Governor, for making
laws and regulations, and may on making such extension
direct by whom any powers or duties incident to the provi-
sions so extended shall be exercised or performed, and make
any order which he shall deem requisite for carrying such
provisions into operation."
In their judgment, the Privy Council do not quote this
section, but evidently they had it in mind when they made
the following observations :--
(1) 5 I.A. 178.
840
"The legislature determined that, so far, a certain
change should take place; but that it was expedient to leave
the time and the manner, of carrying it into effect to the
discretion of the Lieutenant-Governor; and also, that the
laws which were or might be in force in the other territo-
ries subject to the same Government were such as it might be
fit and proper to apply to this district also; but that,.as
it was not certain that all those laws, and every part of
them, could with equal convenience be so applied, it was
expedient, on that point also, to entrust a discretion to
the Lieutenant-Governor."
The language used here can be easily adapted in the
following manner so as to cover the laws in question:--
"The legislature determined that .......... the laws
which were or might be in force in the other
territories ....... (omitting the words "subject to the
same Government" for reasons to be stated presently) were
such as it might be fit and proper to apply to this State
also; but that, as it was not certain that all those laws,
and every part of them, could with equal convenience be so
applied, it was expedient, on that point also, to entrust a
discretion to the Central or Provincial Government."
It seems to me that this line of reasoning fully fits
in with the facts before us. The words "territories sub-
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ject to the same Government" are not in my opinon material,
because in Burah’s case only such laws as were in force in
the other territories subject to the same Government were to
be extended. We are not to lay undue emphasis on isolated
words but look at the principle underlying the decision in
that case. In the Delhi Laws Act as originally enacted, the
agency which was to adapt the laws was the Governor General.
In the other two Acts, the agency was the Central Govern-
ment. In 1912, the Governor-General exercised jurisdiction
over the whole of the territories the laws of which were to
be adapted for Delhi. The same remark applies to the Central
Government, while dealing with the other two Acts. As I
have already
841
stated, Burah’s case has been accepted by this Court as
having been correctly decided, and we may well say that the
impugned Acts are mere larger editions of Act XXII of 1869
which was in question in Burah’s case.
2. It is now well settled in England and in America that
a legislature can pass an Act to allow a Government or a
local body or some other agency to make regulations consist-
ently with the provisions of the Act. At no stage of the
arguments, it was contended before us that such a power
cannot be granted by the legislature to another body. We
have known instances in which regulations have been made
creating offences and imposing penalties and they have been
held to be valid. It seems to me that the making of many of
these regulations involves the exercise of much more legis-
lative power and discretion than the selection of appropri-
ate laws out of a mass of ready-made enactments. The fol-
lowing observations in a well-known American case, which
furnish legal justification for empowering a subordinate
authority to make regulations, seem to me pertinent :-
"It is well settled that the delegation by a State
legislature to a municipal corporation of the power to
legislate, subject to the paramount law, concerning local
affairs, does not violate the inhibition against the delega-
tion of the legislative function.
It is a cardinal principle of our system of government
that local affairs shall be managed by local authorities,
and general affairs by the central authority, and hence,
while the rule is also fundamental that the power to make
laws cannot be delegated, the creation of municipalities
exercising local self-government has never been held to
trench upon that rule. Such legislation is not regarded as a
transfer of general legislative power, but rather as the
grant of the authority to prescribe local regulations,
according to immemorial practice, subject, of course, to the
interposition of the superior in cases of necessity." (Per
Fuller J. in Stoutenburgh v. Hennick(1).
(1) (1889) 129 U.S. 141.
842
3. A point which was somewhat similar to the one raised
before us arose in the case of Sprigg v. Sigcau(1). In that
case, section 2 of the Pondoland Annexation Act, 1894, was
brought into question. That section gave authority to the
Governor to add to the existing laws in force in the terri-
tories annexed, such laws as he shall from time to time by
Proclamation declare to be in force in such territories.
Dealing with this provision, the Privy Council observed as
follows :-
"The legislative authority delegated to the Governor by
the Pondoland Annexation Act is very cautiously expressed,
and is very limited in its scope. There is not a word in
the Act to suggest that it was intended to make the Governor
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a dictator, or even to clothe him with the full legislative
powers of the Cape Parliament. His only authority, after the
date of the Act, is to add to the laws, statutes and ordi-
nances which had already been proclaimed and were in force
at its date, such laws, statutes and ordinances as he ’shall
from time to time by proclamation declare to be in force in
such territories’. In the opinion of their Lordships, these
words do not import any power in the Governor to make "new
laws" in the widest sense of that term; they do no more than
authorise him to transplant to the new territories, and
enact there, laws, statutes and ordinances which already
exist, and are operative in other parts of the Colony. It
was argued for the appellant that the expression "all such
laws made" occurring in the proviso, indicates authority to
make new laws which are not elsewhere in force; but these
words cannot control the plain meaning of the enactment upon
which they are a proviso; and, besides that enactment is
left to explain the meaning of the proviso by the reference
back which is implied in the word "such" (pp. 247-8).
Following the line of reasoning in the case cited, it
may be legitimately stated that what the Central or the
Provincial Government has been asked to do under the Acts in
question is not to enact "new laws" but to transplant" to
the territory concerned laws operative
(1) [1897] A.C. 238,
843
in other parts of the country. I notice that in section 2
of the Pondoland Annexation Act, 1894, there was a proviso
requiring that "all such laws made under or by virtue of
this Act shall be ]aid before both Houses of Parliament
within fourteen days after the beginning of the Session of
Parliament next after the proclamation thereof as aforesaid,
and shall be effectual, unless in so far as the same shall
be repealed, altered, or varied by Act of Parliament." This
provision however does not affect the principle. It was
made only as a matter of caution and to ensure the superin-
tendence of Parliament, for the laws were good laws until
they were repealed, altered or varied by Parliament. If the
Privy Council have correctly stated the principle that the
legislature in enacting subordinate or conditional legisla-
tion does not part with its perfect control and has the
power at any moment of withdrawing or altering the power
entrusted to another authority, its power of superintendence
must be taken to be implicit in all such legislation. Refer-
ence may also be made here to the somewhat unusual case of
Dorr v. United States(1), where delegation by Congress to a
commission appointed by the President of the power to legis-
late for the Phillipine Islands was held valid.
4. There are also some American cases in which the adopt-
ing of a law or rule of another jurisdiction has been per-
mitted, and one of the cases illustrative of the rule is Re
Lasswell(2), where a California Act declaring the existence
of an emergency and providing that where the Federal author-
ities fixed a Code for the government of any industry, that
Code automatically became the State Code therefor, and
fixing a penalty for violation of such Codes, was held to be
constitutional and valid, as against the contention that it
was an unlawful delegation of authority by the State legis-
lature to the Federal government and its administrative
agencies. This case has no direct bearing on the points
before us, but it shows that application of laws made
(1) (1904) 195 U.S. 138. (2) (1934) 1 Cal. Appl. (2d),
183. 109
844
by another legislature has in some cases been held to be
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permissible.
5. There are many enactments in India, which are not
without their parallel in England, in which it is stated
that the provisions of the Act concerned shall apply to
certain areas in the first instance and that they may be
extended by the Provincial Government or appropriate author-
ity to the whole or any part of a Province. The Transfer of
Property Act, 1882, is an instance of such enactment, as
section 1 thereof provides as follows :--
"It (the Act) extends in the first instance to all the
Provinces of India except Bombay, East Punjab and Delhi.
But this Act or any part thereof may by notification in
the official Gazette be extended to the whole or any part of
the said Provinces by the Provincial Government concerned."
It is obvious that if instead of making similar provi-
sions in 50 or more Acts individually, a single provision is
made in any one Act enabling the Provincial Governments to
extend all or any of the 50 or more Acts, in which provision
might have been but has not been made for extension to the
whole or any part of the Provinces concerned there would be
no difference in principle between the two alternatives. It
was pointed out to us that in the Acts with which we are
concerned, power has been given to extend not only Acts of
the Central Legislature, which is the author of the Acts in
question, but also those of the Provincial Legislatures. But
it seems to me that the distinction so made does not affect
the principle involved. The real question is: Can authority
be given by a legislature to an outside agency, to extend an
Act or series of Acts to a particular area ? This really
brings us back to the principle of conditional legislation
which is too deeply rooted in our legal system to be ques-
tioned now.
6. Our attention has been drawn to several Acts con-
taining provisions similar to the Acts
845
which are the subject of the Reference, these
being :--
1. Sections 1 and 2 of Act I of 1865.
2. Sections 5 and 5A of the Scheduled Districts Act,
1874 (Act XIV of 1874).
3. The Burma Laws Act, 1898 (Act XIII of 1898). section
10 (1).
4. Section 4 of the Foreign Jurisdiction Act, 1947 (Act
XLVII of 1947).
The Merchant Shipping Laws (Extension to Acceding States
and Amendment) Act, 1949 (Act XVIII of 1949), section 4.
The relevant provisions of two of these Acts, which were
passed before the Acts in question, may be quoted, to bring
out the close analogy.
The Scheduled Districts Act, 1874.
5. "The Local Government, with the previous sanction of the
Governor-General in Council, may, from time to time by
notification in the Gazette of India and also in the local
Gazette (if any), extend to any of the Scheduled Districts,
or to any part of any such District, any enactment which is
in force in any part of British India at the date of such
extension."
5A. In declaring an enactment in force in a Scheduled
District or part thereof under section 3 of this Act, or in
extending an enactment to a Scheduled District or part
thereof under section 5 of this Act, the Local Government
with the previous sanction of the Governor-General in Coun-
cil, may declare the operation of the enactment to be sub-
ject to such restrictions and modifications as that Govern-
ment think fit."
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The Burma Laws Act, 1898.
10(1). "The Local Government, with the previous sanction
of the Governor-General in Council, may, by notification in
the Burma Gazette, extend, with such restrictions and modi-
fications as it thinks fit, to all or any of the Shan
States, or to any specified local area in the Shan State any
enactment which is in force
846
in any part of Upper Burma at the date of the extension."
It is hard to say that any firm legislative practice had
been established before the Delhi Laws Act and other Acts we
are concerned with were enacted, but one may presume that
the legislature had made several experiments before the
passing of these Acts and found that they had worked well
and achieved the object for which they were intended.
I will now deal with the power of modification which de-
pends on the meaning of the words "with such modifications
as it thinks fit." These are not unfamiliar words and they
are often used by careful draftsmen to enable laws which are
applicable to one place or object to be so adapted as to
apply to another. The power of introducing necessary re-
strictions and modifications is incidental to the power to
apply or adapt the law, and in the context in which the
provision as to modification occurs, it cannot bear the
sinister sense attributed to it. The modifications are to
be made within the framework of the Act and they cannot be
such as to affect its identity or structure or the essential
purpose to be served by it. The power to modify certainly
involves a discretion to make suitable changes, but it would
be useless to give an authority the power to adapt a law
without giving it the power to make suitable changes. The
provision empowering an extraneous authority to introduce
modifications in an Act has been nicknamed in England as
"Henry VIII clause", because that monarch is regarded popu-
larly as the personification of executive autocracy. Sir
Thomas Carr, who bad considerable experience of dealing with
legislation of the character we are concerned with, refers
to "Henry VIII clause" in this way in his book "Concerning
English Administrative Law" at page 44:--
"Of all the types of orders which alter statutes, the
so-called ’Henry VIII clause’ sometimes inserted in big and
complicated Acts, has probably caused the greatest flutter
in England. It enables the Minister
847
by order to modify the Act itself so far as necessary for
bringing it into operation. Any one who will look to see
what sort of orders have been made under this power will
find them surprisingly innocuous. The device is partly a
draftsman’s insurance policy, in case he has overlooked
something, and is partly due to the immense body of local
Acts in England creating special difficulties in particular
areas. These local Acts are very hard to trace, and the
draftsman could never be confident that he has examined them
all in advance. The Henry VIII clause ought, of course, to
be effective for a short time only."
It is to be borne in mind that the discretion given to
modify a statute is by no means absolute or irrevocable in
strict legal sense, with which aspect alone we are princi-
pally concerned in dealing with a purely legal question. As
was pointed out by Garth C.J. in Empress v. Burah(1), the
legislature is "’always in a position to see how the powers,
which it has conferred, are being exercised, and if they are
exercised injudiciously, or otherwise than in accordance
with its intentions, or if, having been exercised, the
result is in any degree inconvenient, it can always by
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another Act recall its powers, or rectify the
inconvenience." The learned Chief Justice, while referring
to the Civil Procedure Code of 1861, pointed out that it
went further than the Act impugned before him, because "it
gave the Local Governments a power to alter or modify the
Code in any way they might think proper, and so as to intro-
duce a different law into their respective Provinces from
that which was in force in the Regulation Provinces."
Nevertheless, the Privy Council considered the Civil Proce-
dure Code of 1861 to be a good example of valid conditional
legislation. In the course of the arguments, we were sup-
plied with a list of statutes passed by the Central and some
of the Provincil Legislatures giving express power of modi-
fication to certain authorities, and judging from the number
of instances included in it, it is not an unimpressive list.
A few of the Acts which may be mentioned by
(1) I.L.R. S Cal. 63 at 140.
848
way of illustration are: The Scheduled Districts Act, 1874,
The Burma Laws Act, 1898, The Bombay Prevention of Prostitu-
tion Act, 1928, The Madras City Improvement Trust Act,
1945, The Madras Public Health Act, 1939, U.P. Kand Revenue
Act, 1901. There are also many instances of such legislation
in England, of which only a few may be mentioned below to
show that such Acts are by no means confined to this coun-
try.
In 1929, a Bill was proposed to carry out the policy of
having fewer and bigger local authority in Scotland. During
the debate, it was suddenly decided to create a new kind of
body called the district council. There was no time to work
out details for electing the new district councillors, and
the Bill therefore applied to them the statutory provisions
relating to the election of county councillors in rural
areas "subject to such modifications and adaptations as the
Secretary of State may by order prescribe."
In 1925, the Parliament passed the Rating and Valua-
tion Act, and section 67 thereof provided that if any diffi-
culty arose in connection with its application to any excep-
tional area, or the preparation of the first valuation list
for any area, the Minister "may by order remove the diffi-
culty." It was also provided that "any such order may
modify the provisions of this Act so far as may appear to
the Minister necessary or expedient for carrying the order
into effect."
In 1929, a new Local Government Bill was introduced in
Parliament, and section 120 thereof provided that "the
Minister may make such order for removing difficulties as he
may judge necessary.......... and any such order may modify
the provisions of this Act."
Section 1(2) of the Road Transport Lighting Act, 1927,
provided that" the Minister of Transport may exempt wholly
or partially, vehicles of particular kinds from the require-
ments of the Act," and sub-section (3) empowered him to "add
to or vary such requirements" by regulations.
849
By section 1 of the Trade Boards Act, 1918, "the Minis-
ter of Labour may, by special order, extend the provisions
of the Trade Boards Act, 1909, to new trades......... and
may alter or amend the Schedule to the Act."
The Unemployment Insurance Act, 1920, by sec-
tion 45 provided that "if any difficulty arises with respect
to the constitution of special or supplementary
schemes......... the Minister of Labour......... may by
order do anything which appears to him to be necessary or
expedient......... and any such order may modify the provi-
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sions of this Act......... "
Similar instances may be multiplied, but that will serve
no useful purpose. The main justification for a provision
empowering modifications to be made, is said to be that, but
for it, the Bills would take longer to be made ready, and
the operation of important and wholesome measures would be
delayed, and that once the Act became operative, any defect
in its provisions cannot be removed until amending legisla-
tion is passed. It is also pointed out that the power to
modify within certain circumscribed limits does not go as
far as many other powers which are vested by the legislature
in high officials and public bodies through whom it decides
to act in certain matters. It seems to me that it is now too
late to hold that the Acts in question are ultra vires,
merely because, while giving the power to the Government to
extend an Act, the legislatures have also given power to the
Government to subject it to such modifications and restric-
tions as it thinks fit. It must, however, be recognised
that what is popularly known as the "Henry VIII clause" has
from time to time provoked unfavourable comment in England,
and the Committee on Ministers’ Powers, while admitting that
it must be occasionally used, have added:" .......
we are clear in our opinion, first, that the adoption of
such a clause ought on each occasion when it is, on the
initiative of the Minister in charge of the Bill, proposed
to Parliament to be justified by him up to the essential. It
can only be essential for the limited purpose of
850
bringing an Act into operation and it should accordingly be
in most precise language restricted to those purely machin-
ery arrangements vitally requisite for that purpose;and the
clause should always contain a maximum time limit of one
year after which the powers should lapse. If in the event
the time limit proves too short--which is unlikely--the
Government should then come back to Parliament with a one
clause Bill to extend it." It may also be stated that in
England "delegated legislation" often requires the regula-
tions or provisions made by the delegate authority to be
laid before the Parliament either in draft form or with the
condition that they are not to operate till approved by
Parliament or with no further direction. The Acts before us
are certainly open to the comment that this valuable safe-
guard has not been observed, but it seems to me that however
desirable the adoption of this safeguard and other safe-
guards which have been suggested from time to time may be,
the validity of the Acts, which has to be determined on
purely legal considerations, cannot be affected by their
absence.
I will now deal with section 2 of the Part C States
(Laws) Act, 1950, in so far as it gives power to the Central
Government to make a provision in the enactment extended
under the Act for the repeal or amendment of any correspond-
ing law which is for the time being applicable to the Part C
State concerned. No doubt this power is a far-reaching and
unusual one, but, on a careful analysis, it will be found to
be only a concomitant of the power of transplantation and
modification. If a new law is to be made applicable, it may
have to replace some existing law which may have become out
of date or ceased to serve any useful purpose, and the
agency which is to apply the new law must be in a position
to say that the old law would cease to apply. The nearest
parallel that I can find to this provision, is to be found
in the Church of England Assembly (Powers) Act, 1919. By
that Act, the Church Assembly is empowered to propose
legislation touching matters concerning the Church of
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England, and
851
the legislation proposed may extend to the repeal or amend-
ment of Acts of Parliament including the Church Assembly Act
itself. It should however be noticed that it is not until
Parliament itself gives it legislative force on an affirma-
tive address of each House that the measure is converted
into legislation. There is thus no real analogy between that
Act and the Act before us. However, the provision has to be
upheld, because, though it goes to the farthest limits, it
is difficult to hold that it was beyond the powers of a
legislature which is supreme in its own field; and all we
can say is what Lord Hewart said in King v. Minister of
Health(1), namely, that the particular Act may be regarded
as "indicating the high water-mark of legislative provisions
of this character," and that, unless the legislature acts
with restraint, a stage may be reached when legislation may
amount to abdication of legislative powers.
Before I conclude, I wish to make a few general observa-
tions here on the subject of "delegated legislation" and
its limits, using the expression once again in the popular
sense. This form of legislation has become a present-day
necessity, and it has come to stay--it is both inevitable
and indispensable. The legislature has now to make so many
laws that it has no time to devote to all the legislative
details, and sometimes the subject on which it has to legis-
late is of such a technical nature that all it can do is to
state the broad principles and leave the details to be
worked out by those who are more familiar with the subject.
Again, when complex schemes of reform are to be the subject
of legislation, it is difficult to bring out a selfcontained
and complete Act straightaway, since it is not possible to
foresee all the contingencies and envisage all the local
requirements for which provision is to be made. Thus, some
degree of flexibility becomes necessary, so as to permit
constant adaptation to unknown future conditions without the
necessity of having to amend the law again and again. The
advantage of such a course is that it enables the delegate
authority
(1) [1927] 2 K B. 229 at 236. 110
852
to consult interests likely to be affected by a particular
law, make actual experiments when necessary, and utilize the
results of its investigations and experiments in the best
way possible. There may also arise emergencies and urgent
situations requiring prompt action and the entrustment of
large powers to authorities who have to deal with the var-
ious situations as they arise. There are examples in the
Statute books of England and other countries, of laws, a
reference to which will be sufficient to justify the need
for delegated legislation. The British Gold Standard
(Amendment) Act, 1931, empowered the Treasury to make and
from time to time vary orders authorising the taking of such
measures in relation to the Exchanges and otherwise as they
may consider expedient for meeting difficulties arising in
connection with the suspension of the Gold Standard. The
National Economy Act, 1931, of England, empowered "His
Majesty to make Orders in Council effecting economies in
respect of the services specified in the schedule" and
proved that the Minister designated in any such Order might
make regulations for giving effect to the Order. The Food-
stuffs (Prevention of Exploitation) Act, 1931, authorised
the Board of Trade to take exceptional measures for prevent-
ing or remedying shortages in certain articles of food and
drink. It is obvious that to achieve the objects which were
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intended to be achieved by these Acts, they could not have
been framed in any other way than that in which they were
framed. I have referred to these instances to show that the
complexity of modern administration and the expansion of the
functions of the State to the economic and social sphere
have rendered it necessary to resort to new forms of legis-
lation and to give wide powers to various authorities on
suitable occasions. But while emphasizing that delegation
is in these days inevitable, one should not omit to refer to
the dangers attendant upon the injudicious exercise of the
power of delegation by the legislature. The dangers in-
volved in defining the delegated power so loosely that the
area it is intended to cover cannot be clearly ascertained,
and in giving
853
wide delegated powers to executive authorities and at the
same time depriving a citizen of protection by the courts
against harsh and unreasonable exercise of powers, are too
obvious to require elaborate discussion.
For the reasons I have set out, I hold that none of the
provisions which are the subject of the three questions
referred to us by the President is ultra vires and I would
answer those questions accordingly.
PATANJALI SASTRI J.--The President of India by an order,
dated the 7th January, 1951, has been pleased to refer to
this Court, under article 14:3 (1) of the Constitution, for
consideration and report the following questions:
1. Was section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act, 1912, or any of
the provisions thereof and in what -particular or particu-
lars or to what extent ultra vires the legislature which
passed the said Act ?
2. Was the Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of Laws) Act, 1947,
or any of the provisions thereof and in what particular or
particulars or to what extent ultra vires the legislature
which passed the said Act ?
3. Is section 2 of the Part C States (Laws) Act, 1950,
or any of the provisions thereof and in what particular or
particulars or to what extent ultra rites the Parliament ?
The reasons for making the reference are thus set out in
the letter of reference:
"And whereas the Federal Court of India in Jatindra Nath
Gupta v. The Province of Bihar(1) held by a majority that
the proviso to sub-section (3) of section 1 of the Bihar
Maintenance of Public Order Act, 1947, was ultra vires the
Bihar Legislature inter alia on the ground that the said
proviso conferred power on the Provincial Government to
modify an act of the Provincial Legislature and thus
amounted to a delegation of legislative power;
And whereas as a result of the said decision of the Federal
Court, doubts have arisen regarding
(1) [1949-50] F.C.R. 595.
854
the validity of section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act, 1912,
section 2 of the Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of Laws) Act,
1947, and section 2 of the Part C States (Laws) Act, 1950,
and of the Acts extended to the Provinces of Delhi and
Ajmer-Merwara and various Part C States under the said
sections respectively, and of the orders and other instru-
ments issued under the Acts so extended;
And whereas the validity of section 7 of the Delhi Laws
Act, 1912, and section 2 of the Ajmer Merwara (Extension of
Laws)’Act, 1947, and of the Acts extended by virtue of the
powers conferred by the said sections has been challenged
in some cases pending at present before the Punjab High
Court, the Court of the Judicial Commissioner of Ajmer, and
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the District Court and the Subordinate Courts in Delhi."
The provisions referred to above are as follows: -Section 7
of the Delhi Laws Act, 1912:
The Provincial Government may, by notification in the
official Gazette, extend with such restrictions and modifi-
cations as it thinks fit to the Province of Delhi or any
part thereof, any enactment which is in force in any part of
British India at the date of such notification."
Section 2 of the Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of Laws) Act,
1947:
"Extension of enactments to Ajmer-Merwara.--The Central
Government may, by notification in the official Gazette,
extend to the Province of Ajmer-Merwara with such restric-
tons and modifications as it thinks fit any enactment which
is in force in any other Province at the date of such noti-
fication.
Section 2 of the Part C States (Laws) Act 1950:
"Power to extend enactments to certain Part C
States.--The Central Government may, by notification in the
official Gazette, extend to any Fart C State (other than
Coorg and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands) or to any part of
such State, with such restrictions and modifications as it
thinks fit, any
855
enactment which is in force in a Part A State at the date of
the notification; and provision may be made in any enactment
so extended for the repeal or amendment of any corresponding
law (other than a Central Act) which is for the time being
applicable to that Part C State."
The Central Legislature, which enacted these provisions,
had, at all material times, the power to make laws itself
for the designated territories. But, instead of exercising
that power, it empowered the Provincial Government in the
first-mentioned case, and the Central Government in the
others, to extend, by notification in the official Gazette,
to the designated territories laws made by Provincial Legis-
latures all over India for territories within their respec-
tive jurisdiction. The principal features of the authority
thus delegated to the executive are as follows:
(1) The laws thus to be extended by the executive are
laws made not by the delegating authority itself, namely,
the Central Legislature, but by different Provincial Legis-
latures for their respective territories.
(2) In extending such laws the executive is to have the
power of restricting or modifying those laws as it thinks
fit.
(3) The law to be extended is to be a law in force at
the time of the notification of extension, that is to say,
the executive is empowered not only to extend laws in force
at the time when the impugned provisions were enacted, which
the Central Legislature could be supposed to have examined
and found suitable for extension to the territories in
question, but also laws to be made in future by Provincial
Legislatures for their respective territories which the
Central Legislature could possibly have no means of judging
as to their suitability for such extension.
(4) The power conferred on the executive by the enact-
ments referred to in Question No. a is not only to extend to
the designated territories laws made by other legislatures
but also to repeal or amend any corresponding law in force
in the designated territories.
856
The question is: Was the delegation of such sweeping
discretionary power to pick and choose laws made by other
legislatures to operate elsewhere and to apply them to the
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territories in question within the competence of the Central
Legislature ?
In Jatindra Nath Gupta v. The Province of Bihar (1),
which has led to this reference, the Federal Court of
India held by a majority (Kania C.J., Mahajan and Mukher-
jea JJ.) that the proviso to sub-section (3) of section 1
of the Bihar Maintenance of Public Order Act, 1937, pur-
porting to authorise the Provincial Government, on cer-
tain conditions which are not material here, to extend by
notification, the operation of the Act for a further speci-
fied period after its expiry with or without modifications
amounted to a delegation of legislative power and as such
was beyond the competence of the legislature. The deci-
sion proceeded to some extent on the concession by
counsel that delegation of legislative power was incom-
petent though it must be admitted there are observations
in the judgments of their Lordships lending the weight of
their authority in support of that view. Fazl Ali J. in a
dissenting judgment held that the power to extend and the
power to modify were separate powers and as the Provincial
Government had in fact extended the operation of the Act
without making any modification in it, the proviso
operated as valid conditional legislation. While agreeing
with the conclusion of the majority that the detention of
the petitioners in that case was unlawful, 1 preferred to
rest my decision on a narrower ground which has no rele-
vancy in the present discussion. In the light of the
fuller arguments addressed to us in the present case, I am
unable to agree with the majority view.
The Attorney-General, appearing on behalf of the Presi-
dent, vigorously attacked the majority view in Jatindra
Nath Gupta’s case(1) as being opposed alike to sound con-
stitutional principles and the weight of authority. He
cited numerous decisions of the Privy
(1) [1949-50] F.C.R. 595.
857
Council and of the American, Australian and Canadian Courts
and also called attention to the views expressed by various
writers on the subject in support of his contention that
legislative power involves as part of its content a power
to delegate it to other authorities and that a legislative
body empowered to make laws on certain subjects and for a
certain territory is competent, while acting within its
appointed limits, to delegate the whole of its legislative
power to any other person or body short of divesting itself
completely of such power.
It is now a commonplace of constitutional law that a
legislature created by a written constitution must act
within the ambit of its powers as defined by the constitu-
tion and subject to the limitations prescribed thereby, and
that every legislative act done contrary the provisions
of the constitution is void. In England no such problem can
arise as there is no constitutional limitation on the powers
of Parliament, which, in the eye of the law, is sovereign
and supreme. It can, by its ordinary legislative procedure,
alter the constitution, so that no proceedings passed by it
can be challenged on constitutional grounds in a court of
law. But India, at all material times,--in 1912, 1947 and
1950 when the impugned enactments were passed-had a written
constitution, and it is undoubtedly the function of the
courts to keep the Indian legislatures within their consti-
tutional bounds. Hence, the proper approach to questions of
constitutional validity is "to look to the terms of the
instrument by which, affirmatively, the legislative powers
were created, and by which, negatively, they were restrict-
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ed. If what has been done is legislation within the general
scope of the affirmative words which gave the power and if
it violates no express condition or restriction by which the
power is limited (in which category would, of course, be
included any Act of the Imperial Parliament at variance
with it) it is not for any court of justice to inquire
further or, to enlarge constructively those conditions and
restrictions.": Empress v. Burah(1). We
(1) s I.A. 178.
858
have,therefore, to examine Whether the delegation of author-
ity made in each of the impugned enactments is contrary to
the tenor of the constitution under which the enactment
itself was passed. No provision is to be found in the
relevant constitutions authorising or prohibiting in express
terms the delegation of legislative power. Can a prohibi-
tion against delegation be derived inferentially from the
terms of the constitution and, if so, is there anything in
those terms from which such a prohibition can be implied ?
Before examining the relevant constitutions to find an
answer to the question, it will be useful to refer to the
two main theories of constitutional law regarding what has
been called delegated legislation. Though, as already
explained, no question of constitutionality of such legisla-
tion could arise in England itself, such problems have
frequently arisen in the British commonwealth countries
which have written constitutions, and British Judges,
trained in the tradition of parliamentary omnipotence, have
evolved the doctrine that every legislature created by an
Act of Parliament, though bound to act within the limits of
the subject and area marked out for it, is, while acting
within such limits, as supreme and sovereign as Parliament
itself. Such legislatures are in no sense delegates of the
Imperial Parliament and, therefore, the maxim delegatus non
potest delegare is not applicable to them. A delegation of
legislative functions by them, however extensive, so long as
they preserve their own capacity, cannot be challenged as
unconstitutional. These propositions were laid down in no
uncertain terms in the leading case of Hodge v. Queen(1)
decided by the Privy Council in 1883. Upholding the validity
of an enactment by a Provincial Legislature in Canada where-
by authority was entrusted to a Boar6 of Commissioners to
make regulations in the nature of bylaws or municipal regu-
lations for the good government of taverns and thereby to
create offences and annex penalties thereto, their Lordships
observed as follows:
(1) 9 App. Cas. 117
859
"It was further contended that the Imperial Parliament
had conferred no authority on the local legislature to
delegate those powers to the Licence Commissioners, or any
other persons. In other words, that the power conferred
by the Imperial Parliament on the local legislature should
be exercised in full by that body, and by that body alone.
The maxim delegatus non potest delegare was relied on. It
appears to their Lordships, however, that the objection thus
raised by the appellant is founded on an entire misconcep-
tion of the true character and position of the provincial
legislatures. They are in no sense delegates of or acting
under any mandate from the Imperial Parliament. When the
British North America Act enacted that there should be a
legislature for Ontario, and that its legislative assembly
should have exclusive authority to make laws for the Prov-
ince and for provincial purposes in relation to the matters
enumerated in section 92, it conferred powers not in any
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sense to be exercised by delegation from or as agents of the
Imperial Parliament, but authority as plenary and as ample
within the limits prescribed by section 92 as the Imperial
Parliament in the plenitude of its power possessed and could
bestow. Within these limits of subjects and area the local
legislature is supreme.................. It was argued at
the bar that a legislature committing important regulations
to agents or delegates effaces itself. That is not so. It
retains its powers intact, and can, whenever it pleases,
destroy the agency it has created and set up another, or
take the matter directly into its own hands. How far it can
seek the aid of subordinate agencies, and how long it shall
continue them, are matters for each legislature, and not for
courts of law, to decide."(1).
Here is a clear enunciation of the English doctrine of
what may be called "supremacy within limits"; that is to
say, within the circumscribed limits of its legislative
power, a subordinate legislature can do what the Imperial
Parliament can do, and no constitutional limit on its power
to delegate can be imported
(1) 9 App. Cas. 117 131,
111
860
on the strength of the maxim delegatus non potest delegare,
because it is not a delegate. The last few words of the
quotation are significant. They insist, as does the pas-
sage already quoted from Burah’s case(1), that the scope of
the enquiry when such an issue is presented to the court is
strictly limited to seeing whether the legislature is acting
within the bounds of its legislative power. The remarks
about "authority ancillary to legislation" and "abundance of
precedents for this. legislation entrusting a limited des-
cretionary authority to others " have, obviously, reference
to the particular authority delegated on the facts of that
case which was to regulate taverns by issuing licences, and
those remarks cannot be taken to detract from or to qualify
in any way the breadth of the general principles so unmis-
takably laid down in the passages quoted.
The same doctrine was affirmed in Powell v. Apollo
Candle Co. Ltd.(2), where, after referring to Burah’s case
(1) and Hodge’s case(3), their Lordships categorically
stated: "These two cases have put an end to a doctrine which
appears at one time to have had some currency, that a Colo-
nial Legislature is a delegate of the Imperial Legislature.
It is a legislature restricted in the area of its powers,
but within that area unrestricted, and not acting as an
agent or a delegate." An objection that the legislature of
New South Wales alone had power to impose the tax in ques-
tion and it could not delegate that power to the Governor,
was answered by saying "But the duties levied under the
Order in Council are really levied by the authority of the
Act under which the order is issued. The legislature has
not parted with its perfect control over the Governor, and
has the power, of course, at any moment, of withdrawing or
altering the power which they have entrusted to him"(4).
If Hodge’s ease(3) did not involve an extensive dele-
gation of legislative power, Shannon’s case(5) did.
(1) 5 I.A. 178. (4) 10 App. Cas. 282, 291.
(2) 10 App. Cas. 282. (5) [1938] A.C. 708.
(3) 9 App. Cas. 117.
861
A provincial legislature in Canada had passed a compulsory
Marketing Act providing for the setting up of Marketing
Boards but leaving it to the Government to determine what
powers and functions should be given to those Boards. One
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of the objections raised to the legislation was that it
was only a "skeleton of an Act" and that the legislature had
practically "surrendered its legislative responsibility to
another body." Lord Haldane’s dictum in what is known as
the Referendum case(1) (to which a more detailed reference
will be made presently) suggesting a doubt as to a provin-
cial legislature’s power to "create and endow with its own
capacity a new legislative power not created by the Act to
which it owes its existence" was cited in support of the
objection. The objection, however, was summarily repelled
without calling upon Government counsel for an answer. Their
Lordships contented themselves with reiterating the English
doctrine of "plenary powers of delegation within constitu-
tional limits" and said: "This objection appears to their
Lordships subversive of the rights which the provincial
legislature enjoys while dealing with matters falling within
the classes of subjects in relation to which the constitu-
tion has granted legislative powers. Within its appointed
sphere the provincial legislature is as supreme as any other
parliament............ Martin C.J. appears to have disposed
of this objection very satisfactorily in his judgment on the
reference, and their Lordships find no occasion to add to
what he there said." What Martin C.J. said is to be found in
Re Natural Products Marketing (B.C.) Act(2). He said "1
shall not, however, pursue at length this subject (delega-
tion of legislative powers) because, to use the language of
the Privy Council in Queen v. Burah(3), ’The British Statute
book abounds with examples of it’ and a consideration for
several days of our early and late ’statute book’ discloses
such a surprising number of delegations to various persons
and bodies in all sorts of subject-matters that it would
(1) [1919] A.C. 935. (3) 3 App. Cas. 889, 906.
(2) (1937) 4 D.L.R. 298, 310.
862
take several pages even to enumerate them, and it would
also bring about a constitutional debacle to invalidate
them. I must, therefore, content myself by selecting four
statutes only." The learned Judge then proceeded to refer,
among others, to a statute whereby "carte blanche powers
were delegated over affected fruit lands areas to cope
with a pest", and to another "whereby power was conferred
upon the Lieutenant Governor in Council to make rules of
the widest scope" and the first importance in our system of
jurisprudence whereby our whole civil practice and proce-
dure, appellate and trial, are regulated and constituted to
such an extent that even the sittings we hold are thereto
subjected."
This recent pronouncement of the Privy Council on the Eng-
lish view of the delegability of legislative power is, in
my opinion, of special interest for the following reasons
:--
(1) The case involved such an extensive delegation of
legislative power--counsel thought the’ ’limit" had been
reached --that it squarely raised the question of the
constitutional validity of surrender or abdication of such
power and Lord Haldane’s dictum in the Referendum case(1)
was relied upon.
(2) Nevertheless, the objection was considered so plainly
unsustainable that Government counsel was not called upon
to answer, their Lordships having regarded the objection
as "subversive" of well-established constitutional princi-
ples.
(3) Martin C.J.’s instances of "carte blanche
delegation" were approved and were considered as disposing
of the objection "very satisfactorily."
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(4) All that was considered necessary to repel the
objection was a plain and simple statement of the English
doctrine, namely, within its appointed sphere the provin-
cial legislature was as supreme as any other parliament,
or, in other words, as there can be no legal limit to
Parliament’s power to delegate, so can there
(1) [1919] A.C. 935.
863
be none to the power of the provincial legislature to dele-
gate legislative authority to others. Thus, the English
approach to the problem of delegation of legislative power
is characterised by a refusal to regard legislation by a
duly constituted legislature as exercise of a delegated
power, and it emphatically repudiates the application of the
maximum delegatus non potest delegate. It recognises the
sovereignty of legislative bodies within the limits of the
constitutions by which they are created and concedes plenary
powers of delegation to them within such limits. It regards
delegation as a revocable entrustment of the power to legis-
late to an appointed agent whose act derives its validity
and legal force from the delegating statute and not as a
relinquishment by the delegating body of its own capacity to
legislate.
On the other hand, the American courts have approached
the problem along wholly different lines which are no less
the outcome of their own environment and tradition. The
American political scene in the eighteenth century was
dominated by the ideas of Montesque and Locke that concen-
tration of legislative, executive and judicial powers in the
hands of a single organ of the State spelt tyranny, and many
State constitutions had explicitly provided that each of the
great departments of State, the legislature, the executive
and the judiciary, shall not exercise the powers of the
others. Though the Federal Constitution contained no such
explicit provision, it was construed, against the background
of the separatist ideology, as embodying the principle of
separation of powers, and a juristic basis for the conse-
quent non-delegability of its power by one of the depart-
ments to the others was found in the old familiar maxim of
the private law of agency delegatuts non potest delegare
which soon established itself as a traditional dogma of
American constitutional law. But the swift progress of the
nation in the industrial and economic fields and the result-
ing complexities of administration forced the realisation on
the American Judges of the unavoidable necessity for
864
large-scale delegation of legislative powers to administra-
tive bodies, and it was soon recognised that to deny this
would be "to stop the wheels of government." The result has
been that American decisions on this branch of the law
consist largely of attempts to disguise delegation "by
veiling words" or "by softening it by a quasi" (per Holmes
J. in Springer v. Government of the Phillipine Islands(1).
"This result", says a recent writer on the subject, "is well
put in Prof. Cushman’s syllogism ’-
Major premise: Legislative power cannot be constitu-
tionally delegated by Congress.
Minor premise: It is essential that certain powers be
delegated to administrative officers and regulatory commis-
sions.
Conclusion: Therefore the powers thus delegated are
not legislative powers."
They are instead "administrative"or "quasi-legisla-
tive"--(American Administrative Law by Bernard Schwartz, p.
20). After considerable confusion and fluctuation of opin-
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ion as to what are "essentially" legislative powers which
cannot be delegated and what are mere "administrative" or
"ancillary" powers, the delegation of which is permissible,
the recent decisions of the Supreme Court would seem to
place the dividing line between laying down a policy or
establishing a standard in respect of the subject legislated
upon on the one hand and implementing that policy and en-
forcing that standard by appropriate rules and regulations
on the other: (vide Schechter Poultry Corpn. v. United
States(2) and Panama Refining Co. v. Ryan(3)), a test which
inevitably gives rise to considerable divergence of judicial
opinion as applied to the facts of a given case.
I will now turn to the questions in issue. The first
question which relates to the validity of section 7 of the
Delhi Laws Act, 1912. has to be determined with reference to
the competency of "the legislature which
(1) 277 U.S. 189. (3) 293 U.S. 388.
(2) 295 U.s. 495.
865
passed the said Act", that is, with reference to the consti-
tution then in force. It may be mentioned her, e that the
Delhi Laws Act, 1912, as well as the AjmerMerwara (Extension
of Laws) Act, 1947, to which the second question relates,
were repealed by section 4 of the Part C States (Laws)
Act, 1950, but the Acts already extended under the repealed
provisions have been continued in force and hence the neces-
sity for a pronouncement on the constitutional validity of
the repealed provisions.
In 1912 the Indian Legislature was the Governor General
in Council, and his law-making powers were derived from
section 22 of the Indian Councils Act, 1861 (24 and 25 Vic.
Ch. 7) which conferred power "to make laws and regulations
for repealing, amending or altering any laws or regulations
whatever now in force or hereafter to be in force in the
Indian territories now under the dominion of Her Majesty and
to make laws and regulations for all persons whether British
or native, foreigners or others, and for all courts of
justice whatever and for all places and things whatever
within the said territories," subject to certain conditions
and restrictions which do not affect the impugned provi-
sions. The composition and powers of the Governor-General
in Council were altered in other respects by the Councils
Acts of 1892 and 1909, but his law-making powers remained
essentially the same in 1912. The question accordingly
arises whether section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act, 1912, was
within the ambit of the legislative powers conferred on
himby section 22 of the Indian Councils Act, 1861. As the
power is defined in very wide terms--" for all
persons....... and for all places and things whatever "
within the Indian territories--the issue of competency
reduces itself to the question whether section 7 was a "law"
within the meaning of section 22 of the Indian Councils Act
of 1861. This question is, in my opinion, concluded by the
decision of the Privy Council in Empress v. Burah(1).
(1) 5 I.A. 178.
866
That was an appeal by the Government from a judgment of
the majority of a Full Bench of the Calcutta High Court
holding that sections 8 and 9 of Act XXII of 1869 were ultra
vires the Governor General in Council as being an unautho-
rised delegation of legislative power to the Lieutenant-
Governor of Bengal. The combined effect of those provisions
was to authorise the Lieutenant-Governor to extend to cer-
tain districts by notification in the Calcutta Gazette "any
law or any portion of any law now in force in the other
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territories subject to his government or which may hereafter
be enacted by the Council of the Governor-General or of the
said Lieutenant-Governor, for making laws and
regulations.......... "Markby J., who delivered the leading
judgment of the majority, held (1) that section 9 amounted
to a delegation of legislative authority to the Lieutenant-
Governor by the Indian Legislature which, having been en-
trusted with such authority as a delegate of the Imperial
Parliament, had no power in its turn to delegate it to
another, and (2) the Indian Legislature could not "change
the legislative machinery in India without affecting the
provisions of the Acts of Parliament which created that
machinery and if it does in any way affect them, then ex-
consensu omnium its Acts are void." The learned Judge
referred to the argument of Government counsel, namely,
"where Parliament has conferred upon a legislature the
general power to make laws, the only question can be ’Is the
disputed Act a law’. If it is, then it is valid unless it
falls within some prohibition." The learned Judge remarked
that this argument was "sound", but met it by holding that
"it was clearly intended to restrict the Legislative Council
to the exercise of functions which are properly legislative,
that is, to the making of laws, which (to use Blackstone’s
expression)are rules of action prescribed by a superior to
an inferior or of laws made in furtherance of those rules.
The English Parliament is not so restricted. It is not only
a legislative but a paramount sovereign body...... The
Legislative Council, when it merely grants permission
867
to another person to legislate, does not make a law within
the meaning of the Act from which it derives its
authority"(1) The learned Judge rejected the argument based
on previous legislative practice as the instances relied on
were not "clear and undisputed instances of a transfer of
legislative authority." Garth C.J. in his dissenting opinion
pointed out that "by the Act of 1833 the legislative powers
which were then conferred upon the Governor-General in
Council were in the same language, and (for the purposes of
the present case) to the same effect, as those given by the
Councils Act in 1861; and from the time when that Act was
passed, the Governor-General in Council has constantly been
in the habit of exercising those powers through the instru-
mentality of high officials and public bodies, in whom a
large discretion has been vested for that purpose."(2) It
could not therefore be supposed that "the Imperial Parlia-
ment would have renewed in the Councils Act of 1861 the
legislative powers which the Governor-General in Council had
so long exercised, if they had disapproved of the course of
action which the Legislature had been pursuing. The fact
that with the knowledge of the circumstances which they must
be assumed to have possessed, Parliament did in the Councils
Act renew the powers which were given by the Act of 1833,
appears to me to amount to a statutory acknowledgment that
the course of action which had been pursued by the legisla-
ture in the exercise of those powers was one which the Act
had authorised."(3) The learned Chief Justice accordingly
came to the conclusion that Act XXII of 1869 was a law
"which the legislature was justified in passing." I have
referred at some length to the reasoning and conclusions of
the learned Judges in the High Court as I think they will be
helpful in understanding the full import of the judgment of
the Privy Council.
It will be seen, in the first place, that the line of
approach adopted by Government counsel in the High
(1)I.L.R. 3 Cal. 63 at 90, 91. (3) Ibid 144.
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(2) Ibid, 140.
112
868
Court was endorsed by their Lordships as the correct ap-
proach to the problem, that is to say, the court has to see
whether "what has been done is legislation within the gener-
al scope of affirmative words which give the power, and if
it violates no express condition by which that power is
limited it is not for any court to inquire further or to
enlarge constructively those conditions and restrictions"
(italics mine). This passage clearly lays down [what we
have already seen was reiterated in Hodge’s case(1)]: (1)
that the scope of judicial review in such cases is limited
only to determining whether the impugned enactment is within
the law-making power conferred on the legislature and wheth-
er it violates any express condition limiting that power,
and (2) that in determining the latter question the court
should have regard only to express conditions and should not
enlarge them inferentially by a process of interpretation.
In the second place, their Lordships repudiated the doctrine
[as they did also in respect of a provincial legislature in
Canada in Hodge’s case(1)] that the Indian Legislature is in
any sense an agent or delegate of the Imperial Parliament,
and that the rule against delegation by an agent applies to
the situation. Thirdly, the distinction made by Markby J.
between Parliament and the Indian Legislature that the
latter is "restricted to the......making of laws" in the
sense defined by Blackstone, while Parliament was not so
restricted, or, in other words, that while Parliament could
make a "law" delegating its legislative power, the Indian
Legislature could not make such a "law,’ was rejected, and
the English doctrine of supremacy within limits was laid
down specifically in regard to the Indian. Legislature,
which, when acting within the limits circumscribing its
legislative power "has and was intended to have plenary
powers of legislation as large and of the same nature as
those of Parliament itself" (italics mine). It must follow
that it is as competent for the Indian Legislature to make a
law delegating legislative power, both quantitatively and
qualitatively, as it is for
(1) 9 App. Cas. 117.
869
Parliament to do so, provided, of course, it acts within the
circumscribed limits. Fourthly, their Lordships "agree
that the Governor-General in Council could not by any form
of enactment create in India and arm with general legisla-
tive authority a new legislative power not created or autho-
rised by the Councils Act. Nothing of that kind has in their
Lordships’ opinion been done or attempted in the present
case."
Mr. Chatterjee, on behalf of the opposite party, submit-
ted that the remark regarding the incompetency of the Gover-
nor-General in Council to create in India a new legislative
power had reference to the subordinate agency or instrumen-
tality to which the legislative authority was to be delegat-
ed and thus negatived the legislature’s right to delegate.
The context, however, makes it clear that their Lordships
were expressing agreement on this point with Markby J. who,
as we have seen, had stated that the Indian Legislature
could not "change the legislative machinery in India without
affecting the provisions of the Acts of Parliament which
created that machinery." This shows that their Lordships
were envisaging the setting up of a new legislative machin-
ery not authorised by the Councils Act, that is, a new
legislature in the sense in which the Central and Provincial
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Legislatures in the country were legislatures. While they
agreed that that could not. be done (because it would be a
contravention of the Act of Parliament which confers no
power to create such legislatures) their Lordships proceeded
to point out that that was not what was done by the impugned
Act and that Markby J. fell into an error in thinking that
it was. Their Lordships gave two reasons: first, because "it
is a fallacy to speak of the powers thus conferred upon the
Lieutenant-Governor (large as they undoubtedly are)’ as if,
when they were exercised, the efficacy of the acts done
under them would be due to any other legislative authority
than that of the Governor-General in Council. Their whole
operation is, directly and immediately, under and by virtue
of this Act (No. XXll of 1869) itself." Here, indeed, their
Lordships touch the core of the problem by indicating
870
the true nature of delegated legislation as distinct from
creating a new legislative body. The point is developed to
its logical consequence in later cases as will be seen
presently, but here they expose to view the not uncommon
"fallacy" of treating the one as of the same nature and as
having constitutionally the same consequence as the other, a
fallacy which perhaps accounts for much of the confusion of
thought on the subject. It will be recalled that in Hodge’s
case(1) it was made clear that in delegated legislation the
delegating body does not efface itself but retains its
legislative power intact and merely elects to exercise such
power through an agency or instrumentality of its choice.
There is no finality about this arrangement, the delegating
body being free to "destroy the agency it has created and
set up another or take the matter directly into its own
hands." In Burah’s case(2) their Lordships emphatically
stated one consequence of that view, namely, that the act
done by the authority to which legislative power is delegat-
ed derives its whole force and efficacy from the delegating
legislature, that is to say, when the delegate acts under
the delegated authority, it is the legislature that really
acts through its appointed instrumentality. On the other
hand, in the creation of a new legislative body with general
legislative authority and functioning in its own right,
there is no delegation of power to subordinate units, but a
grant of power to an independent and co-ordinate body to
make laws operating of their own force. In the first case,
according to English constitutional law, no express provi-
sion authorising delegation is required. In the absence of a
constitutional inhibition, delegation of legislative power,
however extensive, could be made so long as the delegating
body retains its own legislative power intact. In the second
case, a positive enabling provision in the constitutional
document is required.
The second reason why their Lordships regarded the
majority view as erroneous was that Act XXII of 1869 was, in
truth, nothing more than conditional legislation
(1) 9 App. Cas. 117.
(2) 5 I.A. 178.
871
and there was no question of delegating legislative power.
Their Lordships were of opinion that neither in fixing the
time for commencement of the -Act nor in enlarging the area
of its operation was the Lieutenant Governor exercising "an
act of legislation." "The proper legislature has exercised
its judgment as to place, person, laws, powers; and the
result of that judgment has been to legislate conditionally
as to all these things. The conditions having been ful-
filled, the legislation is now absolute. Where plenary
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powers of legislation exist as to particular subjects,
whether in an Imperial or in a Provincial Legislature, they
may (in their Lordships’ judgment) be well exercised, either
absolutely or conditionally. Legislation, conditional on
the use of particular powers or on the exercise of a limited
discretion, entrusted by the Legislature to persons in whom
it places confidence, is no uncommon thing; and, in many
circumstances, it may be highly convenient. The British
Statute book abounds with examples of it; and it cannot be
supposed that the Imperial Parliament did not, when consti-
tuting the Indian Legislature, contemplate this kind of
conditional legislation as within the scope of the legisla-
tive powers which it from time to time conferred. It cer-
tainly used no words to exclude it."
Their Lordships finally proceeded to refer to the legis-
lative practice in this country of delegating to the execu-
tive government a discretionary power of extending enact-
ments to new territories subject in certain cases to such
"restriction, limitation or proviso" as the Government may
think proper, and they expressed their approval of the
reasoning of Garth C.J. based on such practice. "If their
Lordships," they said, "were to adopt the view of the major-
ity of the High Court they would (unless distinction were
made on grounds beyond the competency of the judicial of-
fice) be casting doubt upon the validity of a long course of
legislation appropriate, as far as they can judge to the
peculiar circumstances of India......... For such doubt
their Lordships are unable to discover any foundation either
in the affirmative or the negative words of that Act"
872
(Indian Councils Act, 1861). The parenthetic remark
(which I have italicised) is significant. It is not com-
petent for the court, according to their Lordships, to dis-
criminate between degrees of delegation. It might be
extensive in some cases and slight in others. Its validity
must, however, be founded "on the affirmative or the nega-
tive words" of the Constitution Act.
Another logical consequence of the British theory of dele-
gation has been worked out in Co-operative Committee on
Japanese Canadians v. Attorney-General for Canada(1), where
the question arose as to whether an order made by the
Governor in Council pursuant to authority delegated by the
Parliament of Canada was a law made by the Parliament of
Canada within the meaning of the Statute of Westminster
and, if so, whether it was such a law made after the pass-
ing of that Statute. The delegation of authority to the
Governor was made before that Statute was passed but the
Governor’s order was promulgated after the Statute. Holding
that the order was a "law" made by the Parliament of Canada
after the Statute of Westminster their Lordships observed:
"Undoubtedly, the law as embodied in an order or regulation
is made at the date when the power conferred by the Parlia-
ment of the Dominion is exercised. Is it made after that
date by the parliament of the Dominion ? That Parliament is
the only legislative authority for the Dominion as a whole
and it has chosen to make the law through machinery set up
and continued by it for that purpose. The Governor in
Council has no independent status as a law-making body. The
legislative activity of Parliament is still resent at the
time when the orders are made, and these orders are" law".
In their Lordships’ opinion they are law made by the Parlia-
ment at the date of their promulgation."(2)
Mr. Chatterice has urged that in Burah’s case(3) the
Privy Council did no more than hold that the type of legis-
lation which their Lordships there called conditional legis-
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lation was within the competence of the
(1) [1947] A.C. 87. (3) S I.A. 178.
(2) Ibid 106-107.
873
Indian legislature and was valid, and that the con
siderations adverted to ’by their Lordships in upholding
such legislation have no relevancy in determining the
validity of the provisions impugned in the present case. It
is true that the kind of legislation here in question does
not belong to that category, for the operation of the
impugned Acts is not made to depend upon the exercise of a
discretion by an external authority, but it is not correct
to say that Burah’s case(1) has application only to facts
involving conditional legislation. As I have endeavoured to
show, it lays down general principles of far-reaching
importance. It was regarded in Powell’s case(2) referred to
above as "laying down the general law" and as "putting an
end" to the false doctrine that a subordinate legislature
acts as an agent or a delegate.
Mr. Chatterjee next relied on the dictum of Lord Haldane
in the Referendum case. (3) In that case their Lordships
held that the Initiative and Referendum Act of Manitoba
(Canada) was, in so far as it compelled the Lieutenant-
Governor to submit a proposed law to a body of voters total-
ly distinct from the legislature of which he was the consti-
tutional head and rendered him powerless to prevent it from
becoming an actual law if approved by those voters, ultra
vires the Provincial Legislature, as the power to amend the
Constitution of the Province conferred upon that Legislature
by the British North America Act, 1867, excluded from its
scope "the office of the Lieutenant-Governor ". Lord Hal-
dane, however, proceeded to make the following observations:
"Section 92 of the Act of 1867 entrusts the legislative
power in a Province to its Legislature, and to that Legisla-
ture only. No doubt, a body, with a power of legislation on
the subjects entrusted to it so ample as that enjoyed by a
Provincial Legislature in Canada, could, while preserving
its own capacity intact, seek the assistance of subordinate
agencies, as had been done when in Hodge v. The
Queen(4) the Legislature of Ontario was
(1) 5 I.A. 178. (3) [1919] A.C. 935.
(2) 10 App. Cas. 282. (4) 9 App. Cas. 117,
874
held entitled to entrust to a Board of Commissioners au-
thority to enact regulations relating to taverns; but it
does not follow that it can create and endow with, its own
capacity a new legislative power not created by the Act to
which it owes its own existence. Their Lordships do no more
than draw attention to the gravity of the constitutional
questions which thus arise."(1)
Mr. Chatterjee submitted that the grave constitutional
question, to which Lord Haldane drew attention, arose in the
present case. I do not think so. The dictum, like the obser-
vation of Lord Selborne in Burah’s case(2) regarding the
power of the Governor-General in Council "to create in India
and arm with general legislative authority a new legislative
power," to which reference has been made, seems to envisage
the unauthorised creation of a new legislature with an
independent status as a law-making body, which, for reasons
already indicated, is quite different from delegation of
legislative power, and my remarks in connection with that
observation equally apply here.
The only other decision of the Privy Council to which
reference need be made is King Emperor v. Benoari Lal
Sarma. (3) It was an appeal from a judgment of the majority
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of the Federal Court of India (reported in [1943] F.C.R. 96)
holding, inter alia, that sections 5, 10 and 16 of the
Special Criminal Courts Ordinance (No. II of 1942) passed by
the Governor- General in exercise of his emergency powers
were ultra vires and invalid. The ground of decision was
that although the powers of the High Court were taken away
in form by section 26 of the Ordinance, they were, in fact,
taken away by the order of the executive officer to whom it
was left by sections 5, 10 and 16 to direct what offences or
classes of offences and what cases or classes of cases
should be tried by the special courts established under the
Ordinance. In so far as these sections thus purported to
confer on the executive officers absolute and uncontrolled
discretion without any legislative provision or direction
laying down
(1) [1919] A.C. 935, 945. (2) 5 I.A. 178. (3) 72 I.A. 57.
875
the policy or conditions with reference to which that power
was to be exercised, they were beyond the competence of the
Governor-General. Varadachariar C.J., with whom Zafrulla
Khan J. concurred, went elaborately into the whole question
of delegation of legislative powers, and while conceding, in
view of the Privy Council decisions already referred to,
that the Governor General (whose legislative power in emer-
gencies was co-extensive with that of the Indian Legisla-
ture) could not be regarded as a delegate of the Imperial
Parliament and that, therefore, the maxim delegatus non
potest delegare had no application, nevertheless expressed
the opinion that "there is nothing in the above decisions of
their Lordships that can be said to be inconsistent with the
principle laid down in the passage from the American author-
ity which the Advocate-General of India proposed to adopt as
his own argument." That principle was this: "The true
distinction is between the delegation of power to make the
law, which necessarily involves a discretion as to what it
shall be, and conferring authority or discretion as to its
execution, to be exercised under and in pursuance of the
law. The first cannot be done, to the latter no valid
objection can be made :" (per Judge Ranney of the Supreme
Court of Ohio, often cited in American decisions). The
learned Chief Justice then proceeded to examine the American
decisions bearing upon the delegation of powers and the
opinions expressed by writers on administrative law and came
to the following conclusion :--
"As we have already observed, the considerations and
safeguards suggested in the foregoing passages may be no
more than considerations of policy or expediency under the
English Constitution. But under Constitutions like the
Indian and the American, where the constitutionality of
legislation is examinable in a court of law, these consider-
ations are, in our opinion, an integral and essential part
of the limitation on the extent of delegation of responsi-
bility by the legislature to the executive. In the present
case, it is impossible to deny that the Ordinance-making
113
876
authority has wholly evaded the responsibility of laying
down any rules or conditions or even enunciating the policy
with reference to which cases are to be assigned to the
ordinary criminal courts and to the special courts respec-
tively and left the whole matter to the unguided and
uncontrolled action of the executive authorities. This is
not a criticism of the policy of the law--as counsel for the
Crown would make it appear --but a complaint that the law
has laid down no policy or principle to guide and control
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the exercise of the undefined powers entrusted to the execu-
tive authorities by sections 5, 10 and 16 of the
Ordinance."(1)
I have set out at some length the reasoning and conclu-
sion of the learned Chief Justice because it summarises and
accepts most of what has been said before us by Mr. Chatter-
jee in support of his contention that the American rule as
to delegation of legislative powers should be followed in
this country in preference to the views of English Judges on
the point and that the delegation of a too wide and uncon-
trolled power must be held to be bad. The Privy Council,
however, rejected the reasoning and conclusion of the major-
ity of the ’Court in a clear and emphatic pronouncement.
Their Lordships scouted the idea that what might be no more
than considerations of policy or expediency under the Brit-
ish Constitution could, in India, as in America, become.
constitutional limitations on the delegation of legislative
responsibility merely because the constitutionality of
legislation was open to judicial review under the constitu-
tion of this country. They said: "With the greatest respect
to these eminent Judges, their Lordships feel bound to point
out that the question whether the Ordinance is intra vires
or ultra vires does not depend on considerations of juris-
prudence or of policy. It depends simply on examining the
language of the Government Of India Act and of comparing the
legislative authority conferred on the Governor-General with
the provisions of the ordinance by which he is ’purporting
to exercise that authority"--the old traditional approach,
"It
(1) [1943] F.C.R. 96, 139-140,
877
may be that as a matter of wise and well-framed legislation
it is better, if circumstances permit, to frame a statute in
such a way that the offender may,know in advance before what
court he will be brought if he is charged with a given
crime; but that is a question of policy, not of law. There
is nothing of which their Lordships are aware in the
Indian constitution to render invalid a statute, whether
passed by the Central legislature or under the Governor-
General’s emergency powers, which does not accord with this
principle......There is not, of course, the slightest doubt
that the Parliament of Westminster could validly enact that
the choice of courts should rest with an executive authori-
ty, and their Lordships are unable to discover any valid
reason why the same discretion should not be conferred ’in
India by the law-making authority, whether that authority
is the legislature or the Governor-General, as an exercise
of the discretion conferred on the authority to make laws
for the peace order,’ and good government of India."(1)
The English doctrine of supremacy within limits is here
asserted once again, and its corollary is applied as the
determining test: "What the British Parliament could do, the
Indian legislature and the Governor-General legislating
within their appointed sphere could also do." There was here
a ’delegation of an "unguided and uncontrolled" discretion-
ary power affecting the liberty of the subject. In the lan-
guage of an American Judge,it was "unconfined and vagrant"
and was not "canalised within banks that kept it from
over-flowing :"(per Cardozo J. in Panama Refining Co. v.
Ryan.(2) Yet, the delegation was upheld. Why? Because "their
Lordships are unable to find any such constitutional limita-
tion is imposed."
There is, however, a passage in the judgment of their-
Lordships, which, torn from its context, may appear, at
first blush, to accept the maxim of delegatus non potest
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delegare as a principle of English constitutional law,
notwithstanding its consistent repudiationby the same tribu-
nal in the previous decisions already
(1) 72 I.A. 57, 70-72. (2) 293 U.S. 388.
878
referred to, and Mr. Chatterjee was not slow to seize on it
as making a veering round to the American point of view.
I do not think that their Lordships meant anything so
revolutionary. The passage is this: "It is undoubtedly
true that the Governor-General, acting under section 72
of Schedule IX, must himself discharge the duty of
legislation there cast on him, and cannot transfer it to
other authorities"(1) (italics mine). This was said,
however, in answering the "second objection" which was
that section 1 (3) of the Ordinance "amounted to what was
called delegated legislation by which the Governor-Gener-
al, without legal authority, sought to pass the decision
whether an emergency existed to the Provincial Governmen-
tinstead of deciding it for himself." Now, the opening
words of section 72 of Schedule IX of the Government of
India Act declare: "The Governor-General may, in case of
an emergency, make and promulgate ordinances for the peace
and good government of British India or any part
thereof." The ordinance was thus passed avowedly in
exercise of a special power to legislate to meet an
emergency, and the argument was that the very basis of
this ordinance-making power must be an exercise of per-
sonal judgment and discretion by the Governor-General
which he could not delegate to the Provincial Government
or its officers. Their Lordships accepted the major
premise of this argument but went on to point out that
there was no delegation of his legislative power by the
Governor-General at all and that "what was done is only
conditional legislation." It was with reference to this
special ordinance-making power to meet emergencies that
their Lordships said that the Governor-General must
himself exercise it and could not transfer it to other
authorities. The words "acting under section 72 of Sched-
ule IX" and "there, cast on him" make their meaning
clear, and the passage relied on by Mr. Chatterjee lends
no support to his argument regarding the nondelegability
of legislative power in general.
In the light of the authorities discussed above and
adopting the line of approach laid down there, I am
879
of opinion that section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act, 1912, fell
within the general scope of the affirmative words of section
22 of the Indian Councils Act, 1861, which conferred the
law-making power on the Governor. General in Council and
that the provision did not violate any of the clauses by
which, negatively, that power was restricted.
The same line of approach leads me to the conclusion
that section 2 of the Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of Laws) Act,
1947, was also constitutional and valid. This Act was passed
by the Dominion Legislature of India, and the governing
constitutional provision was section 99 (1) of the Govern-
ment of India Act, 1935. The Indian Independence Act, 1947,
authorised the removal of certain restrictions on the law-
making powers of the Central Legislature and section 108 of
the Constitution Act was omitted; but the material words in
section 99 (1) which granted the legislative power remained
the same, namely, "may make laws for the whole or any part
of the Dominion." No doubt, as between the Dominion and the
Provinces there was a distribution of legislative power
according to the Lists in Schedule VII, but such distribu-
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tion did not affect the power of the Dominion Legislature to
make laws for what are known as Chief Commissioners’ Prov-
inces, of which Ajmer-Merwara is one. This was made clear
by section 100 (4) read with section 46. Section 2 of the
impugned Act was, therefore a "law" which the Dominion
Legislature was competent to make and the restrictive words
"subject to the provisions of this Act" had no application
to the case, as no provision was brought to our notice
which affected the validity of the law.
There was some discussion as to the scope and meaning of
the words "restrictions" and "modifications". It was sug-
gested by Mr. Chatterjee that these words occurring in the
impugned provisions would enable the executive authority to
alter or amend any law which it had decided to apply to the
territories in question and that a power of such undefined
amplitude could not be validly delegated by the legislature.
On
880
the other hand, the Attorney-General submitted that in
such context "modification" was usually taken to connote
"making a change without altering the essential nature of
the thing changed," and that the use of the word would make
no difference to the delegability or otherwise of the
legislative power. He drew attention to an instance men-
tioned by the Privy Council in Burah’s case, where their
Lordships thought that the power given to the local govern-
ment by Act XXIII of 1861 to extend the Civil Procedure Code
of 1859 "subject to any restriction, limitation or proviso".
which it may think proper was not bad. In the view I have
expressed above, however wide a meaning may be attributed to
the expression, it would not affect the constitutionality of
the delegating statute, because no constitutional limitation
on the delegation of legislative power to a subordinate unit
is’ to be found in either of the constitutions discussed
above. That, I apprehend, is also the reason why the Privy
Council too attached no importance to the words in section
39 of Act XXIII of 1861 referred to above.
Turning next to section 2 of the Part C States (Laws)
Act, 1950, it is framed on the same lines as the other two
impugned provisions save for the addition of a clause empow-
ering repeal or amendment of any corresponding law (other
than a Central Act) which is for the time being in force in
the State. This additional clause, however, need not detain
us, for, if there is no constitutional inhibition against
delegation of legislative power under the present Constitu-
tion, delegation can as Well extend to the power of repeal
as to the power of modification and the Court cannot hold
such’ delegation to be ultra vires. The Constitutional
validity of the additional clause thus stands or falls with
that of the first part of the section and the only question
is: What is the position in regard to delegated legislation
under the present Constitution ? Here we do not have the
advantage of Privy Council decisions bearing on the question
as we had in Burah’s case (1) on the Indian Councils Act,
1861, and Benoari Lal
(1) 5 I.A. 178.
881
Sarma’s case(1) on the Government of India Act, 1935. But
the line of approach laid down in those cases and in numer-
ous others, to which reference has been made, must be fol-
lowed, not because of the binding force of those decisions,
but because it is indubitably the correct approach to prob-
lems of this kind. Indeed, there is no difference between
the English and the American decisions on this point. In
both countries it is recognised that the correct way of
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resolving such problems is to look to the terms of the
constitutional instrument, and to find out whether the
impugned enactment falls within the ambit of the lawmaking
power conferred on the legislature which passed the enact-
ment and, if so, whether it transgresses any restrictions
and limitations imposed on such power. If the enactment
in question satisfies this double test, then it must be held
to be constitutional.
We therefore begin by looking to the terms of the Con-
stitution and we find that article 245 confers lawmaking
power on Parliament in the same general terms as in the
other two cases discussed above. The article says "subject
to the provisions of this Constitution, Parliament may make
laws for the whole or any part of the territory of
India...... "Then we have the scheme of distribution of
legislative powers worked out in article 246 as between
Parliament and the legislatures of the States specified in
Part A and Part B of the First Schedule, which, however,
does not affect the question we have to determine, for
article 246 (4), like section 100 (4) of the Government of
India Act, 1935, provides that Parliament has power to make
laws with respect to any matter for any part of the.territo-
ry of India not included in Part A or Part B notwithstanding
that such matter is a matter enumerated in the State List.
The position, therefore, is substantially similar to
that under the Indian Councils Act, 1861, and the Government
of India Act, 1935, so far as the words conferring law-
making power are concerned. Is then this impugned enact-
ment, which merely purports to
(1) 72 I.A. 57.
882
delegate law-making power to the Central Government for Part
C ,States, a "law" within the meaning of article 245 (1) ?
There can be no question but that the Act was passed by
Parliament in accordance with the prescribed legislative
procedure, and I can see no reason why it should not be
regarded as a law. It will be recalled that the restricted
interpretation which Markby J. (1) put on the word in sec-
tion 22 of the Indian Councils Act in accordance with Black-
stone’s definition (formulation of a binding rule of conduct
for the subject) was not accepted by the Privy Council in
Burah’s case. Even if a mere delegation of power to legis-
late were not regarded as a law’ ’with respect to" one or-
other of the "matters" mentioned in the three Lists, it
would be a law made in exercise of the residuary powers
under article 248.
The question next arises whether there is anything in
the Constitution which prohibits the making of such a law.
The main restrictions and limitations on the legislative
power of Parliament or of the States are those contained in
Part III of the Constitution relating to Fundamental Rights.
Our attention has not been called to any specific provision
in that Part or elsewhere in the Constitution which prohib-
its or has the effect of prohibiting the making of a law
delegating legislative power to a subordinate agency of
Parliament’s choice. What Mr. Chatterjee strenuously urged
was that, having regard to the Preamble to the Constitution,
whereby the people of India resolved, in exercise of their
sovereign right, "to adopt, enact and to give to themselves
the Constitution," Parliament, which is charged with the
duty of making laws for the territories of the Union, must,
as in the American Constitution, be deemed to be a delegate
of the people, and that this fundamental conception, which
approximates to the conception’ underlying the American
Constitution, attracts the application of the maxim delega-
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tus non potest delegare, and operates as an implied prohibi-
tion against the delegation of legislative power by Parlia-
ment or, for that matter, by any other legislature
(1) I.L.R. 3 Cal. 63, 91,
883
in the country. It is true to say that, in a sense, the
people delegated to the legislative, executive and the
judicial organs of the State their respective powers
while reserving to themselves the fundamental right which
they made paramount by providing that the State shall not
make any law which takes away or abridges the rights con-
ferred by that Part. To this extent the Indian Constitution
may be said to have been based on the American model, but
this is far from making the principle of separation of
powers, as interpreted by the American courts, an essential
part of the Indian Constitution or making the Indian Legis-
latures the delegates of the people so as to attract the
application of the maxim. As already stated, the historical
background and the political environment which influenced
the making of the American Constitution were entirely absent
here, and beyond the creation of the three organs of the
State to exercise their respective functions as a matter of
convenient governmental mechanism, which is a common feature
of most modern civilised governments, there’ is not the
least indication that the framers of the Indian Constitution
made the American doctrine of separation of powers, namely,
that in their absolute separation and vesting in different
hands lay the basis of liberty, an integral and basic fea-
ture of the Indian Constitution. On the contrary, by provid-
ing that there shall be a Council of Ministers to aid and
advise the President in the exercise of his functions and
that the Council shall be collectively responsible to the
House of the People, the Constitution following the British
model has effected a fusion of legislative and executive
powers which spells the negation of any clear cut division
of governmental power into three branches which is the basic
doctrine of American constitutional law. Without such a
doctrine being incorporated in the Constitution and made its
structural foundation, the maxim delegatus non potest dele-
gare could nave no constitutional status but could only have
the force of a political precept to be acted upon by legis-
latures in a
884
democratic polity consisting of elected representatives of
the people in the discharge of their function of making
laws, but cannot be enforced by the court as a rule of
constitutional law when such function is shirked or evaded.
The American courts are able to enforce the maxim because it
has been made by the process of judicial construction an
integral part of the American Constitution as a necessary
corollary of the doctrine of separation of powers. But the
position in India, as pointed out above, is entirely differ-
ent, and the courts in this country cannot strike down an
Act of Parliament as unconstitutional merely because Parlia-
ment decides in a particular instance to entrust its legis-
lative power to another in whom it has confidence, or, in
other words to exercise such power through its appointed
instrumentality, however repugnant such entrustment may be
to the democratic process. What may be regarded as politi-
cally undesirable is constitutionally competent.
Mr. Chatterjee also attempted to spell out an implied
prohibition against delegation on the strength of article
357 (1) (a) which provides specifically for delegation by
the President of the law-making powers conferred on him by
Parliament in case of failure of constitutional machinery in
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States. This express provision, it is claimed, shows that
whenever the makers of the Constitution wanted to authorise
delegation of legislative powers they have made specific
provision in that behalf and, in the absence of any such
provision in other cases, no delegation of such powers is
permissible. I see no force in this argument. Merely be-
cause in a particular instance of rare and extraordinary
occurrence an express provision authorising the President to
delegate to another the law-making powers conferred on him
by Parliament is made in the Constitution, it is not reason-
able to infer that it was intended to prohibit the delega-
tion of powers in all other cases. The maxim expressio
unius est exclusio alterius is not one of universal applica-
tion, and it is inconceivable that the framers of the Con-
stitution could have intended to deny to the Indian Legisla-
tures
885
a power which, as we have seen, has been recognised on all
hands as a desirable, if not, a necessary con- comitant
of legislative activity in modern States America,
having started with a rule against delegation as a
necessary corollary of the constitutional doctrine of
separation of powers, has made and is making numerous
inroads on the rule, and English constitutional law has
allowed, as we have seen, even to subordinate legislatures,
the widest latitude to delegate their legislative powers so
long as they retain their own law-making capacity intact.
In such circumstances, a provision for express delegation in
a remote contingency is far too flimsy a ground for infer-
ring a general prohibition against delegation of legislative
power in all other eases. In this connection, it will be
useful to recall Lord Selborne’s observation in Burah’s case
that all that the court has to see in adjudging an enactment
constitutional is "that it violates no express condition or
restriction by which the law-making power conferred on the
legislature is limited, and that it is not for the court to
enlarge constructively those conditions and restrictions,"
and as recently as 1944, the Privy Council, as we have seen
in Benoari Lal Sharma’s case referred to what has always
been regarded as an established doctrine of English consti-
tutional law, namely, that the Indian legislature could do,
in the matter of delegating its legislative powers, what the
British Parliament could do. It would indeed be strange if,
in framing the constitution of the Independent Republic of
India at the present day, its makers were to ignore the
experience of legislative bodies all the world over and to
deny to Parliament a power which its predecessors unques-
tionably possessed. I have no hesitation in rejecting this
argument.
In the result, I hold that section 7 of the Delhi Laws
Act, 1912, section 2 of the Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of
Laws) Act, 1947, and section 2 of the Part C States (Laws)
Act, 1950, are in their entirety constitutional and valid
and I answer the reference accordingly.
886
MAHAJAN J.--In exercise of the powers conferred by
clause (1) of article 143 of the Constitution the Presi-
dent of India has referred the following questions to this
Court for its opinion :--
(1) Was section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act, 1912, or any of
the provisions thereof and in what particular or particulars
and to what extent ultra vires the legislature which passed
the said Act ?
(2) Was the Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of Laws) Act, 1947,
or any of the provisions thereof and in what particular or
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particulars and to what extent ultra vires the legislature
which passed the said Act ?
(a) Was section 2 of Part C States (Laws)Act, 1950, or
any of the provisions thereof and in what particular or
particulars and to what extent ultra vires the Parliament ?
The reference raises questions of great importance
concerning the administration of the affairs of the Republic
and is the first one of the kind since the inauguration of
the new constitution. The only point canvassed in the
reference is as to the vires of the laws mentioned therein.
It was contended by the learned Attorney-General that legis-
lative power without authority or power to delegate is a
futility and that unless legislative power includes. the
power to delegate, power to administer will be ineffective.
It was suggested that the true nature and scope of the
legislative power of Parliament involves as part of its
content power to confer law-making powers upon authorities
other than Parliament itself and that this is a natural
consequence of the doctrine of the supremacy of Parliament.
It was said that the Indian legislature when acting within
the ambit of its legislative power has plenary powers of
legislation as large and of the same nature as the British
Parliament and unless the prescribed limits are exceeded, no
question of ultra vires can possibly arise, that the proper
approach to the question is "Look at the terms of the in-
strument by which affirmatively the legislative powers are
created and by which negatively they are restricted. If
what
887
has been done is legislation within the general scope of the
affirmative words which give the power and if it violates no
express condition or restriction by which the power is
limited, it is not for any court of justice, to enquire or
to enlarge constructively those conditions and
restrictions."(1) Reliance was also placed on the legisla-
tive practice in India and other countries of the the Com-
monwealth sanctioning constitutionality of statutes drawn up
in the same form as the impugned enactments.
The questions referred cover’three distinct periods of
legislation in the constitutional and political history of
this country. The first question relates to the period when
the government of this country was unitary in form and was
constituted under the Indian Councils Act, 1861, as amended
from time to time up to the stage of the introduction of the
Morley-Minto Reforms, when the Indian Legislature achieved
the status of a political debating society and when as a
result of the undoing of the partition of Bengal the capital
of India was transferred from Calcutta to Delhi. The unitary
form of government was changed after the different Round
Table Conferences in London into a Federation by the Consti-
tution Act’of 1935. This Act with certain adaptations
remained in force till 26th January, 1950, when the new
constitution was inaugurated. Under the Independence Act,
1947, India became a Dominion of the British Empire but the
legislative power of the Parliament of the Dominion remained
within the ambit of the Constitution Act of 1935, though the
Parliament as a Constituent Assembly was conferred unlimited
powers like that of a sovereign. The federal form of govern-
ment that had been adopted ’by the Constitution Act of 1935
was also adopted by the framers of the new constitution. The
second question relates to the period when India had at-
tained the status of a dominion under the Indian Independ-
ence Act, while the last question concerns the legislative
competency of Parliament under the new constitution of the
Republic of India.
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 87 of 148
(1) Queen v. Burah, 5 I.A. 178.
888
It is futile to ask in the year of grace 1951 whether
delegated legislation is necessary or not. This kind of
legislation is only a special aspect of the problem of
administrative discretion. The necessity of delegating
rule-making power on the largest scale to administrative
authorities is as much a basic fact of modern industrial
society as the assumption by the State of certain obliga-
tions of social welfare. The problem, however, is how dele-
gated legislation and administrative discretion are confined
and controlled so as to comply with the elementary princi-
ples of law in a democratic society. The answer to the
problem has to be found within the ambit of the constitution
of the country concerned and on the construction that a
lawyer or a jurist would place on it with a constructive and
not a purely legalistic approach. In this back ground it is
instructive to see how the question has been solved in other
countries.
It was customary for the mother of Parliaments told ele-
gate minor legislative power to subordinate authorities
and bodies. Some people took the view that such delegation
was wholly unwise and should be dispensed with. Prof. Dicey,
however, pointed out that it was futile for Parliament to
endeavour to work out details of large legislative changes
and that such anendeavour would result in cumbersome and
prolix statutes. Blackstone remarked that power of this kind
were essential to the effective conduct of the government.
Constitutional practice grew up gradually as and when the
need arose in Parliament, without a logical system, and
power was delegated by Parliament for various reasons:
because ’the topic required much detail, or because it was
technical, or because of pressure of other demands on par-
liamentary time. The Parliament being supreme and its power
being unlimited, it did what it thought was right. The
doctrine of ultra vires has no roots whatever in a country
where the doctrine of supremacy of Parliament holds the
field. The sovereignty of Parliament is an idea fundamental-
ly inconsistent with the notions which govern inflexible and
rigid constitutions existing in countries
889
which have adopted any scheme of representative government.
In England supremacy of law only means the right of judges
to control the executive and it has no greater constitution-
al value than that. The basis of power in England is the
legal supremacy of Parliament and its unrestricted power to
make law. In the words of Coke, "It is so transcendent and
absolute as it cannot be confined either for causes or
persons within any bounds," or again, as Blackstone put it,
"An act of Parliament is the exercise of the highest author-
ity that this kingdom acknowledges upon earth. It hath power
to bind every subject in the land, and the dominions there-
unto belonging; nay, even the King himself, if particularly
named therein. And it cannot be altered amended, dispensed
with, suspended or repealed, but in the same forms and by
the same authority of Parliament." (1).
The Parliament being a legal omnipotent despot, apart
from being a legislature simpliciter, it can in exercise of
its sovereign power delegate its legislative functions or
even create new bodies conferring on them power to make
laws. The power of delegation is not necessarily implicit
in its power to make laws but it may well be implicit in its
omnipotence as an absolute sovereign. Whether it exercises
its power of delegation of legislative power in its capacity
as a mere legislature or in its capacity as an omnipotent
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despot, it is not possible to test it on the touchstone of
judicial precedent or judicial scrutiny as courts of justice
in England cannot inquire into it. ’The assertion therefore
that this power Parliament exercises in its purely legisla-
tive capacity has no greater value than that of an ipse
dixit. For these reasons I am in respectful agreement with
the view of that eminent judge and jurist, Varadachariar J.,
expressed in Benoari Lal arma’s case(2) that the constitu-
tional position in India approximates more closely to the
American model than to the English model and on this subject
the decisions of the United States so far as they lay down
any principle are a valuable guide on this question.
(1) Vide Allen "Law in the Making " 3rd Edn., p. 367.
(2) [1943] F.C.R. 96.
890
This view finds support also from the circumstance that
the constitutions of the two countries are fundamentally
different in kind and character. They fail in two distinct
classes having different characteristics. England has a
unitary form of’ government with a flexible constitution,
while in India we have always had a rigid constitution and
since 1935 it is federal in form. It is unsafe, therefore,
to make any deductions from the legislative power exercised
under a system of government which is basically different in
kind and not merely in degree from the other on the question
of its legislative competency and reach conclusions on the
basis of such deductions. In my opinion, search for a solu-
tion of the problem referred to us in that direction is
bound to produce no results. I have, therefore, no hesita-
tion in rejecting the contention of the learned Attorney-
General that the answer to the questions referred to us
should be returned by reference to, the exercise of power of
Parliament in the matter of delegation of legislative power
to the executive.
It may, however, be observed that in spite of the widest
powers possessed by the British Parliament, it has adopted a
policy of self-abnegation in the matter of delegated legis-
lation. A committee was appointed to report on the Minis-
ters’ powers, popularly known as the Donoughmore Committee.
It made its recommendations and stated the limits within
which power of delegated legislation should be exercised.
Means were later on adopted for keeping a watchful eye on
such legislation. The Donoughmore Committee discovered a
few instances of cases where delegation had gone to the
extent of giving a limited power of modifying Parliamentary
statutes. One of these instances was in section 20 of the
Mental Treatment Act, 1930 (20 & 21 Geo. V, c. 23). It
empowered the Minister of Health by order to modify the
wording of an enactment so far as was necessary to bring it
into conformity with the provisions of the section. The
whole section related to terminology, its intention being to
replace certain statutory expressions in previous use by
others which at the moment were regarded less
891
offensive. The other instance was found in section 76 of the
Local Government Scotland Act, 1929, (19 & 20 Geo. V, c.
25). By this section the Secretary of State was empowered
between 16th May, 1929, and 31st December, 1930, by order to
make any adaptation or modification in the provisions of any
Act necessary to bring these provisions in conformity with
the provisions of other Acts. Such a clause in a statute
bore the nickname "Henry VIII clause". Concerning it the
Committee made the following recommendation: "The use of the
so-called Henry VIII clause conferring power on a Minister
to modify the provisions of Acts of Parliament (hitherto
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limited to such amendments as may appear to him to be neces-
sary for the purpose of bringing the statute into operation)
should be abandoned in all but most exceptional cases and
should not be permitted by Parliament except upon special
grounds stated in a ministerial memorandum to the bill.
Henry VIII clause should never be used except for the sole
purpose of bringing the Act into operation but subject to
the limit of one year."
The language in which this recommendation is couched
clearly indicates that even in a country where Parliament is
supreme the power of modifying Parliamentary statutes has
never been exercised except in the manner indicated in the
above recommendation, and even as regards that limited power
the recommendation was that the exercise of it should be
abandoned. It is significant that since then Henry VIII
clause has not been used by Parliament.
The Dominion of Canada has a written constitution, The
British North Amercia Act (30 & 31 Vict., c. 31). It is not
modelled on the doctrine of exclusive division of power
between the departments of State, legislative, executive and
judicial. It does not place them in three water-tight
compartments and it is somewhat similar in shape in this
respect to the British constitution where the King is still
a part of the legislature, the House of Lords still a part
of the judicial as well as legislative and where all parts
of government form
892
a mutual check upon each other. This similarity, however,
does not mean that the legislature in Canada is of the same
kind as the British Parliament. It falls in the class of
non-sovereign legislatures, like all colonial parliaments.
The decisions of Canadian courts are by no means uniform on
the power of the Canadian Parliament to delegate legislative
power. Those cited to us of recent date seem to have been
given under the pressure of the two world wars and under the
provisions of the War Measures Act. With great respect and
in all humility, I am constrained to observe that in these
decisions, to establish the vires of the powers delegated,
arguments have been pressed into service which are by no
means convincing or which can be said to be based on sound
juristic principles. They can only be justified on the
ground that during a period of emergency and danger to the
State the dominion parliament can make laws which in
peace time it has no competency to enact. There are a
number of Privy Council decisions which have concerned
themselves with the vires of legislative enactments in
Canada which purported to transfer legislative power to
outside authorities and it seems to me that these decisions
furnish a better guide to the solution of the problem before
us than the later decisions of the Supreme Court of Canada
which seemingly derive support from these Privy Council
decisions for the rules stated therein.
The first of these decisions is in the case of Russell
v. The Queen(1) decided in 1882. Two questions were raised
in the appeal. The first was as to the validity of the
Canada Temperance Act, 1878. It was urged that having
regard to the provisions of the British North America Act,
1867, relating to the distribution of legislative powers it
was not competent for the Parliament of Canada to pass the
Act in question. The second question was that even if the
Dominion Parliament possessed the powers which it assumed to
exercise by the Act, it had no power to delegate them
(1) 7 App. Cas. 829,
893
and to give local authorities the right to say whether the
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provisions of the Act should be operative or not. It is the
second question which is relevant to the present enquiry
the mode of bringing the second part of the Act into force,
stating it succinctly, was as follows:
"On a petition to the Governor in Council, signed by not
less than one fourth in number of the electors of any county
or city in the Dominion qualified to vote at the election of
a member of the House of Commons, praying that the second
part of the Act should be in force and take effect in such
county or city, and that the votes of all the electors be
taken for or against the adoption of the petition, the
GovernorGeneral, after certain prescribed notices and evi-
dence, may issue a proclamation, embodying such petition,
with a view to a poll of the electors being taken for or
against its adoption. When any petition has been adopted by
the electors of the county or city named in it, the Gover-
nor-General in Council may, after the expiration of sixty
days from the day on which the petition was adopted, by
Order in Council published in the Gazette, declare that the
second part of the Act shall be in force and take effect in
such county or city, and the same is then to become of force
and take effect accordingly."
It was urged before their Lordships that assuming that
the Parliament of Canada had authority to pass a law for
prohibiting and regulating the sale of intoxicating liquors,
it could not delegate its powers, and that it had done so by
delegating the power to bring into force the prohibitory and
penal provisions of the Act to a majority of the electors of
counties and cities. Their Lordships’ answer to the coun-
sel’s contention was in these words :--
"The short answer to this objection is that the Act does
not delegate any legislative powers whatever. It contains
within itself the whole legislation on the matters with
which it deals. The provision that certain parts of the Act
shall come into operation only
894
on the petition of a majority of electors does not confer on
these persons power to legislate. Parliament itself enacts
the condition and everything which is to follow upon the
condition being fulfilled. Conditional legislation of this
kind is in many cases convenient, and is certainly not
unusual, and the power so to legislate cannot be denied to
the Parliament of Canada, when the subject of legislation is
within its competency. Their Lordships entirely agree with
the opinion of Chief Justice Ritchie on this objection. If
authority on the point were necessary, it will be found in
the case of Queen v. Burah(1), lately before this Board."
It seems to me that their Lordships acquiesced and
assented in the proposition urged by the learned counsel
that delegation of legislative power was not permissible
when they combated his arguments with the remark that the
Act does not delegate any legislative power whatever.
Otherwise, the short answer to the objection was that dele-
gation of legislative power was implicit within the power of
legislation possessed by the legislature. It was not neces-
sary to base the decision on the ground of conditional
legislation.
Though Queen v. Burgh(1) was an appeal from the High
Court of Bengal, a reference was made to it and the decision
therein was mentioned as laying down an apposite rule for
the decision of cases arising under the British North Ameri-
ca Act, 1867. In order to appreciate and apprehend the rule
to which their Lordships gave approval in the above men-
tioned case, it seems necessary to state precisely what
Queen v. Burgh(1) decided. Act XXII of 1869 of the Council
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of the Governor-General of India which is entitled "An Act
to remove the Garo Hills from the jurisdiction of the tribu-
nals established under the General Regulations and Acts, and
for other purposes" among other things provided as follows
:--
"Sec. 4. Save as hereinafter provided, the territory
known as the Garo Hills...... is hereby removed from the
jurisdiction of the Courts of Civil and
(1) 5 I.A, 178.
895
Criminal Judicature, and from the control of the offices of
revenue constituted by the Regulations of the Bengal Code
and the Acts passed by any legislature now or heretofore
established in British India, as well from the law pre-
scribed for the said courts and offices by the Regulations
and Acts aforesaid. And no Act hereafter passed by the
Council of the Governor General for making Laws and Regula-
tions shall be deemed to extend to any part of the said
territory, unless the same be specially named therein.
Sec. 5. The administration of civil and criminal jus-
tice, and the superintendence of the settlement and realiza-
tion of the public revenue, and of all matters relating to
rent, within the said territory, are hereby vested in such
officers as the said Lieutenant-Governor may, for the pur-
pose of tribunals of first instance or of reference and
appeal, from time to time appoint. The officers so appointed
shall, in the matter of the administration and superin-
tendence aforesaid, be subject to the direction and con-
trol of the said Lieutenant-Governor and be guided by such
instructions as he may from time to time issue.
Sec. 8. The said Lieutenant-Governor may from time to
time by notification in the Calcutta Gazette, extend to the
said territory any law, or any portion of any law, now in
force in the other territories subject to his Government, or
which may hereafter be enacted by the Council of the Gover-
nor-General, or of the said Lieutenant-Governor, for making
laws and regulations, and may on making such extension
direct by whom any powers or duties incident to the provi-
sions so extended shall be exercised or performed, and make
any order which he shall deem requisite for carrying such
provisions into operation.
Sec. 9. The said Lieutenant-Governor may from time to
time, by notification in the Calcutta Gazette extend mutatis
mutandis all or any of the provisions contained in the other
sections of this Act to the Jaintia Hills, the Naga Hills,
and to such portion of the Khasi Hills as for the time being
forms part of British India."
896
Under the provisions of the Act the Lieutenant Governor
of Bengal on the 14th October, 1871, issued a notification
and in exercise of the powers conferred upon him by section
9, he extended the provisions of the said Act to the terri-
tory known as the Khasi and Jaintia Hills and excluded
therefrom the jurisdiction of the Courts of Civil and Crimi-
nal Judicature, and specified in the notification the bound-
aries of the said territory. The notification extended all
the provisions of the Act to the districts of Khasi and
Jaintia Hills. The Lieutenant-Governor did not exercise the
power of selecting parts of these Acts for purposes of local
application. Section 9 of the Act did not empower the Lieu-
tenant-Governor to modify any of the provisions of the Act.
The High Court of Bengal by a majority judgment held that
the notification had no legal force or effect in removing
the said territories from the jurisdiction which the High
Court had previously possessed over it, inasmuch as the
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Council of the Governor-General of India for making laws and
regulations had under its constitution, by the Councils Act,
1861, no power to delegate such authority to the
Lieutenant-Governor as it had by Act XXII of 1869 in fact
purported to delegate. The Indian Councils Act, 1861, 24 &
25 Vict. c. 67, by section 22, gave the Governor-General in
Council power for the purpose of making laws and
regulation$, power for repealing, amending or altering any
laws or regulations whatever then in force or thereafter to
be in force and to make laws and regulations for all per-
sons, whether British or native, foreigners or others, and
for all courts of justice whatever, and for all places and
things whatever within the said territories, and for all
servants of the Government of India within the dominions of
princes and states, provided always that the said Governor-
General in Council shall not have the power of making any
laws or regulations which shall repeal or in any way affect
any of the provisions of the Act. As regards section 9 of
the Act their Lordships made the following observations :--
897
"The ground of the decision to that effect of the major-
ity of the Judges of the High Court was, that the 9th
section was not legislation, but was a delegation of legis-
lative power. In the leading judgment of Mr. Justice Mark-
by, the principles of the doctrine of agency are relied
on; and the Indian Legislature seems to be regarded as, in
effect, an agent or delegate, acting under a mandate from
the Imperial Parliament, which must in all cases be executed
directly by itself.
"Their Lordships cannot but observe that, if the princi-
ple thus suggested were correct, and justified the conclu-
sion drawn from it, they would be unable to follow the
distinction made by the majority of the Judges between the
power conferred upon the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal by
the 2nd and that conferred on him by the 9th section. If,
by the 9th section, it is left to the Lieutenant-Governor to
determine whether the Act, or any part of it, shall be
applied to a certain district, by the 2nd section it is also
left to him to determine at what time that Act shall take
effect as law anywhere. Legislation which does not directly
fix the period for its own commencement, but leaves that to
be done by an external authority, may with quite as much
reason be called incomplete, as that which does not itself
immediately determine the whole area to which it is to be
applied, but leaves this to be done by the same external
authority. If it is an act of legislation on the part of the
external authority so trusted to enlarge the area within
which a law actually in operation is to be applied, it would
seem a fortiori to be an act of legislation to bring the law
originally into operation by fixing the time for its com-
mencement.
"But their Lordships are of opinion that the doctrine of
the majority of the Court is erroneous, and that it rests
upon a mistaken view of the powers of the Indian Legisla-
ture, and indeed of the nature and principles of legisla-
tion. The Indian Legislature has powers expressly limited
by the Act of the Imperial Parliament which created it, and
it can, of course, do
898
nothing beyond the limits which circumscribe these powers.
But, when acting within those limits, it is not in any sense
an agent or delegate of the Imperial Parliament, but has,
and was intended to have, plenary powers of legislation, as
large and of the same nature as those of Parliament itself.
The established courts of justice, when a question arises
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whether the prescribed limits have been exceeded, must of
necessity determine that question; and the only way in which
they can properly do so, is by looking to the terms of the
instrument by which, affirmatively, the legislative powers
were created, and by which, negatively, they are restricted.
If what has been done is legislation, within the general
scope of the affirmative words which give the power, and if
it violates no express condition or restriction by which
that power is limited (in which category would, of course,
be included any Act of the Imperial Parliament at variance
with it), it is not for any court of justice to inquire
further, or to enlarge constructively those conditions and
restrictions."
The learned Attorney-General placed considerable reli-
ance on these observations in support of his proposition
that if the legislation is within the ambit of the field
prescribed for exercise of legislative power, then from it
it follows that within that field power can be exercised to
delegate to the widest extent. This quotation, however,
cannot be torn off from the context and read by itself.
Meaning can only be given to these observations in the light
of the observations that follow the quotation cited above
and which are in these terms :-- "
"Their Lordships agree that the Governor General in
Council could not, by any form of enactment, create’ in
India, and arm with general legislative authority a new
legislative power not created or authorised by the Councils
Act. Nothing of that kind has, in their Lordships’ opinion,
been done or attempted in the present case. What has been
done is this. The Governor-General in Council has deter-
mined, in the due and ordinary course of legislation, to
remove a particular district from the
899
jurisdiction of the ordinary courts and offices, and to
place it under new courts and offices, to be appointed by
and responsible to the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal; leav-
ing it to the Lieutenant-Governor to say at what time that
change shall take place; and also enabling him, not to make
what law he pleases for that or any other district, but to
apply by public notification to that district any law, or
part of law, which either already was, or from time to time
might be, in force, by proper legislative authority, in the
other territories subject to his government. The legisla-
ture determined that, so far, a certain change should take
place; but that it was expedient to leave the time, and the
manner of carrying it into effect to the discretion of the
Lieutenant-Governor; and also, that the laws which were or
might be in force in the other territories subject to the
same government were such as it might be fit and proper to
apply to this district also; but that, as it was not certain
that all those laws, and every part of them, could with
equal convenience be so applied, it was expedient, on that
point also, to entrust a discretion to the Lieutenant-Gover-
nor......
"Their Lordships think that it is a fallacy to speak of
the powers thus conferred upon the Lieutenant Governor
(large as they undoubtedly are) as if, when they were
exercised, the efficacy of the acts done under them would be
due to any other legislative authority than that of the
Governor-General in Council. Their whole operation is,
directly and immediately, under and by virtue of this Act
(XXII of 1869) itself. The proper legislature has exercised
its judgment as to place, person, laws, powers; and the
result of that judgment has been to legislate conditionally
as to all these things. The conditions having been ful-
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filled, the legislation is now absolute. Where plenary
powers of legislation exist as to particular subjects,
whether in an Imperial or in a provincial legislature, they
may (in their Lordships’ judgment) be well exercised, either
absolutely or conditionally. Legislation, conditional on
the use of particular powers, or on the exercise of a limit-
ed
116
900
discretion, entrusted by the legislature to persons in whom
it places confidence, is no uncommon thing; and, in many
circumstances, it may be highly convenient. The British
Statute book abounds with examples of it; and it cannot be
supposed that the Imperial Parliament did not, when consti-
tuting the Indian Legislature, contemplate this kind of
conditional legislation as within the scope of the legisla-
tive powers which it from time to time conferred. It cer-
tainly used no words to exclude it."
Towards the close of the judgment certain illustrations
were mentioned of legislation in India described as condi-
tional legislation. Reference was made to the Codes of Civil
and Criminal Procedure and particularly, section 39 of Act
XXIII of 1861 which authorised the Local Government with the
previous sanction of the Governor-General in Council (not in
his legislative capacity) to extend the provisions of the
Act "subject to any restriction, limitation or proviso which
the Local Government may think’proper."
In my opinion, in this case their Lordships did not
affirmatively assent to the proposition that the Indian
Legislature had full power of delegation within the ambit of
its legislative field and they did not dissent from the
conclusion of Markby J. in the concluding part of the judg-
ment that under general principles of law in India any
substantial delegation of legislative power by the legisla-
ture of the country was void. On the other hand, they re-
marked that legislation of this kind was conditional legis-
lation and it only becomes complete on the fulfilment of
those conditions and that the determination of those condi-
tions could be left to an external authority. In spite of
expressing their disapproval of the view of the majority of
the Full Bench in applying the principles of the doctrine of
agency and in treating the Indian Legislature as an agent of
the Imperial Parliament, their Lordships clearly expressed
the opinion that the exercise of the legislative will and
judgment could not be transferred to an external authority
and that it was for the proper legislature to exercise its
own judgment as to the.
901
place, persons, laws and powers. It seems to me that though
their Lordships were not prepared to assent to the proposi-
tion that the matter should be dealt with on principles
deducible from the doctrine of the law of agency, they were
also not prepared to depart from the rule that apart from
the doctrine of the law of agency a person to whom an office
or duty is assigned or entrusted by reason of a special
qualification cannot lawfully devolve that duty upon
another unless expressly authorised so to do. Public func-
tionaries charged with the performance of public duties have
to execute them according to their own judgment and discre-
tion except to the extent that it is necessary to employ
ministerial officers to effectively discharge those duties.
For the reasons given above presumably the Privy Council
was not prepared to lay down that delegation of legislative
power was a content of the power itself. It contented itself
by holding the law valid under the name and style of condi-
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tional legislation. It is difficult to conceive that the
Privy Council would have hesitated in saying so if it felt
that delegation of legislative power was a content of the
power itself. Reference in this connection may be made to a
passage in the judgment of Markby J. which reads thus :---
The various Parliamentary statutes nowhere confer any
express power upon the Indian Legislature to change the
machinery of legislation in India. But they do confer that
power subject to important restrictions upon the executive
government. Mr. Kennedy boldly claimed for the Indian
Legislative Council the power to transfer legislative func-
tions to the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal. Indeed as I
understand him, the only restriction he would attempt was
that the Legislative Council could not destroy its own power
to legislate though I see no reason why he should stop
there. The Advocate-General did not go so far. There are no
words in the Acts of Parliament upon which the legislative
authority could be made transferable in one class of cases
and not in others because I do not
902
for a moment suggest that every time a discretion is en-
trusted to others there is the transfer of legislative
authority. Every Act of the legislature abounds with exam-
ples of discretion entrusted to judicial and executive
officers of government, the legality of which no one would
think of questioning. ’the broad question, however, is’ Can
the legislature confer on the Lieutenant-Governor legisla-
tive power?’ Answer: ’It is a general principle of law in
India that any substantial delegation of legislative author-
ity by the legislature of this country is void’."
It was then contended that the illustration cited in the
concluding part of the judgment of their Lordships suggests
their approval of the proposition that the legislative power
could be delegated conferring power to modify a statute
passed by the legislature itself. This contention seems to
be based on a misapprehension of what their Lordships decid-
ed. In the Full Bench decision of the Calcutta High Court
in Empress v. Burgh & Book Singh(1) Markby J. made the
following observations while dealing with these illustra-
tions :--
"Lastly it was argued that the Indian Legislature had
done so (delegated power) for a long series of years, and a
long list of Acts passed between 1845 and 1868 has been
handed in to us, all of which, it is said, must be treated
as instances of delegation of legislative authority and Act
XXII of 1869 should be so treated. The Acts contained in
the list do not appear to me to afford (as was asserted) so
many clear and undisputed instances of transfer of legisla-
tive authority. I may observe that as to the provisions
which these and many other Acts contain for the making of
rules by executive government in conformity with the Act we
have the highest authority in Biddie v. Tariney Churn Baner-
jee(2) that the power to make such rules may be conferred
without delegation of legislative authority......... The
list of Acts does not seem to me to show any clear practice
of transferring legislative authority."
(1) I.L.R. 3 Cal. 63. (2) 1 Tay. & Bell, 390.
903
Ainslie J. specifically considered the provisions of
section 39 of Act XXIII of 1861 and the meaning of the words
"reservations ", "limitations" and "provisos" and said as
follows :--
"The provisions of section 39, Act XXIII of 1861, do not
affect my view of this matter. This section allows a local
Government, with the previous sanction of the Governor-
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General in Council, to annex any restriction, limitation, or
proviso it may think proper when extending the Code of Civil
Procedure to any territory not subject to the general regu-
lations; but this is merely another form of delaying the
full extension of the Code. So far as the Code obtains
operation, it is still, because the extension is pro tanto,
a carrying out of the intention of the superior legislature
that this shall be sooner or later the law in the particular
tract of country. As I read the section, no power is given
to amend the law itself; it is only a power to keep some
portion in abeyance or to make its operation contingent on
something external to it, which again is only another form
of postponing its full operation."
No doubt was cast on this construction of the language
of section 39 either in the minority judgment of the High
Court or in the judgment of their Lordships of the Privy
Council. In view of this clear expression of opinion of
Ainslie J. as to the meaning of the language used in section
39 and not disapproved by their Lordships of the Privy
Council it cannot with any force be contended that their
Lordships in Burahs case(1) gave approval to the proposition
that the power of conditional legislation included the
power of amendment or modification of the Act of the legis-
lature itself. In my opinion, the result of the decision
in Burah’s case(1) is that it was decided that the Indian
Legislature had power to conditionally legislate. This
case is no authority for the proposition that it could
delegate the exercise of its judgment on the question as to
what the law should be to an external agency. This case
does not support the
(1) 5 I.A. 178.
904
proposition that amendment of a statute of the legislature
itself is a matter which could form the subject of delegated
legislation. The expression that Indian Legislature could
not arm with legislative power a new legislative body not
created by the Indian Councils Act only means that it must
function itself in making laws and not confer this power on
any other body. In other words, it could not create a person
having co-extensive power of legislation and could not
clothe it with its own capacity of law making, that is in
laying down principles and policies. The possession of
plenary powers within the ambit laid down only means that
within that particular field it can make any laws on those
subjects, but it does not mean that it can shirk its duty in
enacting laws within the field by making a law that it
shall not itself operate on that field but somebody else
will operate on its behalf. In my opinion, their Lordships’
judgment amounts to saying that though within the field
prescribed it has the largest power of legislation, yet at
the same time it is subject to the condition that it cannot
abandon formally or virtually its high trust.
Hodge v. The Queen(1) was the next Canadian case decid-
ed by the Privy Council in 1883. The appellant Hodge, was
the holder of a liquor licence issued on 25th April, 1881,
by the Board of Licence Commissioners for the City of Toron-
to under the Liquor Licence Act of the Province of Ontario
in respect of the St. James Hotel. He was also the holder
of a licence under the authority of the Municipal Act,
authorising him to carry on the business or calling of a
keeper of a billiard saloon with one table for hire. The
appellant did on the 7th May, 1881, unlawfully permit and
suffer a billiard table to be used and a game of billiards
to be played thereon, in his tavern during the time prohib-
ited by the Liquor Licence Act for sale of liquor therein.
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It was urged that the Ontario Assembly was not competent to
legislate in regard to licences for the sale of liquor and
that even if the Ontario legislature could, it could not
delegate its power to Licence Commissioners. (
1) 9 App. Cas. 117.
905
The local legislature had assigned to three officials the
power to define offences and impose penalties. This conten-
tion was met with the plea that there was no delegation of
legislative authority but only of the power to make by-
laws. The Court of the King’s Bench Division held that the
local legislature had no power to delegate in the matter and
that such power could be exercised by the legislature alone.
The Court of Appeal reversed this decision and it was upheld
by their Lordships of the Privy Council. It was found that
sections 4 and 5 of the Liquor Licence Act were intra vires
the constitution. In the course of their judgment their
Lordships made the following observations:-
"It appears to their Lordships, however, that the objec-
tion thus raised by the appellants is founded on an entire
misconception of the true character and position of the
provincial legislatures. They are in no sense delegates of
or acting under any mandate from the Imperial Parliament.
When the British North America Act enacted that there should
be a legislature for Ontario, and that its legislative
assembly should have exclusive authority to make laws for
the Province and for provincial purposes in relation to the
matters enumerated in section 92, it conferred powers not in
any sense to be exercised by delegation from or as agents of
the Imperial Parliament, but authority as plenary and as
ample within the limits prescribed by section 92 as the
Imperial Parliament in the plenitude of its power possessed
and could bestow. Within these limits of subjects and area
the local legislature is supreme, and has the same authority
as the Imperial Parliament, or the Parliament of the Domin-
ion, would have had under like circumstances to confide to a
municipal institution or body of its own creation authority
to make by-laws or resolutions as to subjects specified in
the enactment, and with the object of carrying the enactment
into operation and effect.
It is obvious that such an authority is ancillary to
legislation, and without it an attempt for varying details
and machinery to carry them out might
906
become oppressive, or absolutely fail, The very full
and very elaborate judgment of the Court of Appeal con-
tains abundance of precedents for this legislation,
entrusting a limited discretionary authority to others, and
has many illustrations of its necessity and convenience. It
was argued at ’the bar that a legislature committing
important regulations to agents or delegates effaces
itself. That is not so. It retains its powers intact,
and can, whenever it pleases, destroy the agency it has
created and set up another, or take the matter directly
into its own hands. How far it shall seek the aid of
subordinate agencies, and how long it shall continue them,
are matters for each legis to decide. "lature, and not for
courts of law
This case, in my opinion, decided the following points
:--(1) Power to make by-laws or regulations as to subjects
specified in the enactment and with the object of carrying
that enactment into operation and effect can be transferred
to municipal ’institutions or local bodies. (2) Such an
authority is ancillary to legislation. (3) Giving such
power of making regulations to agents and delegates does not
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amount to an effacement of the legislature itself. The case
does not sanction the proposition that power to amend or to
modify a statute passed by the legislature itself can be
delegated. Power of amending a statute or altering it cannot
be described as ancillary to legislation, nor is such a
power within the armit of the doctrine of subsidiary legis-
lation. It is significant, that their Lordships of the
Privy Council never gave their approval to the wide propo-
sition that what the legislature itself can do, it can
employ an agent with coextensive powers for doing the Same.
They have been careful in saying to what extent and in what
measure delegation was permissible. All that they sactioned
was delegation of authority ancillary to legislation or
delegation to municipal institutions to make regulations and
by-laws and no more. It was not held by their Lordships
that power to declare what the law shall be could ever be
delegated or that such delegation will be intra vires the
Parliament of Canada or of the
907
Indian Legislature. It was contended that by implication
their Lordships held in this case that short of effacing
itself the legislature could delegate. In my opinion, there
is no justification for placing such a construction on the
language used by their Lordships while they were combat-
ing an argument that was placed before them by the learned
counsel.
In re The Initiative and Referendum Act (1) is the third
Canadian case decided by the Privy Council. By the Initia-
tive and Referendum Act of Manitoba the Legislative Assembly
sought to provide that the laws of the province will be
made and repealed by the direct vote of the electors instead
of only by the Legislative Assembly whose members they
elect. It was held that the powers conferred on a provin-
cial legislature by section 92 include the power of amend-
ment of the constitution of the province except as regards
the office of the Lieutenant-Governor and that the Initia-
tive and Referendum Act of Manitoba excludes the Lieu-
tenant-Governor wholly from the new legislative authority
set up and that this was ultra rites the provincial legisla-
ture. The Act was therefore held void. Lord Haldane who
delivered the opinion of the Privy Council, after having
found that the Act was ultra vires the legislature, made the
following observations:--
"Having said so much, their Lordships, following their
usual practice of not deciding more than is strictly neces-
sary, will not deal finally with another difficulty which
those who contend for the validity of this Act have to meet.
But they think it right, as the point has been raised in the
court below, to advert to it. Section 92 of the Act of 1867
entrusts the legislative power in a province to its legisla-
ture and to that legislature only. No doubt a body, with a
power of legislation on the subjects entrusted to it so
ample as that enjoyed by a provincial legislature in Canada,
could, while preserving its own capacity intact, seek
(1) [1919] A.C. 935.
117
908
the assistance of subordinate agencies as had been done when
in Hodge v. The Queen (1) the Legislature of Ontario was
held entitled to entrust to a Board of Commissioners
authority to enact regulations relating to taverns; but it
does not follow that it can create and endow with its own
capacity a new legislative power not created by the Act to
which it owes its own existence. Their Lordships do no more
than draw attention to the gravity of the constitutional
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questions which thus arise."
These observations reiterate the ratio of the decision
in Hodge v. The Queen(1) and they do not amount to saying
that power to amend or modify Acts of the legislature itself
could be given by delegation of legislative power. It is,
however, important that their Lordships in clear and unam-
biguous language laid it down that section 92 entrusts
legislative power to its legislature and to that legisla-
ture only and to no other. The principle underlying Lord
Haldane’s remarks is thus stated in Street’s book on the
Doctrine of Ultra Vires, at page 430:-
"The decision in this case, that the statute was ultra
vires, did not turn precisely on the ground of delegation,
but these remarks suggest that a legislature will not ordi-
narily be permitted to shift the onus of legislation, though
it may legislate as to main principles and leave details to
subordinate agencies."
Reference may also be made to the case of King v. Nat
Bell Liquors Ltd.(2) The Liquor Act (6 Geo. V, c. 4, Alber-
ta) was held intra vires the power of the province under the
British North America Act, 1867, and it was found that it
was not ultra vires by reason of being passed pursuant to a
popular vote under the Direct Legislation Act (4 Geo. V, c.
3, Alberta). Here the law was made by the provincial legis-
lature itself and it was passed in accordance with the
regular procedure of the Houses of Legislature. This case is
no authority for the contention raised by the learned
Attorney General.
Il) 9 App. Cas. 117 (21 [1922] 2 A.C. 128.
909
The next Canadian case decided by the Privy Council is
reported in Croft v. Dunphy(1). Antismuggling provisions
enacted operating beyond territorial limits which had long
formed part of Imperial customs legislation and presumably
were regarded as necessary for its efficacy were held valid
and within the ambit of the constitutional powers. This case
does not suggest any new line of thought, not already con-
sidered in Queen v. Burah(2), or Hodge v. The Queen(3).
Shannon v. Lower Mainland Dairy Products Board (4) is a case
in which the question arose whether Natural Products Market-
ing Legislation Scheme of control or regulation and imposi-
tion of licence fees were intra vires the provincial legis-
lature. It was argued that it was not within the powers of
the provincial legislature to delegate legislative power
to the Lieutenant-Governor in Council or to give him further
power of delegation. This contention was met with the fol-
lowing observations :-
"The objection seems subversive of the rights which the
provincial legislature enjoys while dealing with matters
within its ambit. It is unnecessary to enumerate the innu-
merable occasions on which legislature has entrusted similar
powers to various persons and bodies. On the basis of past
practice the delegation was upheld."
So far as I have been able to ascertain, the past prac-
tice was in respect of conferring necessary and ancillary
powers to carry on the policy of a statute.
Reference was also made to Powell v. Apollo Candle Co.
(5) decided in the year 1885. There the question arose as
to the validity of section 133 of the Customs Regulating Act
of 1879 which authorizes the levy of certain duties under an
Order in Council. The section was held intra vires the
constitution. It was argued that the power given to the
colonial legislature to impose duties was to be executed by
themselves
(1) [1933] A.C. 156. (4) [1938] A.C. 708.
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(2) 5 I.A. 178. (5) 10 App. Cas. 282.
(3) 9 App. Cas. 117.
910
only and could not be entrusted wholly or in part to the
Governor or anybody else. This objection was answered in
the following way
"The duties levied under the Order in Council are really
levied by authority of the Act under which the order was
issued. The legislature has not parted with its perfect
control of the Governor and has the power of withdrawing or
altering the power entrusted."
On this construction of the power delegated, that what
the delegate was doing was done under the authority of the
Act no question of delegation of lawmaking power arises.
Fort Frances Pulp & Power Co. v. Manitoba Free Press
(1), Co-operative Committee on Japanese Canadians v.
Attorney-General for Canada (2), and Cooperative Committee
v. Attorney-General of Canada (3) cited at the Bar are not
helpful in giving an opinion on the present matter.
Four recent Canadian cases were cited for the extreme
view that short of effacing itself Parliament or a legisla-
ture has the widest power of delegation and that it acts
intra vires the constitution in doing so. The first of
these cases is In re George Edwin Gray(4). The case was
under section 6 of the War Measures Act, 1914, which con-
ferred very wide powers on the Governor-General in Council
for the efficient prosecution of the war. The decision was
given by a majority of four to two and in the majority
judgment the following observations occur :--
"The practice of authorizing administrative bodies to
make regulations to carry out the objectives of an act
instead of setting out all details in the Act itself is
well-known and its legality is unquestioned but it is said
that the power to make such regulations could not constitu-
tionally be granted to such an extent as to enable the
express provisions of the statute to be amended or repealed;
that under the constitution
(1) [1923] A.C. 695. (3) [1947] A.C. 87.
(2) [1947] 1 D.L.R. 577. (4) 57 S.C.R. (Canada) 150.
911
Parliament alone is to make laws, the Governor General to
execute them and the court to interpret them, then it fol-
lows that no one of the fundamental branches of government
can constitutionally either delegate or accept the function
of any other branch. In view of Rex v. Halliday(1), I do not
think this broad proposition can be maintained. Parliament
cannot indeed abdicate its functions, within reasonable
limits at any rate it can delegate its power to execute
government orders. Such powers must necessarily be subject
to determination at any rate by Parliament and needless to
say that the acts of the executive under its delegated
authority must fall within the ambit of the legislative
pronouncement by which this authority is measured. It is
true that Lord Dunedin in Rex v. Halliday(1) said that the
British Constitution has entrusted to the two Houses of
Parliament subject to assent by the King an absolute power
untrammelled by any other circumstance, obedience to which
may be compelled by a judicial body. That undoubtedly is
not the case in this country. Nothing in the Act imposes any
limitations on the authority of the Parliament."
To the proposition stated in the opening part of the
quotation there can be no possible objection. But when the
learned Judges proceed to lay down the rule that in the
absence of any limitations in the constitution Parliament
can delegate the power to amend and repeal laws made by
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itself to an external authority unless it amounts to an
abdication of its functions does not in my humble opinion
seem to be sound. In the first instance, these observations
seem inconsistent with the fundamental proposition that a
duty entrusted to a particular body of persons and which is
to be performed according to certain procedure by that body
can be entrusted to an external agency which is not con-
trolled by any rules of procedure in the performance of that
duty and which would never have been entrusted to perform
it. Moreover, abdication by a legislative body need not
necessarily amount to a
(1) [1917] A.C. 260.
912
complete effacement of it. Abdication may be partial or
complete. It would certainly amount to abdication when in
respect of a subject of legislative list that body says it
shall not legislate on that subject but would leave it to
somebody else to legislate on it. That would be delegation
of the law-making power which is not authorized. There is no
justification for the assumption that the expression "abdi-
cation" is only applicable when there is a total effacement
or a legal extinction of such a body. In my opinion, it is
the abdication of the power to legislate when a legislature
refuses to perform its duty of legislating on a particular
subject and entrusts somebody else to perform that function
for it. "Abdication" according to the Oxford Dictionary
means abandonment, either formal or virtual, of sovereignty
or other high trust. It is virtual abandonment of the high
trust when the person charged with the trust says to some-
body else that the functions entrusted to him in part or
whole be performed by that other person. Be that as it may,
the point of view contained in the above quotation cannot be
supported on the decisions of their Lordships of the Privy
Council discussed in the earlier part of this judgment.
Duff J. stated his view in the following way :--
"The true view of the effect of this type of legisla-
tion is that the subordinate body in which a lawmaking
authority is vested by it is intended to act as the agent or
the organ of the legislature and that the acts of the agent
take effect by virtue of the antecedent declaration that
they shall have the force of law."
These observations, in my opinion,--and I speak with
great respect--cannot again be justified on any juristic
principle. In the matter of making law there cannot be an
anticipatory sanction of a law not yet born or even con-
ceived. Moreover, an organ of the legislature for making
laws can only be created by the constitution and not by the
legislature which is itself confided with that power by the
constitution. The learned dissenting Judge in this case
observed that a wholesale surrender of the will of the
people to any
913
autocratic power would not be justified either in cons-
titutional law or by the past history of their ancestors.
These observations were made in respect to the power of
amendment or repeal conferred on the delegate. As I have
pointed out earlier in this judgment, such a power has not
even been exercised by the British Parliament and the Do-
noughmore Committee recommended that its exercise as far as
possible should be abandoned. The decision in this case, in
my opinion, is not an apposite authority for arriving at a
correct conclusion on the questions involved in the refer-
ence.
The next case to which our attention was drawn is Ref. re
Regulations (Chemicals)(1). This case arose in connection
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with the regulations respecting chemicals made pursuant to
powers conferred by the Department of Munitions and Supply
Act and by the War Measures Act. The question was whether
these regulations were ultra vires the constitution. It was
held that except in one part the regulations were intra
rites, and it was observed that the War Measures Act does
not attempt to transform the executive government into a
legislature in the sense in which the Parliament of Canada
and the legislatures of provinces are legislatures and that
the regulations derive legal force solely from the War
Measures Act. Reliance was placed on Queen v.
Burah(2) and Hodge v. The Queen(3). One of the learned
Judges observed that the maxim delegatus non potest
delegare is a rule of the law of agency and has no applica-
tion to Acts of a legislature, that the power of delegation
being absolutely essential in the circumstances for which
the War Measures Act has been enacted so as to prove a
workable Act, power must be deemed to form part of the
powers conferred by Parliament in that Act. Another learned
Judge observed that the maxim was not confined to the law of
agency alone but that it had no application to legislation.
A third learned Judge, however, said that the maxim quoted
above also had application to grants of legislative power
but that the Parliament has not
(1) [1943] S.C.R. (Canada) 1
(3) 9 App. Cas. 117,
(2) 5 I.A. 178.
914
effaced itself, in the ultimate analysis it had full power
to amend or repeal the War Measures Act. In my opinion, for
the reasons already stated, the observations in this case
also go beyond the rule laid down by their Lordships of the
Privy Council in Queen v. Burah(1) and Hodge v. The
Queen(s), and are not a true guide to the solution of the
problem.
Our attention was also drawn to Attorney-General of
Nova Scotia v. Attorney-General of Canada(3). This case does
not lend full support to the view taken in the cases cited
above. Therein it was laid down that neither the Parliament
of Canada nor the legislature of any province can delegate
one to the other any of the legislative authority respec-
tively conferred upon them by the British North America Act,
especially by sections 91 and 92 thereof. The legislative
authority conferred upon Parliament and upon a provincial
legislature is exclusive and in consequence, neither can
bestow upon or accept power from the other,’ although each
may delegate to subordinate agencies. On the question of
delegation of legislative power, the learned Chief Justice
remarked that "delegations such as were dealt with in In re
George Edwin Gray(4) and in Ref. re Regulations
(Chemicals)(5) under the War Measures Act were delegations
to a body subordinate to Parliament and were of a character
different from the delegation meant by the bill now submit-
ted to the courts." In this case on the general question of
delegation the Supreme Court did not proceed beyond the rule
enunciated in In re The Initiative and Referendum Act (6),
or what was stated in Hodge v. The Queen(7).
Lastly reference may also be made to the case of Oimuit
v. Bazi (8). The learned Attorney-General placed reliance
on certain obiter dicta of Davies J. to the effect that the
Parliament of Canada could delegate its legislative power
and such delegation was within its power. The learned Chief
Justice did not express
(1) 5 I.A. 178. (5) (1943) 1 D.L.R. 248.
(2) 9 App. Cas. 117. (6) [1919] A.C. 935.
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(3) (1950)4 D.L.R 369.’ (7) 9 App. Cas. 117.
57 S.C.R. 150- (8) 46 S.C.R.L. (Canada)502.
915
any opinion on the point, while Idington J. was not prepared
to subscribe to this view. The other Judges did not consid-
er the point at all. In my opinion, these remarks, the
soundness of which was doubted by other Judges, are not of
much assistance to us in this case. Having examined the
Canadian cases on this subject it seems pertinent at this
stage to refer to a passage from Street on the Doctrine of
Ultra Vires, which states the true position of colonial
legislatures and appositely brings out the meaning of the
language used by the Privy Council in the cases that the
legislatures are not the agents of the Imperial Parliament
:--
"However true it may be that colonial legislatures are
not mere agents of the Imperial Government, it is also true
that they are not unfettered principals. Within the terms of
their constitution they are limited at least as to subjects
and area, and, to the extent suggested, perhaps also as to
power of delegation. If an ultra vires colonial’ statute may
be ratified by the Imperial Parliament, there is an implica-
tion of agency. To do anything outside the scope of their
constitution as when the Dominion of Canada established the
Province of Manitoba(1), an imperial statute is required.
It would appear that a legislature cannot, as an ordinary
principal, ratify acts purporting to be done under its
authority (2). Taking a broad view, non-sovereign legisla-
tures are, and so long as they do not repudiate their con-
stitutions must remain, delegates of the Imperial Parlia-
ment. They have been so regarded by the Privy Council(3).
But just as in the case of the prerogative it would be
impolitic to apply a formula too strictly, so also the law
of agency must be accommodated to meet the solid fact that
the colonies, or the most important of them, enjoy real
independence." The decisions of American courts on the
constitutionality of delegation of legislative power are, as
in
(1) 34 Vict. c. 28.
(2) Commonwealth v. Colonial Ammunition Co. 34 C.L.R. 198,
221. (3) [1906] A.C. 542; [1914] A.C. 237, 254.
118
916
the case of other countries, by no means uniform. Judicial
opinion has sometimes taken a strict view against the valid-
ity of such delegation and on other occasions it has liber-
ally upheld it as constitutional on grounds which again by
no means are based on logical deductions from any juristic
principle, but generally on grounds of convenience or under
the doctrine of "determining conditions" and sometimes on
historical considerations. The Supreme Court of America has,
however, never departed from the doctrine that legislative
power cannot be delegated to other branches of government or
to independent bodies or even back to the people. The rule
against delegation of legislative power is not based merely
on the doctrine of separation of powers between the three
state departments, legislative, executive and judicial,
evolved by the constitution. This doctrine puts a restraint
on delegation to other branches of government. Prohibition
against delegation to independent bodies and commissions
rests on Coke’s maxim, delegatus non potest delegare. The
maxim, though usually held applicable to the law of agency
embodies a sound juristic principle applicable to the case
of persons entrusted with the performance of public duties
and the discharge of high trusts. The restraint on delega-
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tion back to the people is tied up with some notion of
representative democracy.
Reference was made to a number of decisions of, the
Supreme Court during the arguments and quotations from
several books on constitutional law were cited. It is not
useful to refer to all of them in my opinion, but a few
important ones may be mentioned.
The first American case that needs mention is Waman v.
Southard (1), a decision of Marshall C.J. given in the year
1825. The question concerned the validity of certain rules
framed by the courts. The learned Chief Justice observed
that it could not be contended that Congress could delegate
to courts or to any other tribunal powers which are strictly
or exclusively legislative.
(1) 6 Law. Edn. 262.
917
In Killbourn v. Thompson (1), it was held that judicial
power could not be exercised by the legislative department.
Field v. Clark C) is one of the leading cases in America on
this subject. In this case power had been delegated to the
executive to impose certain duties. Delegation of power was
upheld on the ground that the policy of the law having been
determined by the legislature, working out of the details
could be left to the President who could not be said to be
exercising any legislative will but was merely authorised
to execute the law as an agent of the legislature in execut-
ing its policy. It was asserted that it was a principle
universally recognised as vital to the maintenance of the
system of government that Congress could not delegate
legislative power to the President.
In Springer v. Phillipine Islands C), the same view was
expressed. On similar lines is the decision in U.S. v.
Gravenport etc. Co. (4). It was observed that after fixing a
primary standard, power to fill up details could be devolved
by appropriate legislation. The provision attacked there was
held as not delegation of legislative power but merely
giving power to make administrative rules. O’Donouhue
v.U.S. (5) concerned the question of compensation payable
to Judges of the Supreme Court and it was held that it could
not be lawfully diminished. It was remarked that the object
of the creation of the three departments of government was
not a mere matter of convenience but was basic to avoid
commingling of duties so that acts of each may not be called
to have been done under the coercive influence of the other
departments.
The decision in Hampton & Co. v.U.S.(6) is the oft
quoted judgment of Taft C.J. The following extracts from
that judgment may be quoted with advantage :--
"It is a breach of the national fundamental law if
Congress gives up its legislative power and transfers it to
the President, or to the judicial branch, or, if by
103 U.S. 168. (4) 287 U.S. 77.
(2) 143 U.S. 649. (5) 289 U.S. 516.
(3) 277 U.S. 186. (8) 276 U.S. 394.
918
law it attempts to invest itself or its members with either
executive power or judicial power. This is not to say that
the three branches are not co-ordinate parts of one govern-
ment and that each in the field of duties may not invoke
the action of the other two branches in so far as the
action invoked shall not be an assumption of the constitu-
tional field of action of another branch. In determining
what it may do in seeking assistance from another branch,
the extent and character of that assistance must be fixed
according to commonsense and the inherent necessities of
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governmental co-ordination. The field of Congress involves
all and many varieties of legislative action and Congress
has found it frequently necessary to use officers of the
executive branch, within defined limits, to secure the exact
effect intended by its acts of legislation, by vesting
direction in such officers to make public regulations inter-
preting a statute and directing the details of its execu-
tion, even to the extent of providing for penalizing a
breach of such regulations......... Congress may feel
itself unable conveniently to determine exactly when its
exercise of the legislative power should become effective,
because dependent on future conditions, and it may leave the
determination of such time to the decision of an executive,
or, as often happens in matters of State legislation, it may
be left to a popular vote of the residents of a district to
be affected by legislation."
Panama Refining Co. v.U.S. (1) is another leading
decision of the Supreme Court on this subject. In Benoari
Lal Sarma’s ease (2) considerable reliance was placed by
Varadachariar J. on this decision for arriving at his con-
clusion against non-delegation of power in India. The
following observations from the judgment of Hughes C.J. may
appositely be cited :--
The Congress is not permitted to abdicate, or to trans-
fer to others, the essential legislative functions with
which it is vested. Undoubtedly, legislation must often be
adapted to complex conditions involving
(1) 293 U.S. a88. (2) [1943] F.C.R. 96.
919
a host of details with which the national legislature cannot
deal directly. The Constitution has never been regarded as
denying to the Congress the necessary resources of flexibil-
ity and practicality, which will enable it to perform its
function in laying down policies and establishing standards,
while leaving to selected instrumentalities the making of
subordinate rules within prescribed limits and the determi-
nation of facts to which the policy as declared by the
legislature is to apply."
Cardozo J. observed as follows :"An attempted delegation not
confined to any single act nor to any class or group of acts
identified or described by reference to standards is in
effect a roving commission."
In Opp Cotton Mills v. Administrator (1), it was said
that essential legislative power could not be delegated but
fact finding agencies could be created. Yakus v.U.S. C) is
to the same effect. In Lichter v. U.S. (3) it was held that
a constitutional power implies a power of delegation of
authority under it sufficient to effect its purpose. This
power is especially significant in connection with war
powers under which the exercise of discretion as to methods
to be employed may be essential to an effective use of its
war powers by Congress. The degree to which Congress must
specify its policies and standards in order that the admin-
istrative authority granted may not be an unconstitutional
delegation of its own legislative power is not capable of
precise specification.
These decisions seem to indicate that judicial opinion
in America is against delegation of essential powers of
legislation by the Congress to administrative bodies or even
to independent commissions. It is unnecessary to refer to
all the passages that were quoted from the different text-
books which apart from the opinions of the text-book writers
merely sum up
(1) 312 U.S. 126. (3) 334 U.S. 742.
(2) 321 U.S. 414.
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920
the result of the decisions given by the various courts on
this point. This result has been, in my opinion, very
accurately summarized by Crawford in his book on Construc-
tion of Statutes at pages 215, 26 in the following words and
represents the present state of constitutional law in that
country on this subject :-
"Legislative power has been delegated, as a general
rule, not so often as an effort to break down the triparte
theory of the separation of powers, but from necessity and
for the sake of convenience. More and more with a social
system steadily becoming increasingly complex, the legisla-
ture has been obliged in order to legislate effectively,
efficiently and expeditiously, to delegate some of its
functions: not purely legislative in character, to other
agencies, particularly to administrative officials and
boards. Most prominent among the powers thus delegated have
been the power to ascertain facts, and the power to promul-
gate rules and regulations. Many of the other delegated
powers, upon analysis, fall within one of these two major or
basic classifications.
"So far, however, as the delegation of any power to an
executive official or administrative board is concerned, the
legislature must declare the policy of the law and fix the
legal principles which are to control in given cases and
must provide a standard to guide the official or the board
empowered to execute the law. This standard must not be too
indefinite or general. It may be laid down in broad general
terms. It is sufficient if the legislature will lay down an
intelligible principle to guide the executive or administra-
tive official...... From these typical criterions, it is
apparent that the courts exercise considerable liberality
towards upholding legislative delegations, if a standard is
established. Such delegations are not subject to the objec-
tion that legislative power has been unlawfully delegated.
The filling in of mere matters of detail within the policy
of, and according to, the legal principles and standards
established by the legislature is essentially ministerial
rather than legislative in character, even if considerable
921
discretion is conferred upon the delegated authority. In
fact, the method and manner of enforcing a law must be left
to the reasonable discretion of administrative officers,
under legislative standards."
On one point, however, there is uniformity of judicial
decisions in the American courts and even amongst the text-
book writers. Delegation of general power to make and
repeal laws has uniformly been held as unconstitutional:
[vide observations of Dixon J. in Victoria etc. Co. & Meakes
v. Dignam(1)]. It was there pointed out that no instance
could be cited of a decision of the Supreme Court of America
in which Congress had allowed or empowered the executive to
make regulations or ordinances which may overreach existing
statutes.
In Moses v. Guaranteed Mortgage Co. of New York(2) a
section of the Emergency Banking Law of 1933 was held uncon-
stitutional delegation of power. There a banking board was
given power to adapt, rescind, alter or amend rules and
regulations inconsistent with and in contravention of any
law. In his second edition on Administrative Law, at p. 110,
Walter Gellhorn states as follows :--
"Delegations of power to alter or modify statutes are,
in effect, nothing more than delegations of the dispensing,
suspending or rule-making powers, or a combination thereof.
Yet the mere use of the terms ’alter’ or ’modify’ in the
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statute, has brought unexpected repercussions from courts
and commentators."
In a number of decisions mentioned in this book the
courts have held that delegation of power to alter or modify
a statute is unconstitutional delegation of power. As
observed by Prof. Salmond (Jurisprudence 10th Edn. p. 159),
a legislative Act passed by the supreme legislature cannot
be amended by any other body than the supreme legislature
itself. In Rowland Burrow’s Words and Phrases, the word
"modify" has been defined as meaning "vary, extend or en-
large, limit or restrict." In Oxford Dictionary, one of the
(1) 46 C.L.R. 73. (2) 239 App. Div. 703,
922
meanings of this word is "the making of partial changes or
altering without radical transformation." The same diction-
ary gives the following meaning to the word "modification":
’ ’the result of such alteration, a modified form or varie-
ty." In Stevens v. General Steam Navigation Co. Ltd.(1) it
was stated that modification implies an alteration. It may
narrow or enlarge the provisions of a former Act. In my
opinion, the view taken in American decisions that delega-
tion of authority to modify an Act of the Congress is uncon-
stitutional is fully borne out by the meaning of the expres-
sion "modify", though this view is not liked by Walter
Gellhorn. Before concluding, it is apposite to quote a
passage from Baker’s Fundamental Law which states the prin-
ciple on which the American decisions are based and which
coincides with my own opinion in respect of those decisions.
The passage runs thus:
"The division of our American government into three
co-ordinate branches necessarily prevents either of the
three departments from delegating its authority to the other
two or to either of them, but there are other reasons why
the legislative power cannot be delegated. Representative
government’ vests in the persons chosen to exercise the
power of voting taxes and enacting laws, the most important
and sacred trust known to civil government. The representa-
tives of the people are required to exercise wise discretion
and sound judgment, having due regard for the purposes and
needs of the executive and judicial departments, the ability
of the tax-payers to respond and the general public welfare.
It follows as a self-evident proposition that a representa-
tive legislative assembly must exercise its own judgment;
that in giving its consent to a tax levied it must distinct-
ly and affirmatively determine the amount of the tax by
fixing a definite and certain rate or by fixing an aggregate
amount on the tax-payers and that in enacting a law it must
so far express itself that the Act when it leaves the legis-
lative department is a complete law. It is therefore a
maxim of constitutional law that a legislative body
(1) [1903] 1 K.B 890.
923
cannot delegate its power. If it was competent for a repre-
sentative legislative body to delegate its power it would be
open to make the delegation to the executive which would be
destructive of representative government and a return to
despotism. Not only the nature of the legislative power but
the very existence of representative government depends upon
the doctrine that this power cannot be transferred."
The Australian Constitution follows the American model (63 &
64, Vic., c. 12, passed in July 1900). The legislative power
of the Commonwealth is vested in a Federal Parliament. The
executive power is vested in the Queen, while the judicial
power is vested exclusively in the courts. The extent of the
legislative power is stated in sections 51 and 52 of the
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Constitution Act. The residuary powers vest in the States.
The first Australian case cited to us is Baxter v. Ah
Way(1). This was decided in the year 1909. It was held that
section 52, sub-section (g), of the Customs Act of 1901,
which provides that all goods the importation of which shall
be prohibited by proclamation shall be prohibited imports,
is not a delegation of legislative power but conditional
legislation and is within the power conferred on Parliament
by section 51 of the Constitution. It was further held that
prohibition of importation is a legislative act of the
Parliament itself, the effect of sub-section (g) being to
confer upon the Governor-General in Council the discretion
to declare to what class of goods the prohibition will
apply. In the course of his judgment the learned Chief
Justice observed as follows :--
"The foundation of the argument that this power cannot
be delegated by the legislature is to be found in the case
of......... It is of course obvious that every legislature
does in one sense delegate some of its functions.........
Nor is it to the purpose to say that the legislature could
have done the thing itself. Of course, it could. In one
sense this is delegation of authority because it authorizes
another body to do
(1) 8 C.L.R. 626.
119
924
something which it might have done itself. It is too late
in the day to contend that such a delegation,if it is a
delegation is objectionable m any sense...... The objection
cannot be supported on the maxim delegatus non potest dele-
gate or on any other ground......... There being no objec-
tion to conditional legislation being passed, this is a case
of that sort."
O’Connor J. said as follows :--
"Power is given in section 51 in respect of trade and
commerce with other countries on taxation and there is also
power to make laws incidental to the exercise of any power
vested in Parliament. It is a fundamental principle of the
constitution that everything necessary to the exercise of a
power is included in the grant of a power. Everything
necessary to the effective exercise of the power of legisla-
tion must be taken to be conferred by the constitution with
that power......... Exercise of such discretion cannot be
said to be making of the law."
Higgins J. said :-
"According to my view, there is not here in fact any
delegation of the law-making power." This case rests on
the principle that legislative power cannot be delegated and
it was for that reason that the impugned statute was justi-
fied on the ground of conditional legislation. If delega-
tion of legislative power was permissible, it was wholly
unnecessary to justify the enactment as a form of condition-
al legislation.
Roche v. Kronheimer(1), decided in the year 1921, was
argued by Dixon (as he then was). The question in that case
concerned the validity of the Treaty of Peace Act, 1919,
which by section 2 authorized the making of regulations
conferring the delegation of powers on certain persons. The
legislation was held constitutional. In the argument by Mr.
Dixon, its validity was attacked on the following grounds:
"It is not conditional legislation as in the case of. Baxter
v. Ah Way(2), but it bestows on the executive full
29 C.L.R. 329. (2) 8 C.L.R. 676.
925
legislative power upon a particular subject. Vesting of
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legislative power to any other hands than Parliament is
prohibited. The making of a law that another body may make
laws upon a particular subject matter is not making a
law on that subject." The decision was given in these terms
:--
It was said that if Parliament had authority to legis-
late, it had no power to confer that authority on the Gover-
nor-General. On this topic we were referred to Hodge v. The
Queen (1) and Rex v. Halliday(2) and In re The Initiative
and Referendum Act(3), and much interesting argument was
devoted to the real meaning and effect of the first of those
cases. It is enough to say that the validity of legislation
in this form has been upheld in Farey v. Burvett(4); Pank-
hurst v. Kierman(5); Ferrando v. Pearce(6); and Sickerdick
v. Ashton(D, and we do not propose to enter into any inquiry
as to the correctness of those decisions."
This case therefore was decided on the ground of cursus
curiae, and the point raised by Mr. Dixon remained unan-
swered.
In the year 1931 two cases came before the Supreme
Court, one of which was decided in February, 1931, and the
other in November, 1931. The first of these is the case of
Huddart Parker Ltd. v. The Commonwealth(3), in which Dixon
J. was one of the presiding Judges. The question in that
ease concerned the validity of section 33 of the Transport
Workers Act which empowered the Governor-General to
make regulations in respect of transport workers. The
learned Judge observed that Roche v. Kronheimer(9) had
decided that a statute conferring on the executive power to
legislate upon some matters, is law with respect to that
subject. On this construction of the decision in Roche v.
Kronheimer(9) the case was decided.
(1) 9 App. Cas. 117. (6) 25 C.L.R. 241.
12} [1917] A.C. 260. (7) 25 C.L.R. 506.
(3) iI919] A.C. 935. t8) 44 C.L,R. 492.
(4) 21 C.L,R. 433. (9) 29 C.LR. 329.
(5) 24 C.L.R. 120.
926
So far as I have been able to see, Roche v. Kronhei-
mer(1) decided nothing and it was based on the rule of stare
decisis.
Victorian etc. Co. & Meakes v. Dignan(2) was decided in
November, 1931. The question in that case was whether
section 3 of the Transport Workers Act was intra rites the
constitution inasmuch as it delegated power of making regu-
lations notwithstanding anything else contained in other
Acts. The delegation was under the name and style of confer-
ring "regulative power." The appellants in that case were
informed that they were guilty of an offence against the
Waterside Employment rights, picking up for work as a water-
side worker at Melbournea person not a member of the Water-
side Workers’ Federation, while transport workers who were
members of the Federation were available for being picked up
for the work at the said port. The attack on the Act itself
was based on the American constitutional doctrine that no
legislative body can delegate to another department of
government or to any other authority the power, either
generally or specially, to enact laws. The reason, it was
said, was to be found in the very existence of its own
powers’. This high prerogative having been entrusted to its
own wisdom, judgment and patriotism and not to those of
other persons, it will act ultra rites if it undertakes to
delegate the trust instead of executing it. It was, however,
said that this principle did not preclude conferring local
powers of government upon local authorities. The defence was
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that the Act did not impinge upon the doctrine because in it
the Parliament confined the regulating power on certain
specific matters within the ambit of the trade and commerce
power and accordingly merely exercised its own legislative
power within that ambit, and did not delegate any part of
it. Reference was made to the decision of Higgins J. in
Baxter v. Ah Way(3), in which it was observed that the
Federal Parliament had within its ambit full power to frame
its own laws in any fashion using any agent, any agency, any
machinery that in its wisdom it thinks
(1) 29 C.L.R. 329.
(2) 46 C.L.R. 73. (3) 8 C.L.R, 640.
927
fit for the peace, order and good government of the Common-
wealth. Rich 3. held that the authority of subordinate law
making may be invested in the executive. Reference was made
to Roche v. Kronheimer(1) The learned Attorney-General
placed considerable reliance on the judgment of Dixon J.
The learned Judge expressed his opinion on the American
decisions in these words :--
"But in what does the distinction lie between the law of
Congress requiring compliance with direction upon some
specified subject which the administration thinks proper to
give and a law investing the administration with authority
to legislate upon the same subject? The answer which the
decisions of the Supreme Court supply to this question is
formulated in the opinion of that Court delivered by Taft
C.J. in Hampton & Co: v.U.S.(2).. .... The courts in
America had never had any criterion as to the validity of
statutes except that of reasonableness,--the common refuge
of thought and expression in the face of undeveloped or
unascertainable standards."
The learned Judge then reached the conclusion that no
judicial power could be given or delegated, but from that it
did not follow that Parliament was restrained from transfer-
ring any power essentially legislative to another organ or
body. In an earlier decision the learned Judge had ex-
pressed the opinion that time had passed for assigning to
the constitutional distribution of powers among.the separate
organs of government, an operation which confined the legis-
lative power to the Parliament so as to restrain it from
reposing in the executive an authority essentially legisla-
tive in character and he remarked that he was not prepared
to change that opinion or his expression to the effect that
Roche v. Kronheirner(1) did decide that a statute conferring
upon the executive a power to legislate on some matters
contained within one of the subjects of the legislative
power of Parliament is a law with respect to that subject
and the distribution of powers
(1) 29 C.L.R. 329 (2) 276 U.S. 394, 406.
928
does not restrain Parliament to make the law. The learned
Judge then proceeded to say:-
"This does not mean that a law confiding authority "
to the executive will be valid, however extensive or vague
the subject-matter may be, if it does not fall outside the
boundaries of federal power...... Nor does it mean that the
distribution of powers can supply no considerations of
weight affecting the validity...... It may be acknowledged
that the manner in which the constitution accomplished the
separation of power does logically or theoretically make the
Parliament the exclusive repository of the legislative power
of the Commonwealth. The existence in Parliament of power to
authorize subordinate legislation may be ascribed to a
conception of that legislative power which depends less upon
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juristic analysis and perhaps more upon the history and
usages of British legislation and the theories of English
law. Such subordinate legislation remains under Parliamen-
tary control and is lacking in the independent and unquali-
fied authority which is an attribute to true legislative
power."
It seems to me that in its ultimate analysis the
judgment of the learned Judge proceeded, as pointed out by
him, upon the history and the usages of British legislation
and theories of English law and not on the strict
construction of the Australian Constitution with respect to
which the learned Judge frankly conceded that logically or
theoretically the power of delegation of the quality held
valid in that case could not be justified on the framework
of the constitution. I have also not been able precisely to
follow the distinction drawn by the learned Judge that
delegation held justified by him did not include delegation
in the fullest extent of any matter falling within the
boundaries of federal power. After a careful consideration
of the observations of this very learned and eminent Judge I
venture to think that these are not a safe guide for deci-
sion of the present reference. Not only were the constitu-
tional limitations of the written constitution over-reached,
but the decision was based on the theories of British legis-
lation and English law which could
929
hardly be applied to a written constitution with a complete
separation of power.
Mr. Justice Evatt in this case stated the rule differ-
ently. He observed "every grant by the Parliament of author-
ity to make regulations is itself a grant of legislative
power and the true nature and quality of legislative power
of the Commonwealth Parliament involves as part of its
contents power to confer law-making powers upon author-
ities other than the Parliament itself." The theory that
legislative power has a content of delegation in it, to my
mind, is not based on any principles of jurisprudence or of
legislation and I venture to think that it is inconsistent
with the fundamental principle that when a high trust is
confided to the wisdom of a particular body which has to be
discharged according to the procedure prescribed, such trust
must be discharged by that person in whom it is confided and
by no other. This decision is moreover inconsistent with the
decisions of the Privy Council above mentioned. If the mere
existence of power of legislation in a legislature automati-
cally authorized it to delegate that power, then there was
hardly any necessity for their Lordships of the Privy Coun-
cil to justify delegation in the cases referred to above on
the ground of conditional legislation and to state affirma-
tively that the cases considered by them were not cases of
delegation of legislative authority. This view is certainly
in conflict with the observations of the Privy Council in
Benoari Lal Sarma’s case (1), given under the Government of
India Act, 1935, wherein their Lordships said: "It is true
that the Governor-General acting under section 72 of Sched-
ule IX himself must discharge the duty of legislation there
cast on him and cannot transfer it to any other authority."
Evatt J. after enunciating the rule discussed above remarked
:-
"It is true that the extent of the power granted will
often be a material circumstance in the examination of the
validity of the legislation conferring the grant....... The
nature of the legislative power of the
(1) [1945] F.C.R. 161.........
930
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Commonwealth authority is plenary, but it must be possible
to predicate of every law passed by the Parliament that it
is a law with respect to one or other of the specific
subject-matters mentioned in sections 51 and 52 of the
constitution."
After referring to a number of circumstances considered
by the learned Judge material in reaching at a result as
to the constitutionality of a statute, he
observed as follows:-"As a final analysis the Parliament of
the Commonwealth is not competent to abdicate its powers of
legislation. This is not because Parliament is bound to
perform all or any of its legislative functions though it
may elect not to do so, or because of the doctrine of sepa-
ration of powers, but because each and every one of the laws
passed by Parliament must answer the description of a law
upon one or more of the subject-matters stated in the con-
stitution. A law by which Parliament gave all its law-
making authority to another body will be bad because it will
fail to pass the test last mentioned."
Frankly speaking, I have not been able to apprehend on
what principles, if any, of construction, the relevancy of
the matters considered by the learned Judge as material
circumstances in judging the validity of an Act so far as
the question of the vires of the Act is concerned could be
justified.
Another Australian case cited is Wishart v. Fraser(1).
There the attack was on section 5 of the National Security
Act, 1939-40, which empowered the making of regulations for
securing public safety and defence of the Commonwealth etc.
It proceeds on the same line as the earlier case discussed
above.
In my opinion, the decision in Baxter v. Ah Way(2) is
based on a correct construction of the provisions of the
Australian Constitution and the later decisions cannot be
considered as any guide. in this country for a decision of
the point involved m the reference. The argument pressed by
Mr. Dixon, as he then was, in
(1) 64 C.L.R. 470- (2) 8 C.L.R. 626.
931
Roche v. Kronheirner(1) in my opinion, states the principle
correctly.
The decisions of their Lordships of the Privy Council
from India are not many. The first and the earliest of
these is in Queen v. Burah(2), which has already been dis-
cussed at considerable length in the earlier part of this
judgment and as stated already, it is no authority for the
proposition that the Indian Legislature constituted under
the Indian Councils Act, 1861, had power to delegate author-
ity to the executive authorising them to modify or amend the
provisions of an Act passed by the legislature itself.
King Emperor v. Benoari Lal Sarma(3) is the last Indian
decision of the Privy Council on this subject. Conviction of
fifteen individuals made by a special magistrate purporting
to act under Ordinance II of 1942, promulgated by the Gover-
nor-General on the 2nd January, 1942, was set aside by a
special Bench of the High Court at Calcutta and this deci-
sion was affirmed by the majority of the Federal Court of
India. The ground on which the conviction was set aside was
that the Ordinance was ultra vires. In appeal before their
Lordships of the Privy Council it was contended that the
Ordinance was valid. The Ordinance did not itself set up
any of the special courts but provided by sub-section (3) of
section 1 that the Ordinance--
"shall come into force in any Province only if the
Provincial Government, being satisfied of the existence of
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an emergency arising from any disorder within the Province
or from a hostile attack on India or on a country neighbour-
ing on India or from the imminence of such an attack, by
notification in the official gazette, declare it to be in
force in the Province and shall cease to be in force when
such notification is rescinded."
In view of this last provision it was contended that the
Ordinance was invalid either because the language showed
that the Governor-General notwithstanding the preamble did
not consider that an emergency existed but was making provi-
sion in case one should arise in
29 C.L.R. 329. (2) 5 I.A. 178, (3) [1945] F.C.R. 161.
120
932
future, or else because the section amounted to what was
called "delegated legislation" by which the Governor-
General without legal authority sought to pass the deci-
sion whether an emergency existed to the Provincial Govern-
ment instead of deciding it for himself. On this last point
their Lordships observed as follows :--
"It is undoubtedly true that the Governor-General
acting under s. 72 of Schedule IX, must himself discharge
the duty of legislation there cast on him, and cannot trans-
fer it to other authorities. But the Governor General has
not delegated his legislative powers at all. His powers in
this respect, in cases of emergency, are as wide as the
powers of the Indian legislature which, as already pointed
out, in view of the proclamation under s. 102, had power to
make laws for a province even in respect of matters which
would otherwise be reserved to the Provincial legislature.
Their Lordships are unable to see that there was any valid
objection, in point of legality, to the Governor-General’s
ordinance taking the form that the actual setting up of a
special court under the terms of the ordinance should take
place at the time and within the limits judged to be neces-
sary by the provincial government specially concerned. This
is not delegated legislation at all. It is merely an exam-
ple of the not uncommon legislative arrangement by which the
local application of the provision of a statute is deter-
mined by the judgment of a local administrative body as to
its necessity. Their Lordships are in entire agreement with
the view of the Chief Justice of Bengal and of Khundkar J.
on this part of the case. The latter Judge appositely quotes
a passage from the judgment of the Privy Council in the well
known decision in Russell v. The Queen(1)."
This case brings out the extent to which conditional
legislation can go, but it is no authority justifying dele-
gation of legislative power authorising an external authori-
ty to modify the provisions of a legislative enactment. It
may be pointed out that the opening part of the passage
quoted above seems to approve the view
(1) 7 App. Cas. 829.
933
of the Federal Court expressed by Varadachariar J. in that
case when his Lordship relying on a passage from Street on
the Doctrine of Ultra Vires observed that a legislature will
not ordinarily be permitted to shift the onus of legisla-
tion though it may legislate as to main principles and leave
the details to subordinate agencies.
The decision of the Federal Court in Jatindra Nath Gupta
v. The Province of Bihar and Others(1) to which I was a
party and wherein I was in respectful agreement with the
judgment of the learned Chief Justice and my brother Mukher-
jea, in my opinion, correctly states the rule on the subject
of delegation of legislative power. The Bihar Maintenance
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of Public Order Act, 1947, in sub-section (3) of section 1
provided as follows :--
"It shall remain in force for a period of one year from
the date of its commencement.
Provided that the Provincial Government may, by notifi-
cation, on a resolution passed by the Bihar Legislative
Assembly and agreed to by the Bihar Legislative Council,
direct that this Act shall remain in force for a further
period of one year with such modifications, if any, as may
be specified in the notification."
Acting under the proviso the Provincial Government on
the 11th March, 1948, extended by notification the life of
the Act by one year. The validity of the proviso to sub-
section (3) of section 1 of the Act was attacked on the
ground that it amounted to delegation of legislative power
by the Provincial Legislature and this it was not competent
to do. On the authority of the decision of the Privy Council
in Benoari Lal Sarma’s case (2) I held the proviso void.
The question was posed by me in the following way :--
"It may be asked what does the proviso purport to do in
terms and in substance ? The answer is that it empowers the
Provincial Government to issue a notification saying that
the Provincial Act shall remain
(1) [1949] F.C.R. 595. (2) [1945] F.C.R. 161.
934
in force for a further period of one year with such modifi-
cations, if any, as may be specified in the notification. As
stated in the earlier part of this judgment, unless the
power of the Provincial Government is co-extensive with the
power of the Provincial Legislature, it is difficult to see
how it can have the power to modify a statute passed by that
legislature, Modification of statute amounts to re-enacting
it partially. It involves the power to say that certain
parts of it are no longer parts of the statute and that a
statute with X sections is now enacted with Y sections. In
the act of modification is involved a legislative power as a
discretion has to be exercised whether certain parts of the
statute are to remain law in future or not or have to be
deleted from it. The power to modify may even involve a
power to repeal parts of it. A modified statute is not the
same original statute. It is a new Act and logically speak-
ing, it amounts to enacting a new law. The dictionary mean-
ing of the word ’modify’ is to make something existing much
less severe or to tone it down or to make partial changes in
it. What modifications are to be made in a statute or
whether any are necessary is an exercise of law-making power
and cannot amount merely to an act of execution of a power
already conferred by the statute. The extent of changes is
left to external authority, i.e., the Provincial Government.
Nothing is here being done in pursuance of any law. What is
being delegated is the power to determine whether a law
shall be in force after its normal life has ended and if so,
what that law will be, whether what was originally enacted
or something different. The body appointed as a delegate for
declaring whether a penal Act of this character shall have
longer life than originally contemplated by the legislature
and if so, with what modification, is a new kind of legisla-
ture than that entrusted with the duty under the Government
of India Act, 1935."
I still maintain the view that the question of the life
of an Act is a matter for the judgment of the competent
legislature. It is a matter of policy whether a certain
enactment is to be on the statute
935
book permanently or temporarily. Such a question does not
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fall within conditional legislation as it concerns the
extension of the life of a temporary Act. Such an Act dies a
natural death when the period fixed for its duration ex-
pires. It automatically ceases to operate and there is no
real analogy between conditional legislation which author-
izes a known authority to determine the commencement or
termination of an Act and an act done in exercise of any
power conferred by the Act itself. It was said by the
learned Attorney-General that this decision had created
considerable difficulties and that the various High Courts
in India on its authority had held certain enactments void,
the validity of which had never been questioned before this
decision was given. In my humble judgment, there is nothing
whatever in that decision which m any way unsettled the law
as settled by their Lordships of the Privy Council in Bu-
rah’s case(1). This decision did not lay down that the
Indian legislature did not possess power of delegation
necessary for effectively carrying out its legislative
functions. All that it held was and I think rightly--that
essential legislative function could not be delegated to an
external authority and that the legislature could not shirk
its own duty and lay the burden of discharging that duty on
others. If I was convinced that the decision laid down a
wrong rule of law, I would have required no sugar-coated
phrases to own the error. Our attention is not drawn to a
single decision of their Lordships of the Privy Council
during the whole administration of this country by the
British in which the highest court in the land upheld the
contention urged by the learned Attorney-General. On the
other hand, learned Judges in this country of the eminence
of Markby J. and Varadachariar J. in very clear and unambig-
uous terms affirmed the rule that delegation of essential
legislative power was not within the competence of the
Indian legislatures.
Reference may also be made to the case of The State of
Bombay v. Narottamdas(2), decided recently and to
(1) 5 IA. 178. (2) [1951] S.C.R. 51.
936
which I was a party. Therein it was explained that Jatindra
Nath Gupta’s case(1) was no authority prohibiting delegation
of legislative power in case where the principle and policy
of the law had been declared in the enactment itself and
ancillary powers had been delegated to the provincial gov-
ernment for bringing into operation the provisions of an
Act.
To sum up, judicial opinion on this subject is still in
a fluid state and it is impossible to reconcile all the
judgments cited to us on the basis of any rigid principles
of constitutional law. In England the Parliament is for the
time being following the recommendations of the Donough-
more Committee. In America the doctrine against delegation
of legislative power still holds the field. In Canada as
well as.in India the rule laid down by their Lordships of
the Privy Council in Burah’s case(2) has never been departed
from in theory. The same view was maintained in the earlier
Australian decisions. Recently Australian decisions however
have gone to the length of holding that even essential
legislative power can be delegated so long as the principal
does not completely efface itself.
In my opinion, the true solution of the problem of
delegation of legislative power is to be found in the oft-
quoted passage from the judgment of Ranney J. of the Supreme
Court of Ohio in Cincinnati W. & Z.R. Co. v. Clinton County
Comrs.(3). This quotation is in these terms:--
"The true distinction is between the delegation of power
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to make the law, which necessarily involves a discretion as
to what it shall be, and conferring authority or discretion
as to its execution, to be exercised under and in pursuance
of the law. The first cannot be done; to the latter no
valid objection can be made."
The decision in Locke’s Appeal(4) is also based on this
rule. There it was said :--
(1) [1949] F.C.R. 595. (3) 1 Ohio St, 88.
5 I,A. 178. (4) 72 Pa. St. 491,
937
"To assert that a law is less than a law, because it is
made to depend on a future event or act, is to rob the
legislature of the power to act wisely for the public wel-
fare whenever a law is passed relating to a state of
affairs not yet developed, or to things future and impossi-
ble to fully know." The proper distinction the court said
was this: "The legislature cannot delegate its power to
make a law, but it can make a law to delegate a power to
determine some fact or state of things upon which the law
makes, or intends to make, its own action depend. ’To deny
this would be to stop the wheels of government. There are
many things upon which wise and useful legislation must
depend which cannot be known to the law-making power, and
must, therefore, be a subject of inquiry and determination
outside of the halls of legislation."
The Federal Court of India in its opinion, expressed by
Varadachariar J. in Benoari Lal Sarma’s case(1) considered a
contention of the Advocate-General of India made to it
based on the above quotation of Ranney J. and observed as
follows:
"We are of the opinion that there is nothing in the
above decisions of their Lordships that can be said to be
inconsistent with the principle laid down in the passage
from the American authority which the Advocate-General of
India proposed to adopt as his own argument."
The majority of the court approved the rule stated by
Chief Justice Hughes in Panama Refining Co. v. U.S.(2), and
it was stated that the rule therein held had nothing whatev-
er to do with maxim delegatus non potest delegate, but was
only the amplification of what was referred to by the Judi-
cial Committee in Burah’s case(3) as "the nature and princi-
ples of legislation."
The question can be posed thus: Why is delegation pecul-
iarly a content of legislative power and not of judicial
power ? In my judgment, it is a content of none of the
three State powers, legislative, judicial or executive. It
is, on the other hand, incidental to the
(1) [1943] F.C.R, 96. (2) 293 U.S. 388. (3) 5 I.A. 178.
938
exercise of all power inasmuch as it is necessary to dele-
gate for the proper discharge of all these three public
duties. No public functionary can himself perform all the
duties he is privileged to perform unaided by agents and
delegates, but from this circumstance it does not follow
that he can delegate the exercise of his judgment and dis-
cretion to others. One may well ask, why is a legislature
formed with such meticulous care by all constitution makers
? Why do they take pains to lay down the procedure to be
followed by an elected legislature in its function of law-
making ? Why do they define its different functions and lay
down the methods by which it shall act ? The only answer
that reasonably can be given to these queries is: "Because
the constitution trusts to the judgment of the body consti-
tuted in the manner indicated in the constitution and to the
exercise of its discretion by following the procedure pre-
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scribed therein." On the same principle the judges are not
allowed to surrender their judgment to others. It is they
and they alone who are trusted with the decision of a case.
They can, however, delegate ancillary powers to others, for
instance, in a suit for accounts and in a Suit for dissolu-
tion of partnership, commissioners can be entrusted with
powers authorising them to give decisions on points of
difference between parties as to items in the account. Again
it may be enquired why cannot other public functionaries
entrusted in the matter of appointment of public servants
delegate this particular duty to others. The answer again
is found in the same principle. I put this query to the
learned Attorney-General but I could not elicit any very
satisfactory answer. He contented himself by saying that
possibly there was something in the nature of the power
itself which requires the personal attention of the authori-
ties concerned and that therefore delegation was there
impliedly forbidden. To my mind, the same principle forbids
delegation of essential legislative power. It is inherent in
the nature of the power that has to be exercised by the
legislature elected for the purpose subject to the qualifi-
cations already stated, It would be a breach of
939
the constitutional duty to bestow this power on someone
else. In the words of Sir John Salmond, "In general, in-
deed, the power of legislation is far too important to be
committed to any person or body of persons save the incor-
porate community itself. The great bulk of enacted law is
promulgated by the state in its own person. But in excep-
tional cases it has been found possible and expedient to
entrust this power to private hands." In the words of Mr.
Dixon (as he then was), the making of a law that another
body may make laws upon a particular subject matter is not
making a law on that subject. The quotation cited in the
earlier part of this judgment from Baker’s book appositely
states the rule when it says: "It is an axiom of constitu-
tional law that representative legislative bodies cannot
delegate legislative power because representative government
vests in the persons chosen to exercise the power of voting
taxes and enacting laws, :the most important and sacred
trust known to civil government." In the words of another
jurist, "Legislation is the formal utterance by the legisla-
tive organ of the society and by no others. Its words
constitute the law and not the words of the delegate."
In private law the rule is well settled that an arbitra-
tor cannot lawfully devolve his duty on another unless so
expressly authorized. The nature of the duty itself is such
that it demands exercise of his own judgment and discretion.
It is again well settled that fiduciary duties cannot be
made the subject of delegation, though trustees in order to
discharge certain functions can use machinery or subordinate
agencies for effectively carrying on the duties which attach
to their constitution. Delegation is permissible in cases
where there is a legal or physical necessity to do so be-
cause without trusting some person or persons it would be
impossible efficiently to discharge the duties. It cannot be
denied that municipal and other corporations cannot delegate
the by-law making power to the executive officers. It is so
because power is entrusted to them in their corporate capac-
ity and has to be exercised in that capacity. I am not able
to apprehend
121
940
why this principle which is well settled in. private law
cannot appositely be applied to the discharge of duties by
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public functionaries and by a legislature. It seems to me
that the nature of the duty is such that it is implicit
within it that it should be discharged by the person en-
trusted with it and by no others. In other words, the nature
of the public duty itself demands it and the principles of
legislation require it.
For the reasons given above I cannot accept the proposi-
tion contended for by the learned Attorney-General that in
the absence of an express or implied provision in the con-
stitution legislative authority can be bestowed on other
persons. In my opinion, the correct proposition, on the
other hand, is that unless expressly or impliedly author-
ized, such delegation is not permissible. The exceptions to
this rule fall in two classes which have been stated in the
quotation from Crawford’s book earlier cited in this judg-
ment.
It is now convenient to examine the provisions of our
Constitution in order to appreciate the contention of the
learned Attorney-General that it has been modelled on the
British system and that the Parliament of India is as omnip-
otent as in England and that in the matter of delegation of
legislative power it is in an analogous situation. In my
opinion, our Constitution is a judicious combination of the
American model with the British Parliamentary system. In
its main scheme it follows the Government of India Act,
1935, which provides for a federation of States and provides
for an executive responsible to the legislature. As a matter
of fact, the framers of the constitution, though they have
borrowed ideas from other constitutions, have not rigidly
adhered to any particular model. Certain provisions in our
constitution are such for which there is no precedent in the
constitution of any other country. It seems to ,me that
they were as much alive to the doctrine of administrative
convenience as to the dangers of a system which permits
delegation of unfettered legislative power to the execu-
tive. The country had recently emerged from the bonds of a
bureaucratic system which had killed
941
its very soul and they. apparently did not wish it to get
engulfed again m the rigours of that system. Bureaucratic
rule is a necessary corollary to the existence of unfettered
delegation of legislative power. To avoid this, the consti-
tution makers made detailed provision in the Constitution on
all matters. It has to be emphasized that no country in the
world has such an elaborate and comprehensive constitution
as we have in this country and it would not be proper to
construe such a constitution with the help of decisions
given elsewhere on the construction of constitutions shaped
differently. It is only after a consideration of all the
provisions of the Constitution and its whole scheme that it
has to be decided whether delegation of power--legislative,
executive or judicial--is implict in the grant of any of
these powers or has been expressly provided for, to the
extent it was considered necessary on grounds of administra-
tive convenience in peace or war time and therefore confer-
ment of this power by implication cannot be upheld on its
true construction. It has also to be borne in mind that
our Constitution is fundamentally different from the
British system inasmuch as the doctrine of supremacy of
Parliament has its limitations here. The courts are
empowered to declare Acts of Parliament unconstitutional
if they are inconsistent with Part III of the Constitu-
tion or when they trespass on fields demarcated for State
legislatures. Obviously, it is implict in the demarcation
of legislative fields that one legislature cannot by delega-
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tion of subjects that are exclusively within its field
clothe the other with legislative capacity to make laws on
that subject as it will amount to an infringement of the
Constitution itself. It seems clear, therefore, that dele-
gation of legislative power to that extent is prohibited by
the Constitution. Illustratively, defence is a Union sub-
ject, while law and order is a State subject. Can it be
argued with any reason that by delegation Parliament can arm
a State legislature with the law-making power on the subject
of defence and that a State legislature can arm Parliament
with
942
power to make law on the subject of law and order ? In my
opinion, any argument on those lines has to be negatived on
the ground that the delegation of such power would be
contrary to the Constitution itself and that this kind of
transfer of power is outside its contemplation. For a simi-
lar reason if such transfer of power is not possible in the
case of one legislature to the other, it is difficult to
justify it if the transfer is made in favour of the execu-
tive except to the extent allowed by the Constitution or to
the extent that it had already been recognised under the
designation "conditional legislation" or "rule-making
power", of which presumably the constitution-makers were
fully aware. I have again no hesitation in holding that our
constitution-makers accepted the American doctrine against
delegation of legislative power, and on grounds of adminis-
trative convenience and to meet particular circumstances
they carefully made express provisions within the Constitu-
tion for devolution of power in those eventualities.
Article 53 of the Constitution concerns the executive
power of the Union. It is vested in the President and in
express terms it is stated in that article that it shall be
exercised by him either directly or through officers subor-
dinate to him in accordance with this Constitution. The
Parliament is authorized by law to confer functions on
authorities other than the President. A careful reading of
this article shows that an elaborate provision has been made
in the Constitution for employing agencies and machinery for
the exercise of the executive power of the Union. The
President is vested with the supreme command of the Defence
Forces and in addition to this power, power of delegation
has been conferred on Parliament even in its executive field
in article 53 (3) (b). Similar provision has been made in
regard to the executive power of each State:(vide article
154). In article 77 provision has been made as to how the
business of the Government of India has to be conducted. The
President has been conferred the power of making rules for
the more convenient transaction of the business
943
of the Government of India and for the allocation among
Ministers of the said business. Such a detailed provision
regarding the exercise of executive power does not exist in
the other constitutions to which our attention was drawn.
Article 79 provides that there shall be a Parliament for the
Union. Provision has then been made in the various articles
how the Parliament has to be constituted and how it has to
conduct its business, what officers and secretariat it can
employ and with what powers. Articles 107 to 119 relate to
legislative procedure. It is implicit in these elaborate
provisions that the Constitution bestowed the lawmaking
powers on the body thus constituted by it, and it was this
body in its corporate capacity that had to exercise its
judgment and discretion in enacting laws and voting taxes
and that judgment had to be arrived at by following the
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rules of procedure expressly laid down therein. Article
123 confers legislative power on the President when Parlia-
ment is not in session and this power is co-extensive with
the legislative power of the Parliament itself. Article 124
deals with the Union judiciary. It prescribes the number of
Judges and the method of their appointment and it lays down
the procedure that the President has the power in making the
appointments. In article 140 provision has been made under
which Parliament can confer on the Supreme Court such sup-
plemental powers as may appear to be necessary for the
purpose of enabling the court more effectively to exercise
the jurisdiction conferred upon it by or under this Consti-
tution. An express provision of this kind, in my opinion,
very clearly negatives the proposition which the learned
Attorney-General has been contending for. If the power of
delegation of legislative powers is implict in the power of
legislation itself, the constitution-makers would not have
made an express provision in article 140 bestowing authority
on Parliament for conferment of ancillary powers on the
Supreme Court. Parliament obviously had authority to legis-
late on "Supreme Court" as it is one of the subjects in the
Union List. Article 145 (1) (a)again very strongly
944
negatives the proposition of the learned Attorney General.
The constitution has authorized the Supreme Court to make
rules as to the persons practising before the court. This
is one of the subjects in the Union List and this conferment
of power by the Constitution on the Supreme Court is subject
to the provision of any law made by the Parliament. In other
words, Parliament has been given express power to take away
this power or supplement it by making a law. In my judgment,
such a provision is quite foreign to a constitution in which
delegation of law-making powers is implicit. Detailed provi-
sion has been made for the appointment of High Court Judges
in article 217, and rule making powers have been given to
the High Courts under article 227. In article 243 the Presi-
dent has been given the power to make regulations for the
peace and good government of territories enumerated in Part
D of the First Schedule and in exercise of that power he can
repeal or amend any law made by Parliament or an existing
law. The Constitution itself has delegated the powers of the
Parliament to the President wherever it thought that such
delegation was necessary. Articles 245 and 246 demarcate the
field of legislation between the Parliament and the State
legislature and in article 248 provision has been made that
residuary powers of legislation remain in the Parliament.
Article 250 makes provision for cases of emergency. Parlia-
ment in that event has power to make laws for the whole or
any part of the territory of India with respect to any
matters enumerated in the State lists. Article 252 is a
somewhat peculiar provision. Under it Parliament can legis-
late for two or more States with their consent. This is a
form of exercise of legislative power by Parliament as a
delegate of the State as by its consent alone Parliament
gets the power of legislation. By article 258 the President
has been authorized with the consent of the Government of a
State to entrust either conditionally or unconditionally to
that Government or to its officers functions in relation to
any matter to which the executive power of the Union ex-
tends. In that article provision has also been made. for
945
delegation of powers by a law made by Parliament. By article
349 the power of the Parliament to enact laws in respect of
language has been restricted. Article 353 states the effect
of a proclamation of emergency and provides that the execu-
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tive power of the Union in such a case shall extend to the
giving of directions to any State as to the manner in which
the executive power thereof is to be exercised. Clause (2)
of this article requires emphasis. It provides that the
power of Parliament to make laws with respect to any matters
shall include power to make laws conferring powers and
imposing duties, or authorizing the conferring of powers and
he imposition of duties, upon the Union, or officers and
authorities of the Union, as respects that matter, notwith-
standing that it is one which is not enumerated in the Union
List. Parliament in an emergency under article 250 has full
power to make laws on subjects within the State List and is
certainly entitled to delegate that power if that power is a
content of legislative power but the constitution makers
thought otherwise and made an express provision for delega-
tion of power in such a situation. Article 357 provides that
where by proclamation issued under clause (1) of article
356, it has been declared that the powers of the legislature
of the State shall be exercisable by or under the authority
of Parliament, it shall be competent for Parliament to
confer on the President the power of the legislature of the
State to make laws, and to authorize the President to dele-
gate, subject to such conditions as he may think fit to
impose, the power so conferred to any other authority to be
specified by him in that behalf. This is the only article
by which the Constitution has authorized the delegation of
essential legislative power. Possibly it was thought that
in that contingency it was necessary that Parliament should
have power to confer legislative power on the executive and
to clothe it with its own legislative capacity in the State
field and further to authorize the President to delegate
that legislative power to any other authority specified by
him. A reference to the entries in the three Lists of the
Seventh Schedule further
946
illustrates this point. Entry 93 of List I is Offences
against laws with respect to any of the matters in this
List." Entry 94 is "Inquiries, surveys and statistics
for the purpose of any of the matters in this List.’’ Entry
96 is "Fees in respect of any of the matters in this List,
but not including fees taken in any court." Entry 95 is
"Jurisdiction and powers of all courts, except the Supreme
Court, with respect to any of the matters in this List."
All these entries are instances of subjects incidental and
ancillary to the main subjects of legislation contained in
the List. Similar entries are to be found in Lists II and
III as well. The Constitution seems to have taken care to
confer legislative power in express terms even regarding
incidental matters and it is therefore unnecessary to read
by implication and introduce by this process within such a
constitution any matter not expressly provided therein.
I am satisfied that the constitution-makers considered all
aspects of the question of delegation of power, whether
executive, legislative or judicial, and expressly provided
for it whenever it was thought necessary to do so in great
detail. In this situation there is no scope for the applica-
tion of the doctrine contended for by the learned Attorney-
General and it must be held that in the absence of express
powers of delegation allowed by the Constitution, the Par-
liament has no power to delegate its essential legislative
functions to others, whether State legislatures or executive
authorities, except, of course, functions which really in
their true nature are ministerial, The scheme of the Consti-
tution and of the Government of India Act, 1935, is that it
expressly entrusted with legislative capacity certain bodies
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and persons and it also authorised the creation of law-
making bodies wherever it thought necessary but gave no
authority to create a new law-making body not created by
itself. It even created the executive as a legislature in
certain contingencies. In these circumstances it is not
possible to add to the list of legislative authorities by a
process of delegation. As pointed out by Crawford on Statu-
tory
947
Construction, at page 333. "If a statute enumerates the
things upon which it is to operate, everything else must
necessarily and by implication be excluded from its opera-
tion and effect. So if a statute directs certain acts to be
done in a specified manner by certain persons, their per-
formance in any other manner than{ that specified, or by any
other person than is there named, is impliedly prohibited."
The ordinary rule is that if authority is given expressly by
affirmative words upon a defined condition, the expression
of that condition excludes the doing of the act authorised
under other circumstances than those as defined. Under the
Government of India Act, 1935, the executive enjoyed a
larger power of legislation than is contained in the new
constitution. It seems to have been cut down to a certain
extent. The new constitution confers authority on Parliament
to make laws for the State of Delhi. It also authorizes it
to create a legislature for that State. The Constitution
therefore has made ample provision indicating bodies who
would be competent to make laws for the State of Delhi. In
my opinion, therefore, delegation of legislative power to
the executive in matters essential is unconstitutional. Any
legislative practice adopted during the pre-constitution
period for undeveloped and excluded areas can have no rele-
vancy in the determination of this point.
Having examined the provisions of the new constitution,
the constitutional position of the Indian legislature under
the Indian Councils Act of 1861 and of the Government of
India Act, 1935, as subsequently adapted by the Indian
Independence Act, 1947, may now be examined.
As already stated, the Government of India Act, 1935,
envisaged a federal constitution for India with a demarca-
tion of the legislative field between the Federation and the
States and it is the scheme of this Act which has been
adopted in the new constitution. I have already expressed my
respectful agreement with the view expressed by Varadachari-
ar J. in Benoari Lal Sarrna’s case(1) that the constitution-
al
(1) [1943] F.C.R. 96.
122
948
position in India under this Act approximates more closely
to the American model than to the English model and it seems
to me that delegation of legislative power in its essenti-
ality is not allowed by its provisions. During a period of
emergency the Governor General could himself under his own
proclamation become the executive as well as the legislature
and the necessities of administrative convenience were not a
compelling circumstance for introducing into the scheme of
the Act by implication, authority in Parliament for the
delegation of legislative power. This Act also contains
detailed provisions authorizing delegation of power both in
the executive and legislative field wherever it was consid-
ered necessary to confer such power. The Indian Independence
Act by section 6 conferred the power of legislation on the
Dominion Parliament within the ambit of the Act of 1935. By
other provisions of the Indian Independence Act it made the
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Dominion Parliament a Constituent Assembly for the purpose
of making the new constitution for India and it also gave it
authority to repeal Acts of Parliament. For the purpose of
ordinary law-making it had the same powers as the legisla-
tures in India enjoyed under the Government of India Act,
1935, and the question referred to us in regard to the
Ajmer-Merwara Act, 1947, has to be answered on the provi-
sions of the constitution contained in the Constitution Act
of 1935.
The constitutional position in India prior to the Act
of 1935 may now be briefly stated. Before the Charter Act of
1833 there was a division of legislative power between the
Governor-General and the Presidencies. By that Act the power
of the Presidencies as legislatures was terminated and the
whole law-making power was vested in the Governor-General
in Council. Mr. Macaulay was added as a legislative member
to the executive council without a right to vote. In sub-
stance the executive and the legislative functions were
performed by the same body, of course, with the help and
advice of Mr. Macaulay. With slight modifications the
situation remained the same till the Indian Councils Act,
1861. Under this Act the
949
Governor-General in Council in legislative meetings could
legislate for the whole of India and local legislatures
could also legislate for the provinces. By section 10 of the
Act the legislative power was vested in the Governor-
General in Council. In section 15 it was laid down how that
power was to be exercised. For conduct of the legislative
business power was given to the Governor-General to make
rules in section 18. Section 22 laid down the ambit of the
legislative power. Section 23 bestowed power on the Gover-
nor-General in emergencies to make ordinances. Section 44
empowered the Governor-General to create local legislatures
and confer on them legislative power. It appears that the
scheme of the Councils Act was that whenever Parliament
wanted the Governor-General in Council to have power to
create legislatures or to make rules or regulations, that
power was conferred in express terms. By another statute in
the year 1870 summary power to make law was conferred on the
Governor-General in his executive capacity in respect to
less advanced areas, i.e., non-regulation provinces. Another
charter would not have been necessary if the Governor-Gener-
al could arm himself with legislative power by a process of
delegation from his own Council. In my opinion, the consti-
tution as envisaged by the Indian Councils Act, 1861, does
not authorize the delegation of essential legislative power
by any of the legislative authorities brought into existence
by that Act to the executive and it was for this reason that
their Lordships of the Privy Council in Burgh’s case(1) did
not base their decision on this ground but merely upheld the
enactment as intra vires on the ground of conditional legis-
lation. I am in respectful agreement with the opinion of
Markby J. expressed in the year 1877 in these terms:" that
any substantial delegation of legislative authority by
the legislature of this country is void." The Privy Council
on appeal did not dissent from this view.
It was argued that legislative practice in India since
a long time has been such as would validate statutes
(1) 5 I.A. 178.
950
designed on the model of the three statutes under reference
to us. Reference was made to the following observations in
U.S.v. Curriss Wright(1) :--
"Uniform, long continued and undisputed legislative practice
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resting on an admissible view of the constitution goes a
long way to the direction of proving the presence of unas-
sailable grounds for the constitutionality of the prac-
tice."
In my opinion, there is no evidence in this case of any
uniform, long continued and undisputed legislative practice
for validating statutes which have been drafted on lines
similar to the statutes in question. The material on which
this argument was based is of a most meagre character and
does not warrant the conclusion contended for.
Annexure (A) annexed to the case stated on behalf of the
President mentions two instances only before the year 1912
of this alleged long continued legislative practice, but
even these instances are not analogous to the statutes which
have been given in the reference, The scheme of those enact-
ments in vital matters is different from the enactments in
question. The first instance of this legislative practice is
said to be furnished by section 5(a) which was added to the
Scheduled Districts Act, 1874, by Act XII of 1891. It pro-
vided that with the previous sanction of the Governor-Gener-
al in Council in declaring an enactment in force in the
scheduled districts or in extending an enactment to a sched-
uled district the Local Government may declare the applica-
tion of the Act subject to such restriction and modification
as the Government may think fit. It is noticeable
that,section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act has not been drafted in
the same terms as section 5(a) of the Scheduled Districts
Act.-Though constitutionally speaking, the Governor-General
discharged the executive and legislative functions in meet-
ings held separately for the two purposes and with the help
of some additional members, for all practical purposes the
Governor-General was truly
299 U.S. 304.
951
speaking in both executive and legislative matters the real
authority in this country, and if previous sanction of this
authority was necessary before declaring the law even with
modifications, this instance cannot be such as would
constitute legislative practice for what has been enacted
in section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act.
The second instance cited is of the Burma Laws Act,
1898. In section 10 of this Act it was provided that the
Local Government may, with the previous sanction of the
Governor-General in Council by notification, with such
restrictions and modifications as he thinks fit, extend
certain Acts in force in any part of Upper Burma at the date
of the extension to certain areas. In section 4 a schedule
was given of all the Acts that were in force in Upper Burma
at the time of the enactment. This instance also does not
furnish evidence of legislative practice for the validation
of section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act in which there is no
provision like the one contained in section 4 of the Burma
Laws Act, 1898, and which also contains a provision similar
to section 5(a) of the Scheduled Districts Act requiring
the previous sanction of the Governor-General in Council.
Both these important things are lacking in the Delhi Laws
Act. Between 1861 and 1912, a period of over fifty years,
two instances of this kind which occurred within seven years
of each other cannot fail within the criterion laid down
in the case cited above.
After the year 1912 three other illustrations were men-
tioned. The first of these is in sections 68 and 73 of the
Inland Steam Vessels Act, 1917. Section authorised modifica-
tion of an enactment for the purpose of adaptation. This
certainly is no instance of the kind of legislation. con-
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tained in the Delhi Laws Act, 1912, section 7, or in the
Ajmer-Merwara Act, 1947. Section 68 authorized the extension
of certain chapters to certain areas with modifications.
The next instance mentioned was the Cantonments Act,
1924. By section 9 of this Act it was provided that the
Central Government may by notification exclude from the
operation of any part of this Act the
952
whole or any part of a cantonment or direct that any provi-
sions of this Act shall in the case of any cantonment apply
with such modifications as may be so specified.
The third instance mentioned was in section 30 of the
Petroleum Act, 1934. Here it was provided that the Central
Government may by notification apply all or any of the
provisions of this Act with such modifications as it may
think fit to any other dangerous inflammable substance. This
is an instance of adding certain items to the schedule
annexed to an Act.
These three instances show that between the year 1917
and 1934, a period of seventeen years, three instances
occurred of legislation, though not of the same kind as
contained in the Delhi Laws Act, 1912, but bearing some
similarity to that kind of legislation. No conclusion from
those instances of any uniform legislative practice can be
drawn.
The learned counsel appearing for the Government of
Uttar Pradesh submitted a note in which an instance is
mentioned of the Uttar Pradesh Land Revenue Act, III of
1901, which in section 1 of subsection (2) provided that the
State Government may by notification extend the whole or any
part of this Act to all or any of the areas so excepted
subject to such exceptions or modifications as it thinks
fit. This instance does not materially affect the situation.
After the research of a fortnight the learned
Attorney-General gave us a supplementary list of instances
in support of his contention. Two instances contained in
this list are from sections 8 and 9 of Act XXII of 1869
discussed in Burah’s case(1). The third instance is from
section 39 of Act XXIII of 1861, again considered in that
case, and these have already been discussed in an earlier
part of this judgment. The only new instance cited is from
the Aircraft Act of 1934, which authorized modification in
the specification of an aircraft. It confers no authority to
modify any law. Two instances in’ this list are from the
Airforce Act 1950, which was enacted subsequent to
(1) 5 I.A. 178.
953
the enactment under reference to us and cannot be considered
relevant on this subject. The last instance cited is from
the Madras Local Boards Act, 1920, which authorizes the
Governor to extend the Act with certain modifications to
areas to which it originally had not been made applica-
ble. This instance of 1920 bears no relevancy for deter-
mining the validity of section 7 of the Act of 1912, enacted
eight years before this instance came into existence.
A seemingly similar instance to the enactment contained
in section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act is in section 8 of Act
XXII of 1869, considered by the Privy Council in Burah’s
case(1). That instance, however, when closely examined, has
no real resemblance to section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act. Act
XXII of 1869 was enacted to remove the Garo Hills from the
jurisdiction of tribunals established under the General
Regulations. That was its limited purpose. By section 5 the
administration of this part was vested in the officers
appointed by the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal and those
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officers had to be under his control and were to work under
his instructions. The executive administration of this
territory was, therefore, vested in the Lieutenant-Governor
of Bengal. By section 8 of the Act, already cited, the
Lieutenant-Governor was authorized by notification in the
Calcutta Gazette to extend to the excluded territories laws
in force in the other territories subject to his government
or laws which might thereafter be enacted by the Council of
the Governor-General or the Lieutenant-Governor in respect
of those territories. Both these authorities were competent
to make laws for the province of Bengal. The validity of
section 8 was not questioned in Burah’s case(1) and no
argument was addressed about it. Regarding this section,
however, the following observations occur in the judgment of
their Lordships which were emphasized before us:--
"The Governor-General in Council has determined, in the
due and ordinary course of legislation, to remove
(1) 5 t.A. 178
954
a particular district from the jurisdiction of the ordinary
courts and offices, and to place it under new courts and
offices, to be appointed by and responsible to the Lieu-
tenant-Governor of Bengal; leaving it to the Lieutenant-
Governor to say at what time that change shall take place;
and also enabling him, not to make what laws he pleases for
that or any other district but to apply by public notifica-
tion to that district any law, or part of a law, which
either already was, or from time to time might be, in force,
by proper legislative authority, in the other territories
subject to his government.’ The legislature determined
that, so far, a certain change should take place; but that
it was expedient to leave the time, and the manner, of
carrying it into effect to the discretion of the Lieutenant-
Governor; and also, that the laws which were or might be in
force in the other territories subject to the same Govern-
ment were such as it might be fit and proper to apply to
this district also."
All that these observations mean is that a law ’having been
made by a competent legislature for the territory under
his jurisdiction could be made applicable to a district
excluded for certain purposes by a notification of the
LieutenantGovernor. As already pointed out, the Lieutenant-
Governor could make laws for the whole province of Bengal
and similarly, the Governor-General in Council could do so.
The law having been made by a competent legislature for the
territory for which it had power to legislate, the only
power left in the Governor-General was to extend that legis-
lation to an excluded area; but this is not what ’the Delhi
Laws Act had done. As will be shown later, the Delhi Laws
Act in section 7 has authorized the Governor-General in his
executive capacity to extend to Delhi laws made by legisla-
tures which had no jurisdiction or competence to make laws
for Delhi.
Having stated the principles on which answer has to be
given to the questions referred to us, I now proceed to give
my opinion on each of the three questions.
955
The first question relates to section 7 of the Delhi
Laws Act, 1912, and concerns its validity in whole or in
part. The section as enacted in 1912 was in these terms :-
"The Governor-General in Council may by notification in
the official gazette extend with such restrictions and
modifications as he thinks fit to the Province of Delhi or
any part thereof any enactment which is in force in any part
of British India at the date of such notification."
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The section gives a carte blanche to the GovernorGeneral
to extend to the newly formed province any enactment in
force in any part of British India at the date of the noti-
fication and not necessarily any enactment in force in
British India at the date of the passing of the Delhi Laws
Act. No schedule was annexed to the Act of the enactments
that were in force in any part in British India at the date
of the passing of the Act. As regards the enactments that
may be in force in any part of British India at the date of
any notification, there was no knowing what those laws would
be. Laws that were to be made after 1912, their principle
and policy could not be known to the legislature that enact-
ed section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act. It seems obvious that
the legislature could not have exercised its judgment, nor
its discretion in respect of those laws. It also conferred
on the Governor-General power of modifying existing and
future enactments passed by different legislatures in the
country. The power of modification implies within it the
power of amending those statutes. To use the words of a
learned Judge, the section conferred a kind of a vague,
wide, vagrant and uncanalised authority on the Governor-
General. There is no provision within the section by virtue
of which the mind of the legislature could ever be applied
to the amendments maple by the Governor-General in the
different statutes passed by different legislatures in India
and extended to Delhi.
123
956
Illustratively, it may be pointed out that numerous rent
control Acts have been passed by different legislatures in
India, laying down basically different policies and princi-
ples. The Provincial Government under the Delhi Laws Act is
authorised to apply the policy of any one of these Acts to
Delhi or the policy which it might evolve by combining
different such statutes passed by different State legisla-
tures. Legislative policy in the matter of rent control had
not been evolved by the year 1912. Another illustration may
be taken from the law of prohibition. Different State gov-
ernments have adopted a policy of either complete prohibi-
tion or of local option. What policy is to be applied to
Delhi and who is to decide that policy ? Obviously, under
section 7 the Provincial Government can without going to the
legislature adopt any policy it likes whether of partial or
of complete prohibition and may apply to Delhi any law it
thinks fit. It is obvious therefore that within the wide
charter of delegated power given to the executive by section
7 of the Delhi Laws Act it could exercise essential legisla-
tive functions and in effect it became the legislature for
Delhi. It seems to me that by enacting section 7 the legis-
lature virtually abdicated its legislative power in favour
of the executive. That, in my judgment, was not warranted
by the Indian Councils Act, 1861, or by any decision of the
Privy Council or on the basis of any legislative practice.
The section therefore, in my opinion, is ultra vires the
Indian Councils Act, 1861, in the following particulars:
(i)inasmuch as it permits the executive to apply to Delhi
laws enacted by legislatures not competent to make laws for
Delhi and which these legislatures may make within their own
legislative field, and (ii) inasmuch as it clothes the
executive with co-extensive legislative authority in the
matter of modification of laws made by legislative bodies in
India. If any list of the existing laws passed by the
Governor-General in Council in his legislative capacity and
of laws adopted by it though passed by other legislatures
was annexed to the Act, to that extent the delegation of
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power, but
957
without any power of modifications in favour of the execu-
tive, might have been valid, but that is not what was enact-
ed in section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act. Power to extend laws
made in the future by the GovernorGeneral in Council for the
whole of India or adopted by it though passed later by other
legislatures would also be intra vires, but farther than
that the legislature could not go. If one may say so, sec-
tion 7 declares that the legislature has no policy of its
own and that the Governor-General in Council can declare it
and can determine what laws would be in force in Delhi.
The second question concerns section 2 of the Ajmer-Mer-
wara (Extension of Laws) Act, 1947, which provides for
extension of enactments to Ajmer-Merwara. It says:
"The Central Government may by notification in the
official gazette extend to the province of AjmerMet warn
with such restrictions and modifications as it thinks fit
any enactment which is in force in any other province at the
date of such notification."
For the reasons given for holding that section 7 of the
Delhi Laws Act is ultra vires the constitution in two par-
ticulars, this section also is ultra vires the Government of
India Act, 193s, in those particulars. The section does not
declare any law but gives the Central Government power to
declare what the law shall be. The choice to select any
enactment in force in any province at the date of such
notification clearly shows that the legislature declared no
principles or policies as regards the law to be made on any
subject. It may be pointed out that under the Act of 1935
different provinces had the exclusive power of laying down
their policies in respect to subjects within their own
legiSlative field. What policy was to be adopted for Delhi,
whether that adopted in the province of Punjab or of Bombay,
was left to the Central Government. Illustratively, the
mischief of such law-making may be pointed out with refer-
ence to what happened in pursuance of this section in
Ajmer-Merwara. The Bombay Agricultural Debtors’ Relief
Acco, 1947, has been
958
extended under cover of this section to Ajmer-Merwara and
under the power of modification by amending the definition
of the word ’debtor’ the whole policy of the Bombay Act has
been altered. Under the Bombay Act a person is a debtor who
is indebted and whose annual income from sources other than
agricultural and manly labour does not exceed 33 per cent of
his total annual income or does not exceed Rs. 500, whichev-
er is greater. In the modified statute "debtor" means an
agriculturist who owes a debt, and "agriculturist" means a
person who earns his livelihood by agriculture and whose
income from such source exceeds 66 per cent of his total
income. The outside limit of Rs. 500 is removed. The exer-
cise of this power amounts to making a new law by a body
which was not in the contemplation of the Constitution and
was not authorized to enact any laws. Shortly stated, the
question is, could the Indian legislature under the Act of
1935 enact that the executive could extend to Delhi laws
that may be made hereinafter by a legislature in Timbuctoo
or Soviet Russia with modifications. The answer would be in
the negative because the policy of those laws could never be
determined by the law making body entrusted with making laws
for Delhi. The Provincial legislatures in India under the
Constitution Act of 1935 qua Delhi constitutionally stood on
no better footing than the legislatures of Timbuctoo and
Soviet Russia though geographically and politically they
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were in a different situation.
The third question concerns section 2 of the Part C
States (Laws) Act, 1950, which provides that-
" The Central Government may by notification in the
official gazette extend to any Part C State (other than
Coorg and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands) or to any part of
such State, with such restrictions or modifications as it
thinks fit any enactment which is in force in a Part A State
at the date of the notification and provision may be made in
any enactment so extended for the repeal or amendment of any
corresponding law (other than a Central Act) which is for
the time being applicable to that Part C State."
959
For reasons given for answering questions 1 and 2 that
the enactments mentioned therein are ultra rites the consti-
tution in the particulars stated, this question is also
answered similarly. It might, however, be observed that in
this case express power to repeal or amend laws already
applicable in Part C States has been conferred on the Cen-
tral Government. Power to repeal or amend laws is a power
which can only be exercised by an authority that has the
power to enact laws. It is a power co-ordinate and co-exten-
sive with the power of the legislature itself. In bestowing
on the Central Government and clothing it with the same
capacity as is possessed by the legislature itself the
Parliament has acted unconstitutionally.
In offering my opinion on the questions mentioned in the
reference I have approached this matter with great caution
and patient attention and having in mind the rule that the
benefit of reasonable doubt on questions on the constitu-
tional validity of a statute has to be resolved in favour of
legislative action. The legislative action, however, in the
enactments which are the subject-matter of the reference has
been of such a drastic and wide and indefinite nature con-
sidered in its full amplitude that it is not possible to
hold that in every particular these enactments are constitu-
tional.
MUKHERJEA J.--This is a reference made by the President
of India, under article 143 (1) of the Constitution, invit-
ing this Court to consider and report to him its opinion on
the three following questions :--
(1) Was section 7 of the Delhi Laws Act, 1912, or any of
the provisions thereof, and in what particular or particu-
lars or to what extent ultra vires the Legislature which
passed the said Act ?
(2) Was the Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of Laws) Act, 1947,
or any of the provisions thereof, and in what particular or
particulars or to what extent ultra vires the Legislature
which passed the said Act ?
(3) Is section 2 of the Part C States (Laws) Act, 1950,
or any of the provisions thereof, and in what
960
particular or particulars or to what extent ultra vires the
Parliament ?
The necessity of seeking the advisory opinion of this
Court is stated to have arisen from the fact that because of
the decision of the Federal Court in Jatindra Nath Gupta
v. The Province of Bihar(1), which held the proviso to sub-
section (3) of section 1 of the Bihar Maintenance of Public
Order Act, 1947, ultra vires the Bihar Provincial Legisla-
ture, by reason of its amounting to a delegation of its
legislative powers to an extraneous authority, doubts have
arisen regarding the validity of the three legislative
provisions mentioned above, the legality of the first and
the second being actually called in question in certain
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judicial proceedings which are pending before some of the
High Courts in India.
The Delhi Laws Act, 1912, which is the earliest of the
enactments referred to above, was passed in 1912 by the
Governor-General in Council at its legislative meeting, that
being the legislature constituted for British India at that
time, under the provisions of the group of statutes known as
Indian Councils Acts (1861-1909). Delhi, which up till the
17th of September, 1912, was a part of the province of the
Punjab, was created a Chief Commissioner’s Province on that
date and on the following date the Governor-General’s Legis-
lative Council enacted the Delhi Laws Act (Act XIII) 1912
which came into force on and from the 1st of October, 1912.
Section 7 of the Act, in regard to which the controversy has
arisen, provides as follows :--
"The Provincial Government may, by notification in the
official gazette, extend with such restrictions and modifi-
cations as it thinks fit, to the province of Delhi or any
part thereof any enactment which is in force in any part of
British India at the date of such notification."
The Ajmer-Merwara (Extension of Laws) Act was enacted on
the 31st December, 1947, by the Dominion
(1) [1949-50] F.C.R. 595.
961
Legislature of India under the provisions of the Government
of India Act, 1935 (as adapted under the Indian Independence
Act of 1947). Section 2 of the Act is in the following terms
:--
"2. ’Extension of enactments to Ajmer-Merwara. --The
Central Government may be notification in the official
gazette extend to the province of Ajmer-Merwara with such
restrictions and modifications as it thinks fit any enact-
ment which is in force in any other province at the date of
such notification."
Part C States (Laws) Act, 1950, has been enacted by the
Indian Parliament after the new Constitution came into force
and the provision of section 2 of the Act to which the
dispute relates is worded thus:--
"2. Power to extend enactments to certain Part C
States.--The Central Government may, by notification in the
official gazette, extend to any Part C State (other than
Coorg and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands) or to any part of
such State with such’ restrictions and modifications as it
thinks fit any enactment which is in force in a Part A State
at the date of the notification; and provision may be made
in any enactment so extended for the repeal or amendment of
any corresponding law (other than a Central Act) which is
for the time being applicable to that Part C State."
It will be noticed that in all the three items of legis-
lation, mentioned above, there has been, what may be de-
scribed, as conferment by the legislatures, which passed
the respective enactments, to an outside authority, of some
of the powers which the legislative bodies themselves could
exercise; and the authority in whose favour the delegation
has been made has not only been empowered to extend to
particular areas the laws which are in force in other parts
of India but has also been given a right to introduce into
such laws, any restrictions or modifications as it thinks
fit. The controversy centres round the point as to whether
such delegation was or is within the competency of the
particular legislature which passed these enactments,
962
The contention of the learned Attorney-General, who
represents the President of, India, in substance is that a
legislature which is competent to legislate on a particular
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subject has the competence also to delegate its legislative
powers in respect of that subject to any agent or external
authority as it thinks proper. The extent to which such
delegation should be made is entirely a matter for consider-
ation by the legislature itself and a court of law has no
say in the matter. There could be according to the learned
Attorney-General, only two possible limitations upon the
exercise of such right of delegation by a competent legis-
lative body. One is that the legislature cannot abdicate or
surrender its powers altogether or bring into existence a
new legislative power not authorised by the constitutional
instrument. The second is that if the constitutional docu-
ment has provided for distribution of powers amongst differ-
ent legislative bodies, one legislature cannot delegate to
another, powers, which are vested in it, exclusively under
the Constitution. It is argued that, save and except these
two limitations, the doctrine of inhibition of delegation by
legislative authority has no place in a Constitution mo-
delled on the English system which does not recognise the
principle of separation of powers as obtains in the American
system. These questions are of great constitutional impor-
tance and require careful consideration.
In America the rule of inhibition against delegation of
legislative powers is based primarily upon the traditional
American doctrine of "separation of powers". Another
principle is also called in to aid in support of the rule,
which is expressed in the wellknown maxim of Private Law,
"delegatus non potest delegare", the authority for the same,
being based on one of the dieta of Sir Edward Coke. The
modern doctrine of ,’separation of powers" was a leading
tenet in the political philosophy of the 18th century. It
was elaborated by Montesquieu in his "Lesprit des lois" in
explanation of the English political doctrine and was adopt-
ed, in theory at least, in all its fulness and
963
rigidity by the constitution-makers of America. The consti-
tution of America provides for the separation of the govern-
mental powers into three basic divisions-the executive, the
legislative, and the judicial--and the powers appertaining
to each department have been vested in a separate body of
public servants. It is considered to be an essential princi-
ple(1) underlying the constitution that powers entrusted to
one department should be exercised exclusively by that
department without encroaching upon the powers confided to
others. As is said by Cooley,(2) "The different classes of
power have been apportioned to different departments; and as
all derive their authority from the same instrument, there
is an implied exclusion of each department from exercising
the functions conferred upon the others."
The other doctrine that is invoked in support of the
anti-delegation rule is the well accepted principle of
municipal law, which prevents a person upon whom a power has
been conferred, or to whom a mandate has been given, from
delegating his powers to other people. The legislature is
supposed to be a delegate deriving its powers from the
’people’ who are the ultimate repository of all powers, and
hence it is considered incapable of transferring such powers
to any other authority.
These doctrines, though well recognised in theory, have
a restricted and limited application in actual practice.
Mr. Justice Story said(3)--
"But when we speak of a separation of the three great
departments of Government and maintain that that separation
is indispensable to public liberty, we are to understand
this maxim in a limited sense. It is not meant to affirm
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that they must be kept wholly and entirely separate and
distinct, and have no common link of connection or depend-
ence, the one upon
(1) See Kilbourn v. Thomson, 103 U.S. 168 at p. 190.
i2) See Cooley’s "Constitutional Limitations", 7th Edition,
page 126.
(3) Story’s Constitution, s. 525,
124
964
the other, in the slightest degree. The true meaning is
that the whole power of one of these departments should not
be exercised by the same hands which possess the whole power
of either of the other departments: and that such exercise
of the whole would subvert the principles of free constitu-
tion."
As regards the maxim delegatus non potest delegare, its
origin and theoretical basis are undoubtedly different from
those of the doctrine of separation of powers. But, for
practical purposes, both these doctrines are linked together
and are used as arguments against the Congress attempting to
invest any other authority with legislative powers. Accord-
ing to Willis, the disability of the Congress to delegate
its legislative powers to the executive, purports to be
based upon the doctrine of separation of powers; while its
incapacity to bestow its authority upon an independent body
like a Board or Commission is said to rest on the maxim
delegatus non potest delegare(1).
As said above, a considerable amount of flexibility was
allowed in the practical application of these theories even
from early times. The vast complexities of social and eco-
nomic conditions of the modern age, and the ever growing
amount of complicated legislation that is called for by the
progressive social necessities, have made it practically
impossible for the legislature to provide rules of law which
are complete in all their details. Delegation of some sort,
therefore, has become indispensable for making the law more
effective and adaptable to the varying needs of society.
Thus in America, despite the theory which prohibits
delegation of legislative power, one comes across numerous
rules and regulations passed by non legislative bodies in
exercise of authority bestowed on them by the legislature in
some shape or other. The legislature has always been deemed
competent to create a municipal authority and empower it to
make by-laws. In fact, such legislation is based upon the
immemorial
(1) Willis on Constitutional Law, p.
965
Anglo-Saxon practice of leaving to each local community the
management and control of local affairs. The Congress can
authorise a public officer to make regulations, or the
Judges of the Court to frame rules of procedure which are
binding in the same way as laws proper. It can authorise
some other body to determine the conditions or contingencies
under which a statute shall become operative and can empower
administrative functionaries to determine facts and apply
standards. "The separation of powers between the Congress
and the Executive", thus observed Cardozo, J. in his dis-
senting judgment in Panama Refining Company v. Ryan(1), "is
not a doctrinaire concept to be made use of with pedantic
rigour. There must be sensible approximation, there must be
elasticity of adjustment in response to the practical neces-
sities of Government which cannot foresee today the develop-
ments of tomorrow in their nearly infinite variety". In
fact, the rule of non-delegation has so many exceptions
engrafted upon it that a well known writer(2) of constitu-
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tional law has tersely expressed that it is difficult to
decide whether the dogma or the exceptions state the rule
correctly.
It does not admit of any serious dispute that the doc-
trine of separation of powers has, strictly speaking, no
place in the system of government that India has at the
present day under her own Constitution or which she had
during the British rule. Unlike the American and Australian
Constitutions, the Indian Constitution does not expressly
vest the different sets of powers in the different organs of
the State. Under article 53(1), the executive power is
indeed vested in the President, but there is no similar
vesting provision regarding the legislative and the judicial
powers. Our Constitution, though federal in its structure,
is modelled on the British Parliamentary system, the essen-
tial feature of which is the responsibility of the executive
to the legislature. The President, as the head of the
executive, is to act on the advice of the Council of
(1) 293 U.S. 388 at 440.
(2) See Willis on Constitutional Law, p. 137,
966
Ministers, and this Council of Ministers, like the British
Cabinet, is a "hyphen which joins, a buckle which fastens,
the legislative part of the State to the executive part."
There could undoubtedly be no question of ’the executive
being responsible to the legislature in the year 1912, when
the Delhi Act X111 of 1912 was passed, but at that time it
was the executive which really dominated the legislature,
and the idea of a responsible government was altogether
absent. It was the Executive Council of the GovernorGeneral
which together with sixty additional members, of whom 33
were nominated, constituted the GovernorGeneral’s Legisla-
tive Council and had powers to legislate for the whole of
British India. The local legislatures in the provinces were
constituted in a similar manner. The first advance in the
direction of responsible government was made by the Govern-
ment of India Act, 1919, which introduced dyarchy in the
provinces. The Government of India Act, 1935, brought in
Provincial autonomy, and ministerial responsibility was
established in the provinces subject to certain reserved
powers of the Governor. In the Centre the responsibility
was still limited and apart from the discretionary powers of
the Governor-General the Defence and External Affairs were
kept outside the purview of ministerial and legislative
control. Thus whatever might have been the relation between
the legislature and the executive in the different constitu-
tional set ups that existed at different periods of Indian
history since the advent of British rule in this country,
there has never been a rigid or institutional separation of
powers in the form that exists in America.
The maxim delegatus non potest delegare is sometimes
spoken of as laying down a rule of the law of agency; its
ambit is certainly wider than that and it is made use of in
various fields of law as a doctrine which prohibits a person
upon whom a duty or office has devolved or a trust has been
imposed from delegating his duties or powers to other per-
sons. The
967
introduction of this maxim into the constitutional field
cannot be said to be altogether unwarranted, though its
basis rests upon a doubtful political doctrine. To attract
the application of this maxim, it is essential that the
authority attempting to delegate its powers must itself be a
delegate of some other authority. The legislature, as it
exists in India at the present day, undoubtedly is the
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creature of the Indian Constitution, which defines its
powers and lays down its duties; and the Constitution itself
is a gift of the people of India to themselves. But it is
not a sound political theory, that the legislature acts
merely as a delegate of the people. This theory once popula-
rised by Locke and eulogized by early American writers is
not much in favour in modern times. With regard to the
Indian Legislature as it existed in British days constitut-
ed under the Indian Councils Act, it was definitely held by
the Judicial Committee in the well-known case of Queen v.
Burah (1) that it was in no sense a delegate of the British
Parliament. In that case the question arose as to the
validity of section 9 of Act XXII of 1869 passed by the
Governor-General’s Legislative Council. The Act provided
that certain special laws, which had the effect of excluding
the jurisdiction of the High Court, should apply to a cer-
tain district. known as Garo Hills, and section 9 empowered
the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal to extend the operation of
these laws to certain other areas if and when the Lieuten-
ant-Governor, by notification in the Calcutta Gazette, would
declare that they should be so applied. The majority of the
Judges of the Calcutta High Court upheld the contention of
the respondent, Burah, that the authority conferred on the
Lieutenant-Governor to extend the Act in this way was in
excess of the powers of the Governor-General in Council, and
in support of this view, one of the learned Judges relied
inter alia upon the principles of the law of agency. This
view was negatived by the Judicial Committee, and Lord
Selborne, in delivering the judgment, observed as
follows:
(1) 5 I.A. 178.
968
"The Indian Legislature has powers expressly limited by
the Act of the Imperial Parliament which created it, and it
can, of course, do nothing beyond the limits which cir-
cumscribe these powers. But when acting within those
limits, it is not in any sense an agent or delegate of the
Imperial Parliament, but has, and was intended to have,
plenary powers of legislation as large and of the same
nature as those of parliament itself."
Practically the same observations were reiterated by the
Judicial Committee in the case of Hodge v. The Queen(1)
while describing the position of the Provincial Legislature
under the Canadian Constitution and stress was laid upon the
plenitude of power which such Legislature could exercise
when acting within the limits prescribed for it by the
Imperial Parliament.
I am quite willing to concede that the doctrine of
separation of powers cannot be of any assistance to us in
the solution of the problems that require consideration in
the present case. In my opinion, too much importance need
not also be attached to the maxim delegatus non potest
delegare, although as an epigrammatic saying it embodies a
general principle that it is not irrelevant for our present
purpose. But even then I am unable to agree with the broad
proposition enunciated by the learned Attorney-General that
a legislative power per se includes within its ambit a right
for the legislative body to delegate the exercise of that
power in any manner it likes to another person or authority.
I am unable also to accept his contention that in this
respect the authority of the Indian Legislature is as ple-
nary as that of the British Parliament, and, provided the
subject-matter of legislation is not one outside the field
of its legislative competence, the legislature in India is
able to do through an agent anything which it could do
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itself.
It is to be noted that so far as the British Parliament
is concerned, there is no constitutional limitation upon its
authority or power. In the words of Sir
9 App. Cas. 117.
969
Edward Coke (1), "the power and jurisdiction of Parliament
is so transcendent and absolute that it cannot be confined,
either for causes or persons, within any
bounds........................ It hath sovereign and uncon-
trollable authority in the making, confirming, enlarging,
abrogating, repealing, reviving and expounding of
laws................... this being the place where that
absolute despotic power which must in all governments reside
somewhere is entrusted by the constitution of these king-
doms." The British Parliament can not only legislate on any
subject it likes and alter or repeal any law it likes, but
being both "a legislative and a constituent assembly", it
can change and modify the so-called constitutional laws and
they can be changed by the same body and in the same manner
as ordinary laws; and no act of the Parliament can be held
to be unconstitutional in a British Court of Law. (2)
This sovereign character was not, and could not be,
predicated of the Legislative Council of British India as it
was constituted under the Indian Councils Act, even though
it had very wide powers of legislation and within the scope
of its authority could pass laws as important as those
passed by the British Parliament (3). It is not present also
in the Indian Parliament of the present day which is a
creature of the Indian Constitution and has got to exercise
its legislative powers within the limits laid down by the
Constitution itself. Acting in its ordinary capacity as a
legislative body, the Indian Parliament cannot go beyond the
Constitution or touch any of the Constitutional or fundamen-
tal laws, and its acts can always be questioned in a court
of law. Consequences of great constitutional importance flow
from this difference and they have a material bearing on the
question before us. The contention of the learned Attorney-
General in substance is that the power of delegation of
legislative authority without any limitation as to its
extent is
(1) See Coke’s Fourth Institute, p. 36.
(2) See Dicey’s Law of the Constitution, p. 88 (9th Edi-
tion.)
(3) See Dicey’s Law of the Constitution, p. 99 (9th
Edition).
970
implicit in the exercise of the power itself, and in support
of his contention he refers to the unrestricted rights of
delegation which are exercised by the British Parliament.
But the validity or invalidity of a delegation of legisla-
tive power by the British Parliament is not and cannot be a
constitutional question at all in the United Kingdom, for
the Parliament being the omnipotent sovereign is legally
competent to do anything it likes arid no objection to the
constitutionality of its acts can be raised in a court of
law. Therefore, from the mere fact that the British Parlia-
ment exercises unfettered rights of delegation in respect of
its legislative powers, the conclusion does not follow that
such right of delegation is an inseparable adjunct of the
legislative power itself. The position simply is this that
in England, no matter, to whichever department of the powers
exercisable by the British Parliament the right of delega-
tion of legislative authority may be attributed--and there
is no dispute that all the sovereign powers are vested in
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the Parliament-no objection can be taken to the legality of
the exercise of such right. But in India the position even
at the present day is different. There being a written
constitution which defines and limits the rights of the
legislature, the question whether the right of delegation,
either limited or unlimited, is included within, and forms
an integral part of, the right of legislation is a question
which must be answered on a proper interpretation of the
terms of the Constitution itself. We need not for this
purpose pay any attention to the American doctrine of sepa-
ration of powers; we must look to the express language of
our own Constitution and our approach should be to the
essential principles underlying the process of law-making
which our Constitution envisages. According to the Indian
Constitution, the power of law-making can be exercised by
the Union Parliament or a State Legislature which is to be
constituted in a particular manner and the process of legis-
lation has been described in detail in various articles(1).
Powers have been given to the President
(1) Vide Articles 107 and 111; 196 to 200,
971
in article 123 and to the Governor of a State under article
213 to promulgate Ordinances during recess of the respective
legislatures. Specific provisions have also been made for
exercise of the legislative powers by the President on
proclamation of emergency and in respect of Part D territo-
ries. Law-making undoubtedly is a task of the highest impor-
tance and responsibility, and, as our Constitution has
entrusted this task to particular bodies of persons chosen
in particular ways, and not only does it set up a machinery
for law-making but regulates the methods by which it is to
be exercised and makes specific provisions for cases where
departure from the normal procedure has been sanctioned, the
prima facie presumption must be that the intention of the
Constitution is that the duty of law-making is to be per-
formed primarily by the legislative body itself. The power
of the Parliament to confer on the President legislative
authority to make laws and also to authorise the President
to delegate the power so conferred to any other authority
has been recognised only as an emergency provision in arti-
cle 357 of’ the Constitution. Save and except this, there is
no other provision in the Constitution under which the
legislature has been expressly authorised to delegate its
legislative powers. "It is a well-known rule of construction
that if a statute directs that certain acts shall be done in
a specified manner or by certain persons, then performance
in any other manner than that specified or by any other
persons than those named is impliedly prohibited(1)." It has
been observed by Baker in his treatise on "Fundamental Laws"
that quite apart from the doctrine of separation of powers,
there are other cogent reasons why legislative power cannot
be delegated. "Representative government," thus observes
the ]earned author,(2) "vests in the persons chosen to
exercise the power of voting taxes and enacting laws, the
most important and sacred trust known to civil government.
The representatives of the people are
(1) Vide Crawford’s Statutory Construction, p. 334.
(2) Baker’s Fundamental Laws, Vol. I, p. 287.
125
972
required to exercise wise discretion and a sound judgment,
having due regard for the purposes and the needs of the
executive and judicial department, the ability of the tax-
payer to respond and the general public welfare. It follows
as a self-evident proposition that a responsible legis-
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lative assembly must exercise its own judgment." In the
same strain are the observations made by Cooley in his
"Constitutional Law ,,(1) that the reason against delegation
of power by the legislature is found in the very existence
of its own powers. "This high prerogative has been entrusted
to its own wisdom, judgment and patriotism, and not to those
of other persons, and it will act ultra vires if it under-
takes to delegate the trust instead of executing it."
The same considerations are applicable with regard to
the legislative bodies which exercised the powers of law-
making at the relevant periods when the Delhi Laws Act of
1912 and the Ajmer Merwara Act of 1947 were enacted. Under
the Indian Councils Act, 1861, the power of making laws and
regulations was expressly vested in a distinct body consist-
ing of the members of the Governor-General’s Council and
certain additional members who were nominated by the
Governor-General for a period of two years. The number of
such additional members which was originally from 6 to 12
was increased by the subsequent amending Acts and under the
Indian Councils Act ’of 1909, it was fixed at 60, of which
27 were elected and the rest nominated by the Governor-
General. It was this legislative body that was empowered by
the Indian Councils Act to legislate for the whole of Brit-
ish India and there were certain local legislatures in
addition to this in some of the provinces.
Section 18 of the Indian Councils Act of 1861 empowered
the Governor-General to make rules for the conduct of busi-
ness at meetings of the Council for the purpose of making
laws; section 15 prescribed the quorum necessary for such.
meetings and further provided that the seniormost ordinary
member could preside in the absence of the Governor-General.
This was
(1) Vide Fourth Edition, p. 138,
973
the normal process of law-making as laid down by the Indian
Councils Act. Special provisions were made for exceptional
cases when the normal procedure could be departed from.
Thus section 23 of the Act of 1861 empowered the Governor-
General to make ordinances having the force of law in case
of urgent necessity; and later on under section 1 of the
Indian Councils Act of 1870 the executive government was
given the power to make regulations for certain parts of
India to which the provisions of the section were declared
to be applicable by the Secretary of State. Besides these
exceptions for which specific provisions were made, there is
nothing in the parliamentary Acts passed during this period
to suggest that legislative powers could be exercised by any
other person or authority except the Legislative Councils
mentioned above.
The Ajmer-Merwara Act was passed by the Dominion Legis-
lature constituted under the Government of India Act, 1935,
as adapted under the Indian Independence Act of 1937. The
provisions of the Constitution Act of 1945 in regard to the
powers and functions of the legislative bodies were similar
to those that exist under the present Constitution and no
detailed reference to them is necessary.
The point for consideration now is that if this is the
correct position with regard to exercise of powers by the
legislature, then no delegation of legislative function,
however small it might be, would be permissible at all. The
answer is that delegation of legislative authority could be
permissible but only as ancillary to, or in aid of, the
exercise of law-making powers by the proper legislature, and
not as a means to be used by the latter to relieve itself of
its own responsibility or essential duties by devolving the
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same on some other agent or machinery. A constitutional
power may be held to imply a power of delegation of authori-
ty which is necessary to effect its purpose; and to this
extent delegation of a power may be taken to be implicit in
the exercise of that power. This is on the principle "that
everything necessary to the exercise of a power
974
is implied in the grant of the power. Everything necessary
to the effective exercise of legislation must, therefore be
taken to be conferred by the Constitution within that
power."(1). But it is not open to the legislature to strip
itself of its essential legislative function and vest the
same on an extraneous authority. The primary or essential
duty of law-making has got to be discharged by the legisla-
ture itself; delegation may be resorted to only as a second-
ary or ancillary measure. Quite apart from the decisions
of American courts, to some of which I will refer presently,
the soundness of the doctrine rests, as I have said
already, upon the essential principles involved in our
written Constitution. The work of law-making should be done
primarily by the authority to which that duty is entrusted,
although such authority can employ an outside agency or
machinery for the purpose of enabling it to discharge its
duties properly and effectively; but it can on no account
throw the responsibility which the Constitution imposes upon
it on the shoulders of an agent or delegate and thereby
practically abdicate its own powers.
The learned Attorney-General in support of the position
he took up placed considerable reliance on the observations
of the Judicial Committee in the case of Queen v. Burah(2),
which I have referred to already and which have been repeat-
ed almost in identical language in more than one subse-
quent pronouncement of the Judicial Committee. The Privy
Council made those observations for the purpose of clearing
up a misconception which prevailed for a time in certain
quarters that the Indian or the Colonial Legislatures were
mere agents or delegates of the Imperial Parliament, and
being in a sense holders of mandates from the latter, were
bound to execute these mandates personally. This concep-
tion, the Privy Council pointed out, was wrong. The Indian
Legislature, or for the matter of that the Colonial Parlia-
ment could, of course, do nothing beyond the limits
(1) Per O’Connor J. in Baxter v. Ah Way, 8 C.L.R. 626 at
637.
(2) 5 IA. 178.
975
prescribed for them by the British Parliament. But acting
within these limits they were in no sense agents of another
body and had plenary powers of legislation as large and of
the same nature as those of the Parliament itself. It
should be noted that the majority of the Judges of the
Calcutta High Court in Queen v. Burgh(1) proceeded on the
view that the impugned provision of Act XXII of 1869 was not
a legislation but amounted to delegation of legislative
power and Mr. Justice Markby in his judgment relied express-
ly upon the doctrine of agency. This view of Mr. Justice
Markby was held to be wrong by the Privy Council in the
observations mentioned above and as regards the first and
the main point the Judicial Committee pointed out that the
majority of the Judges of the High Court laboured under a
mistaken view of the nature and principles of legislation,
for as a matter of fact nothing like delegation of legisla-
tion was attempted in the case at all. It seems to me that
the observations relied on by the Attorney-General do not
show that in the opinion of the Privy Council the Indian,
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Legislative Council had the same unrestricted rights of
delegation of legislative powers as are possessed by the
British Parliament. If that were so there was no necessity
of proceeding any further and the case could have been
disposed of on the simple point that even if there was any
delegation of legislative powers made by the Indian Legisla-
tive Council it was quite within the ambit of its authority.
In my opinion, the object of making the observations was to
elucidate the character in which the Indian Legislative
Council exercised its legislative powers. It exercised the
powers in its own right and not as an agent or delegate of
the British Parliament. If the doctrine of agency is to be
imported, the act of the agent would be regarded as the act
of the principal, but the legislation passed by the Indian
Legislature was the act of the Legislature itself acting
within the ambit of its authority and not of the British
Parliament, although it derived its authority from the
latter. This view has been clearly
5 I.A.78.
976
expressed by Rand J. of the Supreme Court of Canada while
the learned Judge was speaking about the essential character
of the legislation passed by the legislative bodies in
Canada (1). The observations of the learned Judge are as
follows :-
"The essential quality of legislation enacted by these
bodies is that it is deemed to be the law of legislatures of
Canada as a self-governing political organization and not
law of Imperial Parliament. It was law within the Empire
and law within the Commonwealth, but it is not law as if
enacted at Westminster, though its source or authority is
derived from that Parliament." It should be noted further
that in their judgment in Burah’s case(2) the Privy Council
while dealing with the matter of delegated authority was
fully alive to the implications of a written constitution
entrusting the exercise of legislative powers to a legisla-
ture constituted and defined in a particular manner and
imposing a disability on such legislature to go beyond the
specific constitutional provisions. Just after stating that
the Indian Legislature was in no sense a delegate of the
Imperial Parliament the Privy Council observed: "The Gover-
nor-General in Council could not by any form of an enactment
create in India and arm with legislative authority a new
legislative power not created and authorised by the Coun-
cils Act."
Almost in the same strain were the observations of the
Judicial Committee in In re The Initiative and Referendum
Act, 1919 (3); and while speaking about the powers of the
Provincial Legislature under the Canadian Act of 1867 Lord
Haldane said :---
"Section 92 of the Act of 1867 entrusts the legislative
power in a province to its legislature and to that legisla-
ture only. No doubt a body with a power of legislation on
the subjects entrusted to it so ample as that enjoyed by the
provincial legislature in Canada could, while preserving its
own capacity intact, seek
(1) See Attorney-General of Nova Scotia v. Attorney-
General of Canada, (1950) 4 D.L.R, 369 at p. 383.
(2) 5 I.A. 178.
(3) [1919] A.C. 935 at p. 945.
977
the assistance of subordinate agencies as had been done when
in Hodge v. Queen(1) the legislature of Ontario was held
entitled to entrust to a Board of Commissioners authority to
enact regulations relating to taverns; but it does not
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 140 of 148
follow that it can create and endow with its own capacity a
new legislative power not created by the Act to which it
owes its own existence."
It is not correct to say that what these observations
contemplate is a total effacement of the legislative body on
surrender of all its powers in favour of another authority
not recognised by the constitution. Such a thing is almost
outside the- range of practical consideration. The observa-
tions of Lord Haldane quoted above make it quite clear that
his Lordship had in mind the distinction between "seeking
the assistance of a subordinate agency in the framing of
rules and regulations which are to become a part of the
law," and "conferring on another body the essential legisla-
tive function which under the constitution should be exer-
cised by the legislature itself." The word "abdication" is
somewhat misleading, but if the word is to be used at all,
it is not necessary in my opinion to constitute legal abdi-
cation that the legislature should extinguish itself com-
pletely and efface itself out of the pages of the constitu-
tion bequeathing all its rights to another authority which
is to step into its shoes and succeed to its rights. The
abdication contemplated here is the surrender of essential
legislative authority even in respect of a particular sub-
ject-matter of legislation in favour of another person or
authority which is not empowered by the constitution to
exercise this function.
I will now attempt to set out in some detail the limits
of permissible delegation, in the matter of making laws,
with reference to decided authorities. For this purpose it
will be necessary to advert to some of the more important
cases on the, subject decided by the highest courts of
America, Canada and Australia. We have also a number of
pronouncements of the Judicial Committee in appeals from
India and the Colonies. I confess that no uniform view can
be gathered from
(1) 9 App. Cas. 117.
978
these decisions and none could possibly be expected in view
of the fact that the pronouncements emanate from Judges in
different countries acting under the influence of their
respective traditional theories and the weight of opinion of
their own courts on the subject. None of these authorities,
however, are binding on this court and it is not necessary
for us to make any attempt at reconciliation. We are free
to accept the view which appears to us to be well-founded on
principle and based on sound juridical reasoning.
Broadly speaking, the question of delegated legislation
has come up for consideration before courts of law in two
distinct classes of cases. One of these classes comprises
what is known as cases of "conditional legislation," where
according to the generally accepted view, the element of
delegation that is present relates not to any legislative
function at all, but to the determination of a contingency
or event, upon the happening of which the legislative provi-
sions are made to operate. The other class comprises cases
of delegation proper, where admittedly some portion of the
legislative power has been conferred by the legislative body
upon what is described as a subordinate agent or authority.
I will take up for consideration these two types of cases
one after the other.
In a conditional legislation, the law is full and com-
plete when it leaves the legislative chamber, but the opera-
tion of the law is made dependent upon the fulfilment of a
condition, and what is delegated to an outside body is the
authority to determine, by the exercise of its own judgment,
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whether or not the condition has been fulfilled. "The aim
of all legislation", said O’Connor J. in Baxter v. Ah Way
(1) "is to project their minds as far as possible into the
future and to provide in terms as general as possible for
all contingencies likely to arise in the application of the
law. But it is not possible to provide specifically for all
cases and therefore legislation from the very earnest times,
and particularly in more
(1) 8 C.L.R. 626 at 637,
979
modern times, has taken the form of conditional legis-
lation, leaving it to some specified authority to deter mine
the circumstances in which the law shall be applied or to
what its operation shall be extended, or the particular
class of persons or goods or things to which it shall be
applied." In spite of the doctrine of separation of powers,
this form of legislation is well recognised in the legisla-
tive practice of America, and is not considered as an en-
croachment upon the anti-delegation rule at all. As stated
in a leading Pennsylvania case (1), "the legislature cannot
delegate its power to make a law; but it can make a law to
delegate a power to determine some fact or state of things
upon which the law makes or intends to make its own action
depend. To deny this would be to stop the wheels of Govern-
ment. There are many things upon which wise and useful
legislation must depend, which cannot be known to the law-
making power and must, therefore, be a subject of inquiry
and determination outside the halls of legislation."
One of the earliest pronouncements of the Judicial
Committee on the subject of conditional legislation is to be
found in Queen v. Burah(2). In that case, as said already,
the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal was given the authority to
extend all or any of the provisions contained in a statute
to certain districts at such time he considered proper by
notification in the official gazette. There was no legisla-
tive act to be performed by the Lieutenant-Governor himself.
The Judicial Committee observed in their judgment :-
"The proper legislature has exercised its judgment as to
place, persons, laws, powers, and the result of that judg-
ment has been to legislate conditionally as to those things.
The conditions being fulfilled, the legislation is now
absolute."
Just four years after this decision was given, the case
of Russell v. The Queen(3) came up before the
(1) Locke’s Appeal, 72 Pa. 491. (8) 7 App. Cas. 829
(2) 5 I.A. 178.
126
980
Judicial Committee. The subject-matter of dispute in that
case was the Canadian Temperance Act of 1878, the prohibito-
ry and penal provisions of which were to be operative in any
county or city, only if upon a vote of the majority of the
electors of that county or city favouring such a course the
Governor-General by Order in Council declared the relative
part of the Act to be in force. One of the contentions
raised before the Judicial Committee was that the provision
was void as amounting to a delegation of legislative author-
ity to a majority of voters in the city or county. This
contention was negatived by the Privy Council, and the
decision in Queen v. Burah(1) was expressly relied upon. ’,
The short answer to this question," thus observed the Judi-
cial Committee, "is that the Act does not delegate any
legislative powers whatsoever. It contains within itself
the whole legislation on the matter with which it deals. The
provision that certain parts of the Act shall come into
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operation only on the petition of a majority of electors
does not confer authority or power to legislate. Parliament
itself enacts the condition and everything which is to
follow upon the condition being fulfilled. Conditional
legislation of this kind is in many cases convenient and is
certainly not unusual and the power so to legislate cannot
be denied to the Parliament of Canada when the subject of
legislation is within its competency."
The same principle was applied by the Judicial Commit-
tee in King v. Benoari Lal Sarma(2). In that case, the
validity of an emergency ordinance by the Governor-General
of India was challenged inter alia on the ground that it
provided for setting up of special criminal courts for
particular kinds of offences, but the actual setting up of
the courts was left to the Provincial Governments which were
authorised to set them up at such time and place as they
considered proper. The Judicial Committee held that "this is
not delegated legislation at all. It is merely an example of
the not uncommon legislative power by which the local appli-
cation of the provisions of a statute is determined
(1) 5 I.A. 178. (2) 72 I.A. 57.
981
by the judgment of a local administrative body as to its
necessity."
Thus, conditional legislation has all along been treated
in judicial pronouncements not to be a species of delegated
legislation at all. It comes under a separate category, and,
if in a particular case all the elements of a conditional
legislation exist, the question does not arise as to whether
in leaving the task of determining the condition to an
outside authority, the legislature acted beyond the scope of
its powers.
I now come to the other and more important group of cases
where admittedly a. portion of the law-making power of the
legislature is conferred or bestowed upon a subordinate
authority and the rules and regulations which are to be
framed by the latter constitute an integral portion of the
statute itself. As said already, it is within powers of
Parliament or any competent legislative body when legislat-
ing within its legislative field, to confer subordinate
administrative and legislative powers upon some other au-
thority. The question is what are the limits within which
such conferment or bestowing of powers could be properly
made? It is conceded by the learned Attorney-General that
the legislature cannot totally abdicate its functions and
invest another authority with all the powers of legislation
which it possesses. Subordinate legislation, it is not
disputed, must operate under the control of the legislature
from which it derives its authority, and on the continuing
operation of which, its capacity to function rests. As was
said by Dixon J. (1) "a subordinate legislation cannot
have the independent and unqualified authority which is an
attribute of true legislative power." It is pointed out by
this learned Judge that several legal consequences flow from
this doctrine of subordinate legislation. An offence against
subordinate legislation is regarded as an offence against
the statute and on the repeal of the statute the regulations
automatically collapse. So far, the propositions cannot,
and need not, be disputed. But,
(1) Vide Victoria Stevedoring and General Contracting
Company v. Dignan, 46 C.L.R. 73 at 102.
982
according to the learned Attorney-General all that is neces-
sary in subordinate legislation is that the legislature
should not totally abdicate its powers and that it should
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retain its control over the subordinate agency which it can
destroy later at any time it likes. If this is proved to
exist in a particular case, then the character or extent of
the powers delegated to or conferred upon such subordinate
agent is quite immaterial and into that question the courts
have no jurisdiction to enter. This argument seems plausible
at first sight, but on closer examination, I find myself
unable to accept it as sound. In my opinion, it is not
enough that the legislature retains control over the subor-
dinate agent and could recall him at any time it likes, to
justify its arming the delegate with all the legislative
powers in regard to a particular subject. Subordinate legis-
lation not only connotes the subordinate or dependent char-
acter of the agency which is entrusted with the power to
legislate, but also implies the subordinate or ancillary
character of the legislation itself, the making of which
such agent is entrusted with. If the legislature hands over
its essential legislative powers to an outside authority,
that would, in my opinion, amount to a virtual abdication of
its powers and such an act would be in excess of the limits
of permissible delegation.
The essential legislative function consists in the
determination or choosing of the legislative policy and
of formally enacting that policy into a binding rule
of conduct. It is open to the legislature to formulate the
policy as broadly and with as little or as much details as
it thinks proper and it may delegate the rest of the legis-
lative work to a subordinate authority who will work out the
details within the framework of that policy. "So long as a
policy is laid down and a standard established by statute no
constitutional delegation of legislative power is involved
in leaving to selected instrumentalities the making of
subordinate rules within prescribed limits and the determi-
nation of facts to which the legislation is to apply"(1).
(1) Vide Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States, 295 U.S.
495
983
The Supreme Court of America has held in more cases than
one that the policy of the law-making body and the standards
to guide the administrative agency may be laid down in very
broad and general terms. It is enough if the legislature
lays down an intelligible principle which can be implemented
by the subordinate authorities for specific cases or classes
of cases(1). The Court has been exceedingly loath to find
violation of this principle and in fact there are, only two
cases, viz., Panama Refining Co. v. Ryan(2) and Schechter
Poultry Corp. v.U.S.(3) where the federal legislation was
held invalid on the ground that the standard laid down by
the Congress for guiding administrative discretion was not
sufficiently definite. In Panama Refining Co. v. Ryan(2)
Chief Justice Hughes very clearly stated "that the Congress
manifestly is not permitted to abdicate or transfer to
others the essential legislative functions with which it is
invested." "In every case" the learned Chief Justice contin-
ued," in which the question has been raised the court has
recognised that there are limits of delegation which there
is no constitutional authority to transcend...... We think
that section 9(c) goes beyond those limits; as to transpor-
tation of oil production in excess of state permission the
Congress has declared no policy, has established no stand-
ard, has laid down no rule. There is no requirement, no
definition of circumstances and conditions in which the
transportation is to be allowed or prohibited." Mr. Justice
Cardozo differed from the majority view m this case and held
that a reference express or implied to the policy of Con-
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gress as declared in section 1 was a sufficient definition
of a standard to make the statute valid. "Discretion is not
unconfined and vagrant" thus observed the learned Judge. "It
is confined within banks that keep it from overflowing."
It is interesting to note that in the later case of
Schechter Poultry Corporation(3), where the legislative
power was held to be unconstitutionally delegated by the
provision of section 3 of the National Industrial
(1) Vdie J. IV. Hampton v.U.S., 276 U.S. 394.
(2) 293 U.S. 388. (3) 295 U.S. 495.
184
Recovery Act of 1933 as no definite standard was set up or
indicated by the legislature, Cardozo J. agreed with the
opinion of the Court and held that the delegated power of
legislation which had found expression in that Code was not
canalised within banks but was unconfined and vagrant.
"Here in the case before us" thus observed the learned
Judge, "is an attempted delegation not confined to any
single act nor to any class or group of acts identified or
described by reference to a standard. This is delegation
running riot. No such plenitude of powers is capable of
transfer." As said above, these are the only two cases up
till now in which the statutes of Congress have been de-
clared invalid because of delegation of essential legis-
lative powers. In the later cases the court has invari-
bly found the standard established by the Congress suffi-
ciently definite to satisfy the prohibition against delega-
tion of legislative powers, and in all such cases a most
liberal construction has been put upon the enactment of the
legislature(1).
We are not concerned with the actual decisions in these
cases. The decisions are to be valued in so far as they lay
down any principles. The manner of applying the principles
to the facts of a particular case is not at all material.
The decisions referred to above clearly lay down that the
legislature cannot part with its essential legislative
function which consists in declaring its policy and making
it a binding rule of’ conduct. A surrender of this essen-
tial function would amount to abdication of legislative
powers in the eye of law. ’the policy may be particularised
in as few or as many words as the legislature thinks proper
and it is enough if an intelligent guidance is given to the
subordinate authority. The Court can interfere if no policy
is discernible at all or the delegation is of such an indef-
inite character as to amount to abdication, but as the
discretion vests with the legislature in determining wheth-
er there is necessity
(1) See Opp Cotton Mills v. Administrator of Wages,
312 U.S. 126; Yakus v. United States, 321 U.S. 414; American
Pt. & Lt. Co. v. Securities and Exchange Commission, 329
U.S. 90.
985
for delegation or not, the exercise of such discretion is
not to be disturbed by the court except in clear cases of
abuse. These I consider to be the fundamental principles and
in respect to the powers of the legislature the constitu-
tional position in India approximates more to the American
than to the English pattern. There is a basic difference
between the Indian and the British Parliament in this re-
spect. There is no constitutional limitation to restrain the
British Parliament from assigning its powers where it will,
but the Indian Parliament qua legislative body is lettered
by a written constitution and it does not possess the sover-
eign powers of the British Parliament. The limits of the
powers of delegation in India would therefore have to be
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ascertained as a matter of construction from the provisions
of the Constitution itself and as I have said the right of
delegation may be implied in the exercise of legislative
power only to the extent that it is necessary to make the
exercise of the power effective and complete. It is said by
Schwartz in his work on American Administrative Law "that
these doctrines enable the American courts to ensure that
the growth of executive power necessitated by the rise of
the administrative process will not be an uncontrollable
one. Delegation of powers must be limited ones--limited
either by legislative prescription of ends and means, or
even of details or by limitations upon the area of the power
delegated. The enabling legislation must, in other words,
contain a framework within which the executive action must
operate"(1).
It would be worth while mentioning in this connection
that the report of the Committee on Ministers’ Power recom-
mended something very much similar to this American doctrine
as a proper check on delegated legislation. The report says
that "the precise limits of a law-making power which Parlia-
ment intends to confer on a Minister should always be ex-
pressly defined in clear language by the statute which
confers it, when discretion is conferred its limits should
be defined with
(1) Schwartz’s American Administrative Law, p. 22.
986
equal clearness"(1). It is true that what in America is a
question of vires and is subject to scrutiny by courts, in
the United Kingdom it is a question of policy having a
purely political significance. But the recommendation of
the Committee would clearly indicate that the rules laid
down and acted upon by the American Judges particularly in
later years can be supported on perfectly clear and sound
democratic principles.
I will now advert to the leading Canadian and Australi-
an cases on the subject and see how far these decisions lend
support to the principles set out above. Many of these
Canadian cases, it may be noted, went up on appeal to the
Judicial Committee.
I will start with the case of Hodge v. The Queen(2)
which came up before the Judicial Committee on appeal from
the decision of the Court of Appeal for Ontario in the
year 1883. The facts of the case are quite simple. The
appellant was convicted for permitting and suffering a
billiard table to be used and a game of billiard to be
played thereon in violation of a resolution of the License
Commissioners who were authorised by the Liquor License Act
of 1877 to enact regulations regulating the use of taverns,
with power to create offences and annex penalties there to.
One of the questions raised was whether the Ontario Legisla-
ture could delegate powers to the License Commissioners to
frame regulations by which new offences could be created.
The Privy Council agreed with the High Court in holding that
the legislature for Ontario was not in any sense exercising
delegated authority from the Imperial Parliament and it had
full authority to confide to a municipal institution or body
of its own creation authority to make by-laws or resolutions
as to subjects specified in the enactment and with the
object of carrying the enactment into operation and effect.
It was observed :--
"Such an authority is ancillary to legislation;......
the very full and very elaborate judgment of the
(1) Vide Report, page 65. (2) 9 App, Cas, 117.
987
Court of Appeal contains abundance of precedents for the
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legislature entrusting a limited discretionary authority to
others and as many illustrations of its necessity and con-
venience."
It will be seen that what was delegated by the Ontario
Legislature to the License Commissioners was-simply the
power to regulate tavern licenses. There was no question of
parting with substantial legislative powers in this case.
But although the Privy Council stated clearly that the
Ontario legislature was quite supreme within its own
sphere and enjoyed the same authority as the Imperial or the
Dominion Parliament, they described the power delegated as
authority ancillary to legislation and expressly referred to
the "abundance of precedents for the legislature entrusting
a limited discretionary authority to others." There was no
necessity for the Privy Council to use the guarded language
it used if in fact the Ontario legislature had the same
right of delegating its powers as the British Parliament.
It would be pertinent to note that Davey, Q.C., who appeared
for the Crown in support of the judgment appealed against.
did not contend before the Privy Council that the Ontario
legislature had full rights of delegation like the British
Parliament and consequently its acts could not be challenged
as unconstitutional. His argument was that in this ease
there was no delegation of legislative authority and what
was delegated was only the power to make by-laws. By legis-
lative authority the learned Counsel apparently meant the
essential legislative function as distinguished from the
power to make rules and regulations and the argument implied
that the essential legislative powers could not be delegated
at all.
The case of Powell v. Appollo Candle Co. (1) is the next
case in point of time which has a bearing on the question
before us. That case came up on appeal from a decision of
the Supreme Court of New South Wales, and the question arose
whether section 133 of
(1) 10 App. Cas. 232.
127
988
the Customs Regulation Act of 1879of the Colony, was or was
not ultra vires the Colonial legislature. The attack on the
validity of the legislation was inter alia on the ground
that it conferred upon the Government power to levy duty on
certain articles which in the opinion of the Collector were
substituted for other dutiable articles. The question was
whether such power could be validly conferred. The Privy
Council had no difficulty in holding that the provision was
perfectly valid and it was quite within the competence of
the Colonial legislature which was in no sense a delegate of
the Imperial Parliament, to confer a discretion of this
character on the executive for the purpose of making the
statute properly effective. The policy of the law as well
as the main principles were laid down in the Act itself.
What was left to the executive was a power to enforce the
provisions of the Act more properly and effectively by
levying duties on articles which could be used for similar
purposes as the dutiable articles mentioned in the statute.
The legislature itself laid down the standard and it was
sufficiently definite to guide the executive officers.
I now come to the decision of the Supreme Court of
Canada in In re Gray (1), which was decided during the first
world war. The Dominion War Measures Act, 1914, passed by
the Dominion Parliament of Canada empowered the Governor-
General to make "such regulations as he may, by reason of
the existence of real or apprehended war............
deem necessary or advisable for the security, defence,
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peace, order and welfare of Canada"; and the question arose
whether such transfer of power was permitted by the British
North America Act. The Supreme Court decided by a majority
of four to two that the Act was valid, though the Judges who
adopted the majority view were not unanimous regarding the
reasons upon which they purported to base their decision.
The Chief Justice was of the opinion that there was nothing
in the Constitutional Act which so far as material to the
question
(1) 57 S.C.R. 150.
989
under consideration would impose any limitation on the
authority of the Parliament of Canada to which the Imperial
Parliament was not subject. Anglin J. referred to the deci-
sion in Hodge v. The Queen(1) (supra) in the course of his
judgment. He seemed to think that the British North America
Act did not contemplate complete abdication of its legisla-
tive powers by the Dominion Parliament, but considered such
abdication to be something so inconceivable that the consti-
tutionality of an attempt to do anything of that kind was
outside the range of practical consideration. Apparently the
learned Judge gave the expression "abdication" a very narrow
meaning. The opinion of Duff J. was much the same, and he
considered that there was no abandonment of legislative
powers in this case, as the powers granted could at any time
be revoked and anything done thereunder nullified by the
Parliament. Idington and Brodeur JJ. dissented from this
majority view. This decision was followed in the "Reference
in the Matter of the Validity of the Regulations in Relation
to Chemicals Enacted by the Governor-General of Canada under
the War Measures Act ", which is to be found reported in
1943 S.C.C. 1.
In this case the question raised related to the validi-
ty of certain regulations made by an Order in Council in
terms of the powers conferred upon the Governor in Council
by the War Measures Act and the Department of Munitions and
Supply Act. It was held that with the, exception of para-
graph 4 of the Order in Council the rest of the Order was
not ultra vires. It appears from the report that in this
case it was not disputed before the court that powers could
be delegated by the legislature to the Governor in Council
under the War Measures Act. The question raised was whether
the Governor in Council could further delegate his powers to
subordinate agencies. The question was answered in the
affirmative, the reason given being that the power of dele-
gation being absolutely essential in the circumstances for
which the War Measures Act has been designed so as to have a
workable Act, the power
(1) 9 App. Cas. 117.
990
delegated must be deemed to form part of the powers con-
ferred by Parliament in the Act.
These are war time decisions and it is apparent that
the doctrine of delegation has been pushed too far in the
Chemical Reference case. In In re Gray (1) the learned
Chief Justice at the conclusion of his judgment expressly
stated that the security of the country was the supreme law
against which no other law could prevail. I agree with the
Attorney-General that the competency of the Parliament to
legislate could not be made dependent upon the fact as to
whether the law was a war time or a peace time measure. But
on the other hand, it is possible to argue that in a legis-
lation passed by a Parliament in times of war when the
liberty and security of the country are in jeopardy, the
only policy which the legislature can possibly formulate is
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the policy of effectively carrying on the war and this
necessarily implies vesting of all war operations in the
hands of the executive. There appears to be considerable
substance in the observations made by Dixon J.(2) that "it
may be considered that the exigencies which must be dealt
with under the defence powers are so many, so great and so
urgent and so much the proper concern of the executive that
from its very nature the power appears by necessary intend-
ment to authorise delegation otherwise generally forbidden
by the legislature." It may be mentioned here that the
decision in In re Gray(1) was sought t6 be distinguished in
a subsequent Canadian case on the ground that in case of
emergency it was possible to pass legislation of this sort
by taking recourse to the residuary powers conferred on the
Dominion Parliament by section 91 of the North America Act
(3).
In point of time, the case of In re The Initiative and
Referendum Act(4) comes immediately after that of In re
Gray(1). The dispute in this case related to an Act
(1) 57 S.C.R. 150.
(2) Vide Victoria Stevedoring and General Contracting Co. v.
Dignan, 46 C.L.R. 73 at p. 99.
(3) Vide-Credit Froncier v. Ross, (1987) 3 D.L.R. 365. (4)
[1919] A.C. 935.