Full Judgment Text
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PETITIONER:
COMMISSIONER OF EXPENDITURE TAX, ANDHRA PRADESH
Vs.
RESPONDENT:
SHRI PVG RAJU, RAJAH OF VIZIANAGARAM
DATE OF JUDGMENT29/09/1975
BENCH:
KRISHNAIYER, V.R.
BENCH:
KRISHNAIYER, V.R.
GUPTA, A.C.
CITATION:
1976 AIR 140 1976 SCR (1)1017
1976 SCC (1) 241
ACT:
Expenditure Tax Act, (29 of 1957), s. 5 (a) and (j)-
Politics if a pro fession - Gratuitous payments towards
election expenses of party candidates and to office bearers-
if ’donation’.
HEADNOTE:
Under s. 5 (a) and (j) of the Expenditure Tax Act,
1957, no expenditure tax shall be payable on any expenditure
incurred by the assessee wholly and exclu sively for the
purpose of his business profession or vocation, and on any
expenditure incurred by the assessee by way of donation.
The respondent-assessee was the Chairman of the State
Socialist Party and politics was his profession or
occupation. He is a wealthy socialist and spent Rs. 38,832/-
towards election expenses of other candidates of his party,
and gave Rs. 47,867/- to the office-bearers of his party to
meet the expenses involved in party work.
^
HELD: The two amounts are eligible for exclusion from
expenditure tax.
[1021 B]
(1) Under modern conditions, politics is a profession
or occupation. [1020 C]
(2) But the expenses incurred on behalf of other
candidates cannot be the assessee’s professional expenses.
[1020 D]
(3) The amounts, however, fall under s. 5(j) of the
Act. When a person gives money to another without any
material return, he donates that sum. Therefore, when the
assessee gave money to the candidates of his party for their
elections expenses, it was money gratuitously given, that is
he made donations. [1020 E-G]
(4) Similarly, the amounts paid to office-bearers of
the party were not for any material return. They were for
loyalty or gratitude. Wholly motiveless donation is rare but
material return alone negates a gift or donation. Therefore,
they also were outright gifts. [1021 A-C]
JUDGMENT:
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CIVIL APPELLATE JURISDICTION: Civil Appeal No. 30 of
1971.
Appeal by special leave from the judgment and order
dated the 19th February, 1970 of the Andhra Pradesh High
Court in case Reference No. 2 of 1967.
R. M. Mehta and S. P. Nayar for the appellant.
P. Ram Reddy and A.V.V. Nair for the respondent.
The Judgment of the Court was delivered by KRISHNA
IYER, J.
Keynote thought.
Politics and philanthropy may well fall victims to the
contruction of s. 5(a) and (j) of the Expenditure. Tax Act,
1957 (the Act for
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short) if we fall victim to the submission naively made, at
the first stage, by counsel for the State. In fairness to
him, we must state that later he retracted from that
position, and rightly so, for the Act, in spirit and letter,
does not intend this blow on the profession of politics or
the disposition for donations.
A fair reading of the provisions in question
convincingly excludes from ’taxable expenditure’ sums wholly
and exclusively incurred for the purpose of a profession or
occupation carried on by the assessee and no modern man may
dispute that politics is a profession or occupation.
Likewise, expenditure by way of gift or donation incurred by
the assessee is also excluded and no politically conscious
soul will deny that donation to the party in a democracy
squarely comes within this exclusionary provision.
The factual matrix
Expenditure tax under the Act was sought to be levied
from the assessee PVG Raju, the respondent before us.
Paradoxical, perhaps, it may appear-but here is a case of a
rich Maharaja practising the politics of socialism, spending
lavishly for furthering his party’s popularity and the
prospects of his fellow candidates at the elections to the
Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly. This expenditure,
falling under two heads, was taxed by the assessing
authority and upheld up to the Tribunal level. The High
Court, on reference, reversed the findings on both counts
and the Commissioner of Expenditure Tax, the appellant,
challenges the legality of this verdict.
The best beginning in stating the facts may well be to
extract the questions of law referred by the Tribunal in its
own words:
"(1) Whether on the facts and in the circumstances
of the case the expenditure of Rs. 38,832/-
claimed to be the amount incurred by the
assessee for the benefit of other candidates
for election is excludible from the taxable
expenditure either under Section 5 (a) or
under Section 5 (j) of the Expenditure Tax
Act ?
(2) Whether on the facts and in the circumstances
of the case the sum of Rs. 47,867/- claimed
to be party expenses could be excluded from
the taxable expenditure of the assessee
either under Section 5(a) or under Section
5(i) of the Expenditure Tax Act ?
We have to assume the following facts as implied in the very
questions referred to the High Court and from the attendant
circumstances. They are:
(a) that the respondent, during the relevant
period was the Chairman of the State
Socialist Party which was interesting itself
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in electoral politics;
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(b) the respondent was a wealthy socialist;
(c) that he was meeting not only the expenditure
of his own elections but spending moneys for
the benefit of other candidates belonging to
his party;
(d) that he was issuing cheques to the Secretary
and other office-bearers of his party to meet
the expenses involved in party work.
He expended Rs. 38,832/- for propelling the election
prospects of other party candidates during the election.
Likewise, he gave Rs. 47,867/- to his party through its
office-bearers. On these facts the question is whether he is
eligible for exclusion of the two sums from expenditure tax
either under s. 5(a) or under s. 5(j) of the Act.
Consideration of the legal issue
It is appropriate to start with reading the relevant
portion of s 5 of the Act:
"s. 5. No. expenditure-tax shall be payable under
this Act in respect of any such expenditure as is
referred to in the following clauses, and such
expenditure shall not be included in the taxable
expenditure of an assessee. . .
(a) any expenditure, whether in the nature of
revenue expenditure or capital expenditure, incurred by
the assessee wholly and exclusively for the purpose of
the business, profession, vocation or occupation
carried on by him or for the purpose of earning income
from any other source;
(b) to (i)...
(j) any expenditure incurred by the assessee by
way of, or in respect of any gift, donation or
settlement on trust or otherwise for the benefit of any
other person."
The assessee was Party Chairman and politics was
undoubtedly his profession or occupation, it being admitted
that his interest in politics was not causal nor sporadic
but abiding and ambitious.
The contention of the respondent which met with success
before the High Court was that the election expenses of
other candidates set up by him as Chairman of the Socialist
Party, loosely described as ’party expenditure’, were
incurred wholly and exclusively for the purpose of his
’profession’ or ’occupation’. So, the first point which
arrests our attention in examining this contention is as to
whether politics of the socialist brand or otherwise is a
profession or occupation.
There can hardly be any doubt that it is either, or
both. Harold Laski treated politics as a science and wrote
his well-known book on the Grammar of Politics, but the art
of politics at a practical level has also been the subject
of comment and has been praised and denounced on the basis
that it is a profession. To Gandhiji it is sacred as
religion. In Lincoln it rises to noble heights of statesman-
1020
ship. Lenin, Nehru and a galaxy of other great visionaries
and makers and moulders of the modern world have dedicated
themselves to politics as a profession. Of course in its
vulgar and vicious manifestations, this occupation has been
regarded by literary giants like Dr. Johnson as the last
refuge of a scoundrel’. Robert Louis Stevenson has used
barbed words: ’Politics is perhaps the only profession for
which no preparation is thought necessary (Familiar studies
of Men and Books, ’Yoshida-Torajiro’). George Bernard Shaw
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uses stinging language in Major Barbara: ’He knows nothing;
and he thinks he knows everything. That points clearly to a
political career’. It is thus clear, without reference to
the wealth of case-law relied on by the High Court, that
politics has been a profession and, indeed, under modern
conditions in India, perhaps the most popularand uninhibited
occupation-with its perils, of course. Law cannot take leave
of realities and therefore s. 5(a) must bear the
construction that politics is a profession or occupation.
The next question is whether the expenditure incurred
by the assessee for the election of candidates set up by him
as Chairman of his party can be legitimately regarded as
incurred ’wholly and exclusively’ for the purpose of his
profession or occupation. We have grave doubts whether
meeting the expenses of other candidates can be fulfilment
of his professional expenses, but this question deserves no
deeper probe for the simple reason that s. 5(j) embraces the
expenditure as it does answer the description of a donation.
When a person gives money to another without any material
return, he donates that sum. An act by which the owner of a
thing voluntarily transfers the title and possession of the
same from himself to another, without any consideration, is
a donation. A gift or gratuitous payment is, in simple
English, a donation. We do not require lexicographic
learning nor precedential erudition to understand the
meaning of what many people do every day, viz., giving
donations to some fund or other, or to some person or other.
Political donations are not only common, but are assuming
deleterious dimensions in the public life of our country. It
is therefore clear that when this Raja assessee gave money
to the candidates of his Party for them to meet their
election expenses, he made donations. Even if he met their
election expenditure, it was money gratuitously given on
their behalf and therefore amounted to donation. Without
straining language, we reach the natural conclusion that
what the respondent expended for the other candidates during
the elections was ’donation’ in the language of the law.
There is no suggestion nor evidence that any material return
was in contemplation when he spent these sums. Being a
politically important man with plenty of money and vitally
interested in boosting his Party’s standing in the State, he
donated liberally for candidates set up by the party. In
this view s. 5(j) aplies to these donations which earn
exemption from the expenditure tax.
The next item relates to sums gives to the Socialist
Party. It is reasonable to assume that the amounts paid to
the office-bearers
1021
of the party were without an eye on any material return
other than loyalty or gratitude. They were outright gifts.
Indeed, many rich people out of diverse motives make
donations to political parties. The hope of spiritual
benefit or political goodwill, the spontaneous affection
that benefaction brings, the popularisation of a good cause
or the prestige that publicised bounty fetches-these and
other myriad consequences or feelings may not mar a donation
to make it a grant for a quid pro quo. Wholly motiveless
donation is rare, but material return alone negates a gift
or donation. We need not investigate the propriety or
political donations ’unlimited’ and often invisible. All
that we need consider is whether such sums are gifts and
donations or are non-gratuitous payments with a tag of
return. We have no doubt that on the question as framed, and
on the facts and circumstances present, these sums were paid
purely as gifts and donations to his Party by the
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respondent. It is not surprising either, because he was the
Chairman of the said party, had a long and liberal purse
from which to draw and a large circle of support to build up
in the long run.
The inevitable conclusion from our discussion is that
both the heads of expenditure fall under s.5(j) of the Act
and, therefore, flow out of the assessable zone. The High
Court’s conclusion is sound and the appeal deserves to be
and is hereby dismissed, but without costs.
V.P.S. Appeal dismissed.
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