Full Judgment Text
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PETITIONER:
K.C. VASANTH KUMAR & ANOTHER.
Vs.
RESPONDENT:
STATE OF KARNATAKA
DATE OF JUDGMENT08/05/1985
BENCH:
CHANDRACHUD, Y.V. ((CJ)
BENCH:
CHANDRACHUD, Y.V. ((CJ)
DESAI, D.A.
REDDY, O. CHINNAPPA (J)
SEN, A.P. (J)
VENKATARAMIAH, E.S. (J)
CITATION:
1985 AIR 1495 1985 SCR Supl. (1) 352
1985 SCC Supl. 714 1985 SCALE (1)832
CITATOR INFO :
RF 1988 SC 959 (14)
E 1988 SC2287 (2)
ACT:
Constitution of India, 1950, Articles 15(4),16(4),
29(2), 338(3) and 340- Validity of the Means test adopted in
State of Karnataka order dated 22.2.1977 as modified by the
Government Order dated March 1, 1979 and June 27, 1979-
Guidelines for making special provision for the advancement
of any socially and educationally backward classes of
citizens and provision for the reservation of appointments
or posts in favour of any backward classes of citizens which
in to opinion of the State, is not adequately represented in
the services of the State- Conflict between "the menitoriam
principle and" the "compensatory principle" of
discrimination’ in the matter of admissions into
institutions imparting higher education and of entry into
Government service, how to be solved-Statutory construction
of the word "Backward classes" ejusdem qenesis Rule or Rule
Noscitur a sociis, explained-Construction of Articles 338(3)
and 340 of the Constitutions-Government’s power to make
reservations under Articles 15(4) and 16(4) and the extent
of reservation that can be made, explained-Words and
Phrases-Meaning of "backwardness" "backward classes",
socially and educationally backward classes",
HEADNOTE:
In the pre-independent period, the former princely
State of Mysore which now forms part of the State of
Karnataka is one of the earliest States in the country in
which the system of reservation for backward classes in
public services was introduced. In 1918, the Government of
His Highness the Maharaja of Mysore appointed a committee
under the chairmanship Or Sir Leslie C. Miller, Chief,
Justice of the Chief Court of Mysore to investigate and
report on the problem of backward classes. The questions
referred to that Committee were (i) changes needed in the
then existing rules of recruitment to the public services;
(ii) special facilities to encourage higher and professional
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education among the members of backward classes and (iii)
any other special measures which might be taken to increase
the representation of backward communities in the public
service without materially affecting the efficiency, due
regard being paid also to the general good accruing to the
State by a wider diffusion of education and feeling of
increased status which will thereby be produced in the
backward communities. The expressions ’backward classes’ and
’backward communities, were used almost interchangeably and
that the contained in Article 335 of the Constitution that
any reservation made should not impair efficiency was
anticipated more than three decades before the Constitution
was enacted. The committee submitted its report in 1921
containing its opinion that all communities in the State
other than Brahmins should be understood as backward
communities regarding whom it made certain recommendations.
The
353
Government orders issued on the basis of the Report
continued to be in force till 1956 i.e. there organisation
of States which brought together five integrating A units-
the former State of Mysore (including Bellary District),
Coorg, four districts of Bombay, certain portions of the
State of Hyderabad and the district of Sough Kanara and the
Kollegal Taluk which formerly formed part of the State of
Madras. There were different lists of backward communities
in the five integrating units and they were allowed to
continue for sometime even after the reorganisation of
States.
In order to bring about uniformity the State Government
issued a notification containing the list of backward
classes for the purpose of Article 15(4) of the Constitution
at the beginning of 1959. The validity of that notification
and of another notification issued thereafter on the same
topic which according to the State Government had treated
all persons except Brahmins, Banias and Kayasthas as
backward communities was challenged before the High Court of
Mysore in Rama Krishna Singh v. State of Mysore, AIR 1950
Mysore 338. The two notifications were struck down by the
High Court holding (a) in as much as the impugned
notifications contained list of backward classes including
55 per cent of the population of the State and all Hindu
communities other than Brahmins, Banias and Kayasthas and
all other non-Hindu communities in the State except Anglo-
Indians and Parsees had been treated as backward classes it
resulted more in a discrimination against the few excluded
communities consisting of about 5 per cent of the total
population rather than making provision for socially and
educationally backward classes; (b) making provision for
communities which were slightly backward to the so called
forward communities did not amount to making provision for
the communities which really needed protection under Article
(15(4) of the Constitution; (c) socially and educationally
backward classes can in some cases be determined on the
basis of castes.
Therefore, the State Government constituted a Committee
on January 8, 1960 under the Chairmanship of Dr R. Nagan
Gowda for the purpose of determining the criteria for the
classification of backward classes in the State with the
following tern s of reference: (i) to suggest the criteria
to be adopted in determining which sections of the people in
the State should be treated as socially and educationally
backward and (ii) to suggest the exact manner in which the
criteria thus indicated should be followed to enable the
State Government to determine the persons who should secure
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such preference as may be determined by Government in
respect of admissions to technical institutions and
appointment to Government services. The said committee
submitted its Interim Report on February 19, 1960. On the
basis of the Interim Report of the Committee, the State
Government passed an order dated June 9, 1960 regarding
admissions to professional and technical institutions
reserving 22 per cent of seats for backward classes, 15 per
cent for Scheduled Castes and 3 per cent for Scheduled
Tribes and the remaining 60 percent of seats were allowed to
be filled upon the basis of merit. The order of the
Government was challenged before the High Court of Mysore in
S.A. Partha & Ors. v. The State of Mysore & Ors. A.J.R. 1961
Mys. 220. The High Court found that the direction contained
in the Government order to the effect that if any seat or
seats reserved for candidates belonging to the Scheduled
Castes
354
and Scheduled Tribes remained unfilled, the same shall be
filled by candidates A of other backward classes was
unconstitutional. It also gave some directions regarding the
manner in which the calculation of the quota of reservation
be made. Thereafter the Final Report was submitted by the
Nagan Gowda Committee on May 16, 1961. After taking into
consideration the recommendations made in the said Report,
the State Government issued an order for the purpose of
Article 15 (4) of the Constitution on July 10, 1961. By that
order, the State Government specified 81 classes of people
as backward classes and 135 classes of people as more
backward classes and reserved 30 percent of seat-
professional and technical institutions for backward and
more backward classes. 15 per cent and 3 per cent of the
seats were reserved for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes respectively and the remaining 52 per cent of the
seats were allowed to be filled up on merit. This order was
challenged before the Supreme Court under Article 32 of the
Constitutions in M. R. Balaji & Ors v. State of Mysore
[1963] Supp. 1 SCR 439.
In this land mark decision of the Supreme Court, the
meaning of the term "socially and educationally backward
classes" appearing in Article 15(4) was explained as "The
backwardness under Article 15(4) must be social and
educational. It is not either social or educational but it
is both social and educational." After explaining as to how
social and educational backwardness has to be determined,
and the question of determination of the classes which were
educationally backward, the court held that the inclusion of
the members of the Lingayat community in the list of
backward classes was erroneous. On the question of extent of
reservation that can be made the Court held that speaking
generally and in a broad way, a special provision should be
less then 50 per cent; how much less than 50 per cent should
depend upon the relevant prevailing circumstances in each
case." and thus allowed the petition
Thereafter, the Government passed another order dated
July 26, 1963 which directed that 30 per cent of the seats
in professional and technical colleges and institutions
should be reserved for backward classes as defined in that
order and that 18 per cent of the seats should be reserved
for the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The criteria
laid down in that order for determining social and economic
backwardness were two-fold-income and occupation. It stated
that those who followed occupations of agriculture, petty
business, inferior service, crafts or other occupations
involving manual labour and whose family income was less
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than Rs. 1,200 per annum were to be treated as belonging to
backward classes. This order was questioned before the High
Court in D.G. Viswanath v. Government of Mysore & Ors.
A.l.R. 1964 Mys. 132 by some petitioners on various grounds.
The High Court dismissed the petitions observing that the
determination of the backward classes without reference to
caste altogether was not correct and it expressed the hope
that the State would make a more appropriate classification
lest its bonafides should be questioned. In the appeal filed
against this judgment in R. Chitralekha & H. Anr. v State of
Mysore & Ors [196416 SCR 368 the Supreme Court explained the
inconsistency between the High Court judgment with the
decision in Balaji’s case and observed that "Two principles
stand out prominently from
355
Balaji, namely, (i) the caste of a group of citizens may be
a relevant circumstance in ascertaining their social
backwardness; and (ii) though it is a relevant A factor to
determine the social backwardness of class of citizens, it
cannot be the sole or dominant test in that behalf-casts is
only a relevant circumstance in ascertaining the
backwardness of a class and there is nothing in the judgment
of the Supreme Court which precludes the authority concerned
from determining the social backwardness of a group of
citizens if it can do so without reference to caste." While
this Court has not excluded caste from ascertaining the
backwardness of a class of citizens, it has not made it one
of compelling circumstances, affording a basis for the
ascertainment of backwardness of a class.
Thereafter the State Government appointed the Karnataka
Backward Classes Commission under the Chairmanship of Sri
L.G. Havanur which after an elaborate enquiry submitted its
report in four massive volumes on November 19,1975. The
Commission recommended that person belonging to backward
classes for purposes of Article 15(4) of the Constitution
should be divided into three groups-(a) backward communities
consisting of 15 castes (b) backward castes consisting of
128 castes and (c) backward tribes consisting of 62 tribes.
For purposes of Article 16(4) of the Constitution, the
Commission divided the backward classes into (a) backward
communities consisting of 9 castes(b) backward castes
consisting of 115 castes and (c) backward tribes consisting
of 61 tribes. According to the Commission, backward
communities were those castes whose student average of
students passing SSLC examination in 1972 per thousand of
population was below the State average (which was 1.69 per
thousand) but above 50 per cent of the State average and
backward castes and backward tribes were those castes and
tribes whose student average was below 50 per cent of the
State average except in the case of Dombars and Voddars and
those who were Nomadic and de-notified tribes. The total
population of these backward classes (other than Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes), according to the Commission,
was about 45 per cent of total population of the State. The
difference between the two lists-one under Article 15(4) and
the other under Article 16(4) of the Constitution was due to
the exclusion of certain communities, castes and tribes
which were socially and educationally backward but which had
adequate representation in the services from the list
prepared for the purpose of Article 16(4). The Commission
recommended both for purposes of Article 15(4) and Article
16(4) the percentage of reservations: (i) Backward
communities 16 per cent; (ii) Backward Castes 10 per cent;
and (iii) Backward Tribes 6 per cent and total 32 per cent.
The reservation of 32 per cent along with 18 per cent
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reserved for Scheduled Casts and Scheduled Tribes together
amounted to 50 per cent of the total seats or posts, as the
case may be. The Commission further recommended if
seats/posts remained unfilled in the quota allotted to
backward tribes, they should be made over to backward
communities and backward castes Similarly if seats/posts
remain unfilled in the quota allotted to backward castes,
they should be made over to backward communities and
backward tribes If, however, seats/posts remain unfilled in
the quota allotted to any of those three categories, they
should be made over to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes. In the event of seats/posts remaining unfilled by
any of these categories they should be transferred to the
general pool.
356
After considering the said Report, the State Government
issued an order A dated February 22,1977 whereunder it
listed the Backward communities. Backward Castes and
Backward Tribes who shall be treated as Backward classes for
purposes of Articles 15(4) and 16(4) of the Constitution of
India. The order clarified, (a) that only such citizens of
these Backward Classes whose family income per annum from
all sources if Rs. 8000 (Eight thou sands only) and below
shall be entitled to special treatment under these Articles
and (b) that five categories, namely; an actual cultivator,
an artisan, a petty businessman, one holding an appointment
either in Government service or corresponding services under
private employment including casual labour; and any person
self employed or engaged in any occupation involving manual
labour" of citizens shall be considered as a special group
such citizens of this special group whose family income is
Rs. 4,800 (Rupees four thousand and eight hundred only) and
below per annum shall be eligible for special treatment
under the two Articles. The order further noted that (i)
Family income means income of the citizen and his parents
and if either of the parents is dead, his legal guardian;
and (b) to fix the reservation for purposes of Articles
15(4) and 16(4) of the Constitution in respect of the
Backward classes and the special group of citizens at 40 per
cent, the allocation being -Backward Communities (20 per
cent), Backward castes (10 per cent, Backward Tribes (5 per
cent), and special group (5 per cent). In the list of
backward communities mentioned in the Government order, the
State Government included ’ Muslims’ thus making a total of
16 backward communities. In the list of backward castes
there were 129 castes including converts into Christianity
from Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes upto second
generation and 62 Scheduled Tribes. The reservation for
backward classes was 40 percent and taken along with 18 per
cent for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, the total
reservation of seats/posts came to 58 per cent leaving only
42 per cent for merit pool.
The Government order dated February 22, 1977 and
another notification dated March 4, 1977 issued for purposes
of Article 16(4) had also been challenged in a number of
writ petitions filed under Article 226 of the Constitution
before the High Court of Karnataka in S Somashekarappa &
Ors. v State of Karnataka & Ors (Writ Petition No 43;1 of
1977 and connected writ petition disposed of on April 9,
1979). Allowing the petitions; the High Court quashed (i)
the inclusion of ‘Arasu’ community in the list of ’Backward
Communities’ both for purposes of Article 15(4) and Article
16(4); (ii) the inclusion of the (a) Balija (b) Devadiga (c)
Ganiga (d) Nayinda (e) Rajput and (f) Satani in the list of
backward communities and the inclusion of (a) Banna (b)
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Gurkha (c) Jat (d) Konga (e) Kotari (f) Koyava (g) Malayali
(h) Maniyanani or (Muniyani) (i) Padatti (j) Padiyar (k)
Pandavakul (l) Raval and (m) Rawat in the list of backward
classes for purposes of Article 16(4) of the Constitution;
and (iii) reservation of 20 percent made for Backward
communities in the State Civil Services under Article 16(4),
reserving liberty to the State Government to determine the
extent of reservation in accordance with law. The
classification and reservation in other respects was upheld.
Special Leave Petitions (Civil) No. 6656 of 1979 and
985411979 are filed against the said Judgment of the High
Court under Article ] 36 of the Constitution.
357
After the said judgment of the High Court, by an order
dated May 1, 1979, the reservation for backward communities
was reduced to 18 per cent A for purposes of Article 16(4).
By an order dated June 27, 1979, the State Government
modified the Government order dated February 22, 1977 by
increasing the reservation for ’Special Group’ from 5 per
cent to 15 per cent both for purposes of Article 15(4) and
Article 16(4) of the Constitution. Thus as on date, the
total reservation for purposes of Article 15(4) is 68 per
cent and for purposes of Article 16(4) is 66 per cent. There
are only 32 per cent seats in professional and technical
colleges and 34 per cent posts in Government services which
can be filled up on the basis of merit. These writ petitions
filed under Article 32 of the Constitution of India, seek to
challenge the Constitutional validity of the State
Government orders dated February 22,1977 as modified by the
Government orders dated May ],1979 and June 27,1979.
Disposing of the petitions and the appeals by Special
Leave, the Court expressed their following opinions,
Per Chandrachud, C.J.
The following propositions on the issue of reservation
may serve as a guideline to the Commission which the
Government of Karnataka proposes to appoint, for examining
the question of affording better employment and educational
opportunities to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and
other Backward Classes which problem is a burning issue to-
day.
1. The reservation in favour of scheduled castes and
scheduled tribes must continue as to present, there is,
without the application of a means test, for a further
period not exceeding fifteen years. Another fifteen years
will make it fifty years after the advent of the
Constitution, a period reasonably long for the upper crust
of the oppressed classes to overcome the baneful effects of
social oppression, isolation and humiliation. [376 C-D]
2. The means test, that is to say, the test of economic
backwardness ought to be made applicable even to the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes after the period
mentioned in (1) above. It is essential that the privileged
section of the underprivileged society should not be
permitted to monopolise preferential benefits for an
indefinite period of time. [376E-F]
3. In so far as the Other Backward Classes are
concerned, two tests should be conjunctively applied for
identifying them for the purpose of reservations in
employment and education: One, that they should be
comparable to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in
the matter of their backwardness; and two, that they should
satisfy the means test such as a State Government may lay
down in the context of prevailing economic conditions. [376
F-G]
4. The policy of reservations in employment, education
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and legislative institutions should be reviewed every five
years or so. That will at once afford an opportunity (i) to
the State to rectify distortions arising out of particular
facts of the reservation policy and (ii) to the people, both
backward and, non-
358
backward, to ventilate their views in a public debate on the
practical impact of A the policy of reservations. [376 H;
377 Al
Per Desai J
For a period of three and half decades, the unending
search for identifying socially and educationally backward
classes of citizens has defined the policy makers, the
interpreters of the policy as reflected in statutes or
executive administrative orders and has added a spurt in the
reverse direction, namely, those who attempted to move
upward (Pratilom) in the social hierarchy have put the
movement in reverse gear so as to move downwards (Anulom) in
order to be identified as a group or class of citizens
socially and educationally backward. The Constitution
promised an egalitarian society; it was a caste ridden
stratified hierarchical society. Therefore, in the early
stages of the functioning of the Constitution it was
accepted without dissent or dialogue that caste furnishes a
working criterion for identifying socially and educationally
backward class of citizens for the purpose of Article
15(4).[377 D-G]
The language of Article 15(4) refers to ’class’ and not
caste. Preferential treatment which cannot be struck down as
discriminatory was to be accorded a class, shown to be
socially and educationally backward and not to the members
of a case who may be presumed to be socially and
educationally backward. [378 A B]
It is clear from the decisions of the Supreme Court
that same vacillation on the part of the judiciary on the
question whether the caste should be the basis for
recognising the backwardness. Judiciary retained its
traditional blindfold on its eyes and thereby ignored
perceived realities. The expression ‘backward classes’ is
not defined. Courts, therefore have more or less in the
absence of well-defined criteria not based on caste label
has veered round to the view that in order to be socially
and educationally backward classes, the group must have the
same indicia as Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. [378
E; 384 E-F]
State of Madras v. Srimathi Champakam Dorairajad & Anr
[1951] SCR 525; M R. Balaji & Ors v State of Mysore [1963]
Supp. 1 SCR 439; T. Devadesan v The Union of India & Anr
[19641 4 SCR 680; R. Chitralekha & Anr. v State of Mysore &
Ors. [1964] 6 SCR 368; Triloki Nath & Anr v. State of Jammu
JUDGMENT:
State of Jammu & Kashmir & Ors [1969] I SCR 103; A.
Peeriakaruppan etc. v. State of Tamil Nadu [1971] 2 SCR 430,
State of Andhra Pradesh & Ors. v. U.S.V. Balram etc [19721 3
SCR 247; Janki Prasad Parimoo & Ors etc etc v State of Jammu
& Kashmir & Ors. [ 1973] 3 SCR 236; State of Uttar Pradesh v
Pradip Tandon & Ors [1976] 2 SCR 761; State of Kerala & Anr
v N M Thomas & Ors. 11976l 1 SCR 906; Kumari K S Jayasree &
Anr v The State of Kerala & Anr. [1977] 1 SCR 194; and Akhil
Bhartiya Soshit Karamchari Sangh (Railway) represented by
its Assistant General Secretary on behalf of the Association
v Union of India & Ors. [1981] 2 SCR 185, referred to.
A caste is a horizontal segmental division of society
spread over a district of a region or the whole State and
also sometimes outside it. The
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359
concept of purity and impurity conceptualises the caste
system. There are four essential features of the caste
system which maintained in homo hierarchicus character; (i)
hierarchy (ii) commensality (iii) restrictions on marriage
and (iv) hereditary occupation. Most of the caste are
endogamous groups. Inter-marriage between two groups is
impermissible. But ‘Pratilom’ marriages are not wholly
unknown. Similarly with the onward movement of urbanisation,
members of various castes are slowly giving up, traditional
occupations and the pure impure avocations is being frowned
upon by developing notion of dignity of labour. As the
fruits of independence were unequally distributed amongst
various segments of the society, in each caste there came
into existence a triple division based on economic
resurgence amongst the members of the caste. Those who have
become economically well off have acquired an upper class
status (class consciousness) and the one on the step below
is the middle class and the third one belongs to poorer
section of the caste. This led to the realisation that caste
culture does not help economic interest. In fact the upper
crust of the same caste is verily accused of exploiting the
lower strata of the same caste. Therefore, the basis of the
caste system namely, purity and pollution is slowly being
displaced by the economic condition of the various segments
of the same caste. It is recognised on almost all hands that
the important feature of the caste structure are
progressively suffering erosion. The new organisation, the
so-called caste organisation, is substantially different
from the traditional caste structure and caste councils.
Economic differentiation amongst the members of the caste
has become sharp, but not so sharp as to bury caste
sentiments and ties. In the face of this transformation of
the caste structure, caste label can not be accepted as the
basis for determining social and educational backwardness,
but the class or the social group should be examined [385 C-
H; 386 A-D]
Caste in rural society is more often than not mirrored
in the economic power wielded by it and vice versa. Social
hierarchy and economic position exhibit an undisputable
mutuality. The lower the caste, the poorer its members. The
poorer the members of a caste, the lower the caste. Caste
and economic situation, reflecting each other as they do are
the Deus ex-Machina of the social status occupied and the
economic power wielded by an individual or class in rural
society. Social status and economic power are so woven and
fused into the caste system in Indian rural society that one
may, without hesitation, say that if poverty be the cause,
caste is the primary index of social backwardness, so that
social backwardness is often readily identifiable with
reference to a person’s caste So sadly and oppressively
deep-rooted is caste in our country that it has cut across
even the barriers of religion. The caste system has
penetrated other religious and dissentient Hindu sects to
whom the practice of caste should be anathema and today we
find that practitioner of other religious faiths and Hindu
dissentients are some times as rigid adherents to the system
of caste as the conservative Hindus. [386 E-H]
Shared situation in the economic hierarchy, caste
gradation, occupation, habitation, style of consumption,
standard of literacy and a variety of such other factors
appear to go to make towards social and educational
backwardness. Thus there is a mad rush for being recognised
as belonging to a caste
360
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which by its nomenclature would be included in the list of
socially and A educationally backward classes. Certain
castes are known by a number of synonymy which vary from one
region to the other and making their complete coverage
almost impossible. The only way out would in such a
situation is to treat, if a particular caste has been
treated as backward, all its synonyms whether mentioned in
the State lists or not as backward. Again, some of the
castes just for the sake of being considered socially and
educationally backward, have degraded themselves to such an
extent that they had no hesitation in attributing different
types of vices to and associating other factors indicative
of backwardness, with their castes. The only remedy for such
a malaise is to devise a method for determining socially and
educationally backward classes without reference to caste,
beneficial to all sections of people irrespective of the
caste to which they belong. [387 B-H; 388 A]
A few other aspects for rejecting caste as the basis
for identifying social and educational backwardness are: (i)
If State patronage for preferred treatment accepts caste as
the only insignia for determining social and educational
backwardness; the danger looms large that this approach
alone would legitimise and perpetuate caste system. It does
not go well with our proclaimed secular character as
enshrined in the Preamble to the Constitution. The
assumption that all members of some caste are equally
socially and educationally backward is not well-founded.
Such an approach provides an over simplification of a
complex problem of identifying the social and educational
backwardness: (ii) it is recognised reservation has been
usurped by the economically well-placed section in the same
caste; and (iii) the caste is, as is understood in Hindu
Society unknown to Muslims, Parsis, Jews etc. As such, caste
criterion would not furnish a reliable yardstick to identify
socially and educationally backward group in the aforesaid
communities though economic backwardness would.
[388 P-G; 389 A;F]
Therefore, the only criterion which can be
realistically devised is the one of economic backwardness.
To this may be added some relevant criteria such as the
secular character of the group, its opportunity for earning
livelihood etc, but by and large economic backwardness must
be the load-star. [389 F]
Chronic poverty is the bane of Indian Society. Market
economy and money spinning culture has transformed the
general behaviour of the society towards its members. Upper
caste does not enjoy the status or respect, traditional,
voluntary or forced any more even in rural areas what to
speak of highly westernised urban society. The bank balance,
the property holding and the money power determine the
social status of the individual and guarantee the
opportunities to rise to the top echelon. How the wealth is
acquired has lost significance. Purity of means disappeared
with Mahatma Gandhi and we have reached a stage where ends
determine the means. This is the present disturbing
situation whether one likes it or not. [389 G-H; 390 A-B]
Reservation in one or other form has been there for
decades. If a survey is made with reference to families in
various castes considered to be socially and educationally
backward, about the benefits of preferred treatment, it
would
361
unmistakably show that the benefits of reservations are
snatched away by the top creamy layer of the backward
castes. This has to be avoided at any cost.
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[390 E]
If economic criterion for compensatory discrimination
or affirmative action is accepted, it would strike at the
root cause of social and educational backwardness, and
simultaneously take a vital step in the direction of
destruction of caste structure which in turn would advance
the secular character of the Nation. This approach seeks to
translate into reality the twin constitutional goals: one,
to strike at the perpetuation of the caste stratification of
the Indian Society so as to arrest progressive movement and
to take a firm step towards establishing a casteless
society; and two, to progressively eliminate the
disadvantageous sections of the society to raise their
position and be part of the mainstream of life which means
eradication of poverty. However, this does not deal with
reservation in favour of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes. Thousands of years of discrimination and
exploitation cannot be wiped out in one generation. But even
here economic criterion is worth applying by refusing
preferred treatment to those amongst them who have already
benefited by it and improved their position. And finally
reservation must have a time span otherwise concession tend
to become vested interests. [391 E-H; 392 A]
Per Chinnappa Reddy .r.
The paradox of the system of reservation that may be
made under Articles 15(4),16(4) read with 29(2) of the
Constitution is that it has engendered a spirit of self
denigration among the people. Nowhere else in the world do
castes, classes or communities queue up for the sake of
gaining the backward status. Nowhere else in the world is
there competition to assert backwardness and to claim ’we
are more backward than you’. This is an unhappy and
disquieting situation, but it is stark reality. [392 E-F]
2. The Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and other
socially and educationally backward classes, all of whom
have been compendiously described as ’the weaker sections of
the people’, have long journeys to make unsociety. They need
aid; they need facility; they need launching; they need
propulsion. Their needs are their demands. The demands are
matters of right and not of philanthropy. They ask for
parity, and not charity. They claim their constitutional
right to equality of status and of opportunity and economic
and social justice. Several bridges have to be erected, so
that they may cross the Rubicon. Professional education and
employment under the State are thought to be two such
bridges. Hence the special provision for advancement and for
reservation under Articles 15(4) and 16(4) of the
Constitution. [393 C-D]
3. Courts are not necessarily the most competent to
identify the backward classes or to lay down guidelines for
their identification except in a broad and very general way.
Courts are not equipped for that; Courts have no legal
barometers to measure social backwardness and are truly
removed from the people, particularly those of the backward
classes, by layer upon layer of gradation and degradation.
And, India is such a vast country that conditions
362
vary from State to State, region to region, ’district to
district and from one A ethnic religious, linguistic or
caste group to another. A test to identify back ward classes
which may appear appropriate when applied to one group of
people may be wholly inappropriate and unreasonable if
applied to another group of people. There can be no
universal test; there can be no exclusive test; there can be
no conclusive test. In fact, it may be futile to apply and
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rigid tests. One may to look at the generality and the
totality of the situation. [398 A-C]
4. Before attempting to lay down any guideline for the
purpose of determining the methods to be adopted for
identifying the socially and educationally backward classes
one should guard against the pitfalls of the traditional
approach to the question, which has generally been superior,
elitist and, therefore, ambivalent. The result is that the
claim of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and other
backward classes to equality as a matter of human and
constitutional right is forgotten and their rights are
submerged in what is described as the "Preferential
principle" or "protective or compensatory discrimination".
Unless these superior, patronising and paternalist attitudes
are got rid off. It is difficult to truly appreciate the
problems involved in the claim of the Scheduled Castes,
Scheduled Tribes and other backward classes for their
legitimate share of the benefits arising out of their
belonging to humanity and to a country whose constitution
preaches justice, social, economic and political and
equality of status and opportunity for all. [393 E-H]
5. There is neither statistical basis nor expert
evidence to support the assumption that efficiency will
necessarily be impaired if reservation exceeds 50%, if
reservation is carried forward or if reservation is extended
to promotional posts. The word ’efficiency’ is neither
sacro-sanct nor is the sanctorum has to be fiercely guarded.
’Efficiency’ is not a Mantra which is whispered by the Guru
in the Sishya’s ear. The mere securing of high marks at an
examination may not necessarily mark out a good
administrator. An efficient administrator, one takes it,
must be one who possesses among other qualities the capacity
to understand with sympathy and, therefore, to tackle
bravely the problems of a large segment of population
constituting the weaker sections of the people. This does
not mean that efficiency in civil service is unnecessary or
that it is a myth. However, one need not make a fastidious
fetish of it. It may be that for certain posts, only the
best may be appointed and for certain courses of study only
the best may be admitted. If so, rules may provide for
reservation for appointment to such posts and for admission
to such courses. The rules may provide for an appropriate
method of selection. It may be that certain posts require a
very high degree of skill or efficiency and certain courses
of study require a high degree of industry and intelligence.
If so, the rules may prescribe a high minimum qualifying
standard and an appropriate method of selection. Different
minimum standards and different modes of selection may be
prescribed for different posts and for admission to
different courses of study having regard to the requirements
of the posts and the courses of study. But, efficiency
cannot be permitted to be used as a camouflage to let the
upper classes monopolise the services, particularly the
higher posts and the professional institutions. In view of
Articles 15(4) and 16(4), the so called
363
controversy between the moratorium and compensatory
principles is not of any significance. [395 D; G-H; 396 C-G;
397 F]
6. The three dimensions of social inequality are class,
status and power. Everyone of these three dimensions are
intimately and inextricably connected with economic
position. Viewed from any of these three dimensions it is
clear that the economic factor is at the bottom of
backwardness and poverty is the culprit cause and the
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dominant characteristic. The economic power has firm links
with the castes system, land and learning, two of the
primary sources of economic power in India have been the
monopoly of the superior castes. Social status and economic
power are so woven and fused into the caste system in Indian
rural society that one may, without hesitation, say that if
poverty be the cause, caste is the primary index of social
backwardness, so that social backwardness is often readily
identifiable with reference to a person’s caste. Shared
situation in the economic hierarchy, caste gradation,
occupation, habitation, style of consumption, standard of
literacy and a variety of such other factors appear to go to
make towards social and educational backwardness. [398 F;
399 C-H 400 G-H]
7. " The backward classes of citizens" referred to in
Article 16(4), despite the short description, and the same
as ’the socially and educationally backward classes of
citizens and the scheduled castes and the scheduled tribes’
so fully described in Article 15(4). Again the ’ special
provision for advancement’ is a wide expression any may
include many more things besides ’mere reservation of seats
in colleges It may be by way of financial assistance, free
medical, educational and hostel facilities, scholarships,
free transport, concessional or free housing, exemption from
requirements insisted upon in the case of other classes and
so on. Under Article 16(4), reservation is to be made to
benefit those backward classes, who in the opinion of the
Government are not adequately represented, in the services.
Reservation must, therefore, be aimed at securing adequate
representation. It must follow that the extent of
reservation must match the inadequacy of representation.
There is no reason why this guideline furnished by the
Constitution itself should not also be adopted for the
purposes of Article 15(4) too. The reservation of seats in
professional colleges may conveniently be determined with
reference to the inadequacy of representation in the various
professions. Similarly, the extent of reservation in other
colleges may be determined with reference to the inadequacy
in the number of graduates, etc. Naturally, if the lost
ground is to be gained, the extent of reservation may even
have to be slightly higher than the percentage of population
of the backward classes. [403 H; 404 A-F]
8. The ordinary rules of statutory interpretations
cannot be applied to interpret constitutional instruments
which are sui generis and which deal with situations of
significance and consequence. The Constitution must be given
a generous interpretation so as to give all its citizens,
the full measure of justice promised by it. [406 D-E]
There is no reason whatever to narrow the concept of
equality in Article 16(1) and refuse to read into it broader
concepts of social justice and equality. In fact it is
necessary to read Article 16(1) so as not to come into any
conflict
364
with Articles 46 and 335. A constitutional document must be
read so as to synthesise its provisions and avoid
disharmony. To say that equality means that unequals cannot
be treated equally is merely to say what is self-evident and
common place. Article implies it and it is not implied in
Article 16(1) also. True, on a first glance, Article 16(4)
appears to save power of the State to make provision for the
reservation of appointments and posts in favour of any
backward class of citizens, but a second look shows that it
really recognises a pre-existing power and expresses the
recognition in an emphatic way lest there should be any
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doubt caste upon that power. Such a device is not unknown to
legislatures and constitution making bodies. Article 16(4)
is more in the nature of a rule of interpretation to guide
the construction of Article 16(1). The possibility of
interpreting Article 16(1) so as to promote the narrower
equality rather than the greater equality is excluded by
Article 16(4). [425-CE]
9. The test of nearness to the conditions of existence
of the Scheduled Castes would practically nullify the
provision for reservation for socially and educationally
Backward Classes other then Scheduled Castes and Tribes,
would perpetuate the dominance of existing upper classes,
and would take a substantial majority of the classes, who
are between the upper classes and the Scheduled Castes and
Tribes out of the category of backward classes and put them
at a permanent disadvantage. Only the ’enlightened’ classes
of body will capture all the ’open’ posts and seats and the
reserved posts and seats will go to the Scheduled Castes and
Tribes and those very the Scheduled Castes and Tribes. 1 he
bulk of these behind the ’enlightened’ classes and ahead of
the near Scheduled Castes and Tribes would be left high and
dry, with never a chance of improving themselves. [406 G-H;
407 A)
10. On principle, there can be a classification in to
Backward Classes and More Backward Classes, if both classes
are not merely a little behind but far behind the most
advanced classes. In fact such a classification would be
necessary to held the More Backward Classes; otherwise those
of the Backward Classes who might be a little more advanced
than the More Backward Classes might walk away with all the
seats, just as, if reservation was confined to the More
Backward Classes and no reservation was made to the slightly
more advanced Backward Classes, the most advanced Classes
would walk away with all the seats available for the general
category leaving none for the Backward Classes. [409 A-D]
11. As to the adoption of the test average student
population in the last three High School Classes of all High
Schools in the State in relation to a thousand citizens of
that community as the basis for assessing relative
backwardness, the adoption of a lower basis may give a false
picture. After all, if one is considering the question of
admission to professional colleges or of appointment to
posts, the basis possibly should be the average number of
students of that community who have passed the examination
prescribed as the minimum qualification for admission to
professional colleges, say in the last three years and
perhaps the average number of persons of that community who
have graduated in the last three years, since graduation is
generally, the mini mum extent qualification for most posts
possibly, the extent of reservation may even vary with
reference to the class of post. [490 D-H]
365
12. The percentage of reservation is not a matter upon
which a Court may pronounce with no materials at hand. For a
Court to say that reservations should not exceed 40 per
cent, 50 per cent or 60 per cent would be arbitrary and the
Constitution does not permit us to be arbitrary. [410 E-F]
13. From the historical and sociological background of
caste and class the philosophy, the reason and the rhetoric
behind reservation and anti-reservation, the Constitutional
provisions and the varying judicial stances, the following
emerges; (a) clearly there exist large sections of people
who are socially and educationally backward who stand midway
between the forward classes such as the landed, the learned,
the priestly and the trading classes on one side and the
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out-caste and depressed classes, i.e. the Scheduled Castes
and the Scheduled Tribes on the other;(b) Poverty, Caste,
occupation and habitation are the principal factors which
contribute to brand a class as socially backward. The
customs which they honour and observe, the rituals which
they fear and practice the habits to which they adapt and
conform, the festivals which they enjoy and celebrate and
even the Gods that they revere and worship are enlightening
elements in recognising their social gradation and
backwardness; (c) Amongst very many classes and communities
considered socially inferior, child marriage persists, the
rule of Saptapadi is not followed; divorces are granted by a
caste panchayat; (d) dress and work habit is yet another
indication that economic situation and social situation
often reflect each others; (e) there are many other customs,
rituals or habits of significance mark out the socially
backward class; (f) the weight to be attached to these
factors depends upon the circumstances of the case which can
only be revealed by thoughtful, penetrating investigation
and analysis. It cannot be done by means of mathematical
formulae but only by looking in the round or taking a look
at the entire situation. Sometimes it may be possible to
readily identify certain castes or social groups as a whole
as socially forward or socially backward classes. Poverty,
of course, is basic, being the root cause as well as the
rueful result of social and educational backwardness But
mere poverty it seems is not enough to invite the
constitutional branding because of the vast majority of the
people of our country are poverty-struck but some among them
are socially and educationally forward and others backward.
In a country like India where 80 per cent of the people live
below the breadline, even the majority of the so called
socially forward classes may be poor. In the rural social
ladder they are indeed high up and despite the economic
backwardness of sizeable sections of them, they cannot be
branded as socially backward. On the other hand, there are
several castes or other social groups who have only to be
named to be immediately identified as socially and
economically backward classes, identified as socially
backward classes. [431 F-H; 432 A-F; 433 A-E]
R. Chitralekha v. State of Mysore, [1964] 6 SCR 368;
Rajendran v. State of Madras,1968] I SCR 721; State of
Andhra Pradesh v. P. Sagar, [1968]3 SCR 595; Triloki Nath v.
State of Jammu & Kashmir, [1969] 1 SCR 103; A.
Peeriakaruppan v. State of Tamil Nadu. 1197]] 1 8CC 38;
State of Andhra Pradesh v. Balram AIR 1972 SC 1375; State of
Uttar Pradesh v. Pradeep Tandon 11975l 2 SCR 761; X.S.
Jayasree v. State of Kerala [1976] 3 SCC 730; State of
Kerala v. N.M. Thomas [1976] I SCR 906; Akhil Bhartiya
Soshit Karamchari Sangh v Union of India & Ors. [1981] 1 SCR
185 referred to.
366
(g) True, a few members of those caste or social groups may
have progressed far enough and forged ahead so as to compare
favourably with the leading forward classes economically,
socially and educationally. In such cases, per haps and
upper income ceiling would secure the benefit of reservation
to such of these members of the class who really deserve it;
(h) In the cases of poorest sections of the forward classes,
the State will have to-and it is the duty of the State to
do-to discover means of assisting them means other than
reservations under Article 15(4) and 16(4). [433 G-H]
14. In the ultimate analysis, attainment of economic
equality is the final and the only solution to the besetting
problems. There is also one danger in adopting individual
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property as the criterion to identify a member of the
backward classes. The truly lower classes who need the
certificate most to prove their poverty will find it
difficult to get the certificate from the official or the
legislator or any named person [434 B-C]
15. Class poverty, not individual poverty, is therefore
the primary test. Other ancillary tests are the way of life,
the standard of living, the place in the social hierarchy,
the habits and customs, etc. etc. Despite individual
exceptions, it may be possible and easy to identify social
backwardness with reference to caste, with reference to
residence, with reference to occupation or some other
dominant feature. notwithstanding our antipathy to caste and
sub-regionalism, these are facts of life which cannot be
wished away. If they reflect poverty which is the primary
source of social and educational backwardness, they must be
recognised for what they are along with other less primary
sources. There is and there can be nothing wrong in
recognising poverty wherever it is reflected as an
identifiable group phenomena whether you see it as a caste
group, a sub regional group, an occupational group or some
other class. Once the relevant factors are taken into
consideration, how and where to draw the line is a question
for each State to consider since the economic and social
conditions differ from area to area. Once the relevant
conditions are taken into consideration and the backwardness
of a class of people is determined, it will not be for the
court to interfere in the matter. But certainly, judicial
review will not stand excluded. [334 D-G]
Per A.P. Sen, J.
1. Conceptually, the making of special provisions for
the advancement of backward classes of citizens under Art.
15(4) and the system of reservation of appointments or posts
as envisaged by Art. 16(4) as guaranteed in the
Constitution, is a national commitment and a historical need
to eradicate age-old social disparities in our country. But
unfortunately the policy of reservation higher to formulated
by the Government for the upliftment of such socially and
educationally backward classes of citizens is caste-oriented
while the policy should be based on economic criteria. Then
alone the element of caste in making such special provisions
or reservations under Arts. 15(4) and 16(4) can be removed.
[435B-D]
2. It is true that mere economic backwardness would not
satisfy the rest of educational and social backwardness
under Article 15(4), and is only
367
One of several tests to be adopted. The predominant and the
only factor for making special provisions under Article
15(4) or for reservations of posts and appointments under
Art. 16(4) should be poverty, and caste or a sub-caste or a
group should be used only for purposes of identification of
persons comparable to Scheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes,
till such members of backward classes attain a state of
enlightenment and there is eradication of poverty amongst
them and they become equal partners in a new social order in
our national life. [435 H; 436 C-D]
3. The adequacy or otherwise of representation of the
backward classes in the services has to be determined with
reference to the percentage of that class in the population
and the total strength of the service as a whole. The
representation does not have to exactly correspond to the
percentage of that class in the population; it just has to
be adequate. Moreover, in the case of services the extent of
representation has to be considered by taking into account
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the number of members of that class in the service, whether
they are holding reserved or unreserved posts. [436 E-F]
4. The State should give due importance and effect to
the dual constitutional mandates of maintenance of
efficiency and the equality of opportunity for all persons.
The nature and extent of reservations must be rational and
reasonable. The state of backwardness of any class of
citizens is a fact situation which needs investigation and
determination by a fact finding body which has the expertise
and the machinery for collecting relevant data. The
Constitution has provided for the appointment of such a
Commission for Backward Classes by the President under Art.
340 to make recommendations and left if to the States to
make special provisions for advancement of such backward
classes. It may be, and often is, difficult for the Court to
draw the line in advance which the State ought not to cross,
but it is never difficult for the Court to know that an
invasion across the border, however ill-defined, has taken
place. The Courts have neither the expertise nor the
sociological knowledge to define or lay down the criteria
for determining what are ’socially and educationally
backward classes of citizens’ within the meaning of Art.
15(4) which enables the State to make ’special provisions
for the advancement’ of such classes notwithstanding the
command of Art. 15(2) that the State shall not discriminate
against any citizens on the ground only of religion, race,
caste, descent, place of birth, residence or any of them.
The Supreme Court is ill-equipped to perform the task of
determining whether a class of citizens is socially and
educationally backward, but, however a duty to interpret the
Constitution and to see what it means and intends when it
makes provision for the advancement of socially and
educationally backward classes. In considering this
situation then, Courts must never forget that it is the
Constitution they are expounding. Except for this, the Court
has very little or no function.
[436 G-H; 437 A-D]
5. The Preamble to our Constitution shows the nation’s
resolve to secure to all its citizens: Justice-Social,
economic and political. The State’s objective of bringing
about and maintaining social justice must be achieved
reasonably having regard to the interests of all. Irrational
and unreasonable moves by the State will slowly but surely
tear apart the fabric of society. It is primarily the
368
duty and function of the state to inject moderation into the
decisions taken under Arts. 15(4) and 16(4), because
justice lives in the hearts of men and a growing sense of
injustice and reverse discrimination, fueled by unwise State
action, will destroy, not advance, social justice. If the
State contravenes the constitutional mandates of Art. 16(1)
and Art. 335, the Supreme Court will of course, have to
perform its duty. [437 F-G]
6. The extent of reservation under Art. 15(4) and Art.
16(4) must necessarily vary from State to State and from
region to region within a State, depending upon the
conditions prevailing in a particular State or region, of
the Backward Classes. Since the problems pertaining in
reservation can never be resolved through litigation in the
Courts, the Central Government should consider the
feasibility of appointing a permanent National Commission
for Backward Classes which must constantly carry out
sociological and economic study from State to State and from
region to region within a State. The framers of the
Constitution by enacting Art. 340 clearly envisaged the
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setting up of such a high-powered National Commission for
Backward Classes at the Centre. [437 H; 438 A-B]
7. The doctrine of protective discrimination embodied
in Arts. 15(4) and 16(4) and the mandate of Art. 29(2)
cannot be stretched beyond a particular limit. The State
exists to serve its people. There are some services where
expertise and skill are of the essence. Medical services
directly affect and deal with the health and life of the
populace. Professional expertise, born of knowledge and
experience, of a high degree of technical knowledge and
operational skill is required of pilots and aviation
engineers. The lives of citizens depend on such persons.
There are other similar fields of governmental activity
where professional, technological, scientific or other
special skill is called for. In such services or posts under
the Union or States, there can be no room for reservation of
posts; merit alone must be the sole and decisive
consideration for appointments. [438 C-E]
Per Venkataramiah, J.
1. Equality of opportunity revolves around two dominant
principles- (i) the traditional value of equality of
opportunity; and (ii) the newly appreciated-not newly
conceived-idea of equality of results. The Society which
cherishes the ideal of equality has to define the meaning
and consent of the concept of equality and the choices open
to it to bring about an egalitarian society would always be
political. But the Courts have been forced to scrutinise a
variety of choices, while society for which they have to
answer has been issuing a proliferation of demands. Many
inequalities in the past seemed almost to have been part of
the order of nature. The Courts, however deal with the
problems that society presents. ‘Levels of awareness and
corresponding senses of grievance have arisen at different
times for particular historical reasons often tending to
differentiate among the categories of equality rather than
unifying them. Inequalities of class, race, religion and sex
have presented themselves at different periods as primary
grievances’. The Courts must remind themselves that for
those who are suffering from deprivation of inalienable
rights, gradualism can never be a sufficient remedy. Ours is
a ’struggle for status, a struggle
369
to take democracy off parchment and give it life.’ ’Social
injustice always balances its books with red ink’. Neither
the caprice of personal taste nor the protection of vested
interests can stand as reasons for restricting opportunities
of any appropriately qualified person. These are the
considerations which sometimes may be conflicting that
should weigh with the courts while dealing with cases
arising out of the doctrine of equality. It should, however,
be remembered that the courts by themselves are not in a
position to bring the concept of equality into fruitful
action. They should be supported by the will of the people
of the Government and of the legislators. These should be an
emergence of united action on the part of all segments of
human society. This is not all. Mere will to bring about
equality under the existing economic level might worsen the
situation. There should be at the same time a united action
to increase the national resources so that the operation of
equality will be less burdensome and every member of the
society is carried to a higher social and economic level
leaving nobody below a minimum which guarantees all the
basic human needs to every member of the society. If there
is no united action the pronouncements by courts would
become empty words as many of the high principles
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adumberated in the chapter on the Directive Principles of
State Policy in the Constitution have turned out to be owing
to several factors. [440 B-H; 441 A]
2. The need for social action is necessitated by the
environmental factors and living conditions of the
individuals concerned. The application of the principle of
individual merit, unmitigated by other considerations may
quite often lead to inhuman results 1441 G]
3. An examination of the question of the background of
the Indian Social conditions-caste ridden atmosphere shows
that the expression "backward classes" used in the
Constitution referred only to those who were born in
particular castes, or who belonged to particular races or
tribes or religious minorities which were backward. This is
so because a caste is based on various factors, sometimes it
may be a class, a race or a racial unit and the caste of a
person is governed by his birth in. the family. [459 E; 457
F]
It is significant that the expression "backward
classes" used in Part XVI of the Constitution and in
particular in Article 338(3) is used along with the
Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and the Anglo-Indian
Community. The meaning of "backward classes" has, therefore,
to be deduced along with the other words preceding it. [462
G]
It is a rule of statutory construction that where there
are general words following particular and specific words,
the general words must be confined to things of the same
kind as those specified. It is true that this rule which is
called as the ejusdem generise rule or the rule noscitur a
sociis cannot be carried too far. But it is reasonable to
apply that rule where the specific words refer to a distinct
genus or category. [462 H; 463 A]
Part XVI of the Constitution deals with certain
concessions extended to certain castes, tribes and races
which are Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and to the
Anglo-Indian community. In the context if Article 338(3) and
370
Article 340 are construed, the expression ’backward classes’
can only refer to A certain castes, races tribes or
communities or parts thereof other than Scheduled Castes,
Scheduled Tribes and the Anglo-Indian community, which are
backward. Clause (6) of the resolution regarding the aims
and objects of the Constitution moved by Pandit Jawaharlal
Nehru on December 13, 1946 and the history of the enactment
of Part XVI of the Constitution by the Constituent Assembly
lead to the conclusion that backward classes are only those
castes, races, tribes or communities, which are identified
by birth, which are backward. It is, therefore,difficult to
hold that persons or groups of persons who are backward
merely on account of poverty which is traceable to economic
reasons can also be considered as backward classes for
purposes of Article 16(4) and Part XVI of the Constitution.
[463 C-D; 466 G-H]
The Drafting Committee by qualifying the expression
"class of citizens" by "backward" in Article 16(4) of the
Constitution tried to reconcile three different points of
view and produced a workable proposition which was
acceptable to all, the three points of view being (i) that
there should be equality of opportunity for all citizens and
that every individual qualified for a particular post should
be free to apply for that post to sit for examinations and
to have his qualifications tested so as to determine whether
he was fit for the post or not and that there ought to be no
limitations, there ought to be no hindrance in the operation
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of the principle of equality of opportunity; (ii) that if
the principle of equality of opportunity was to be operative
there ought to be no reservations of any sort for any class
or community all and that all citizens if they qualified
should be placed on the same footing of equality as far as
public services were concerned; and (iii) that though the
principle of equality of opportunity was theoretically good
there must at the same time be a provision made for the
entry of certain communities which have so far been outside
the administration. The whole tenor of discussion in the
Constituent Assembly pointed to making reservation for a
minority of the population including Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes which were socially backward. [465 G-H; 466
A-B]
4. In Balaji’s case and in Chitralekha’s case, the
Supreme Court exhibited a lot of hesitation in equating the
expression ’class’ with ’caste’ for purposes of Article
15(4) and 16(4) of the Constitution. The juxtaposition of
the expression ’backward classes’ and ’Scheduled Castes’ in
Article 15 of the Constitution, according to the above two
decisions, led to a reasonable inference that expression
’classes’ was not synonymous with ’caste’. The Court while
making these observations did not give adequate importance
to the evils of caste system which had led to the
backwardness of people belonging to certain castes and the
debates that preceded the enactment of Part XVI and Article
15(4) and Article 16(4) of the Constitution. What was in
fact over looked was the history of the Indian social
institutions. The makers of the Indian Constitution very
well knew that there were a number of castes the conditions
of whose members were almost similar to the conditions of
members belonging to the Scheduled Castes and to the
Scheduled Tribes and that they also needed to be given
adequate protection in order to tide over the difficulties
in the way of their progress which were not so much due to
poverty but due to their birth in a particular caste. Part
XVI was not enacted for the
371
purpose of alleviating the conditions of poorer classes as
such which was taken care of by the provision of Part IV of
the Constitution and in particular by Article 46 and by
Article 14, Article 15(1) and Article 16(1) of the
Constitution which permitted classification of persons on
economic grounds for special treatment in order to ensure
equality of opportunity to all persons The views expressed
by the Supreme Court, however stood modified by the later
decisions. [466- D-H; 467 A-B]
Minor P. Rajendran v. State of Madras & Ors. [19681 2
SCR 786; State of Andhra Pradesh & Anr. v. P. Sagar [1968] 3
SCR 595; Triloki Nath & Anr. v. State of Jammu & Kashmir &
Ors. [19691 I SCR 103; A. Peeriakaruppan etc. v. State of
Tamil Nadu & Ors. 11971] 2 SCR 430; State of Andhra Pradesh
& Ors. v. U.S.V. Balram etc. [1972] 3 SCR 247 referred to.
5. If the view that caste or community is an important
relevant factor in determining social and educational
backwardnesses for purposes of Articles ]5(4) and 16(4) of
the Constitution, is departed from several distortions are
likely to follow and may take away from the sole purpose for
which these constitutional provisions were enacted. Several
factors such as physical disability, poverty, place of
habitation, the fact of belonging to a freedom fighter’s
family, the fact of belonging to the family of a member of
the armed forces might each become a sole factor for the
purpose of Article 15(4) or Article 16(4) which were not at
all intended to be resorted to by the State for the purpose
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of granting relief in such cases. While relief may be given
in such cases under Article 15(1) and Article 16(1) by
adopting a rational principle of classification, Article 14,
Article 15(4) and Article 16(4) cannot be applied to them.
Article 15(4) and Article 16(4) are intended for the benefit
of those who belong to castes/communities which ale
’traditionally disfavoured and which have suffered societal
discriminations’ in the past. The other factors mentioned
above were never in the contemplation of the makers of the
Constitution while enacting these clauses. [472 A-D]
D.N. Chanchala v. State of Mysore & Ors. etc. [1971]
Supp. SCR 608; State of Kerala v. Kumari T.P. Roshana & Anr.
[1979] 2 SCR 974; Kumari M.S. Jayasree & Anr. v. State of
Kerala & Anr. [1977] 1 SCR ]94; State of Uttar Pradesh v.
Pradip Tandon & Ors. (1975) 2 SCR 761; Subhash Chandra v.
The State of U.P. & Ors. AIR 1973 All. 295; Dilip Kumar v.
The Government of U.P. & Ors. AIR 1973 All. 592 referred to.
6. Article 14 of the Constitution consists of two
parts. It asks the State not to deny to any person equality
before law. It also asks the State not to deny the equal
protection of the laws. Equality before law connotes absence
of any discrimination in law. The concept of equal
protection required the State to meet out differential
treatment to persons in different situations in order to
establish an equilibrium amongst all. This is the basis of
the rule that equals should be treated equally and unequals
must be treated unequally if the doctrine of equality which
is one of the corner stones of our Constitution is to be
duly implemented. In order to do justice amongst unequals,
the State has to resort to compensatory or protective
discrimination. Articles 15(4) and 16(4) of the Constitution
were enacted as measures of compensatory or protective
372
discrimination to grant relief to persons belonging to
socially oppressed castes and minorities. Under them, it is
possible to provide for reservation of seats in educational
institution and of posts in Government services to such
persons only. But if there are persons who do not belong to
socially oppressed castes and minorities but who otherwise
belong to weaker sections, due to poverty, place of
habitation, want of equal opportunity etc. the question
arises whether such reservation can be made in their favour
under any other provision of the Constitution such as
Article 14, Article 15(1), Article 16(1) or Article 46.
According to Thomas’s case, (a) no reservation of posts can
be made in Government services for backward classes
including Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes under
Article 14 or Article 16 1), and (b) preferential treatment
as was done in this case on the basis of classification
ordinarily could be given under Article 16(1) to the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes only. Other backward
classes could not, except in exceptionally rare cases be
extended the same benefit and their only hope was Article
16(4) of the Constitution. [477 A-E; 485 G-H]
7. As to the power of the Government to make
reservations under Article 15(4) and 16(4) of the
Constitution: The determination of the question whether the
members belonging to a caste or a group or a community are
backward for the purpose of Article 15(4) and Article 16(4)
of the Constitution is not open to the Government to call
any caste or group or community as backward according to its
sweet will and pleasure and extend the benefit that may be
granted under those provisions to such caste or group or
community. The exercise of uncontrolled power by the
Government in this regard may lead to political favoritism
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leading to denial of the just requirements of classes which
are truly backward. The power of the Government to classify
any caste or group or community as backward has to be
exercised in accordance with the guidelines that can be
easily gathered from the Constitution. It is now accepted
that the expressions ’socially and educationally backward
classes of citizens’ and the Scheduled Castes and the
Scheduled Tribes’ in Article 15(4) of the Constitution
together are equivalent to ‘backward classes of citizens’ in
Article 16(4). [486 A-D]
Further the criterion for determining the backwardness
must not be based solely on religion, race, caste, sex or
place of birth and the backwardness being social and
educational must be similar to the backwardness from which
the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes suffered. This
view is in conformity with the intention underlying clause 6
of the resolution regarding the aims and objects of the
Constitution moved by Jawaharlal Nehru on December 13,1946
which asked the Constitution Assembly to frame a
Constitution providing adequate safeguards for minorities,
backward and tribal area and depressed and other backward
classes and also wish the provisions of Article 338 and
Article 340 of the Constitution. Unless the above
restriction is imposed on the Government, it would become
possible for the Government to call any caste or group or
community which constitutes a powerful political lobby in
the State as backward even though in fact it may be an
advanced caste or group or community but just below some
other forward community.
[486 H; 487 C-D]
373
There is another important reason why such advanced
castes or groups or communities should not be included in
the list of backward classes and that A is that if castes or
groups and communities which are fairly well advanced and
castes and groups and communities which are really backward
being at the rock-bottom level are classified together as
backward classes, the benefit of reservation would
invariably be eaten up by the more advanced sections and the
really deserving sections would practically go without any
benefit as more number of children of the more advanced
castes or group or communities amongst them would have
scored higher marks than the children of more backward
castes or groups or communities. In that even the whole
object of reservation would become frustrated. [487 D-F]
Hence as far as possible while preparing the list of
backward classes, the State Government has to bear in mind
the above principle as a guiding factor. The adoption of the
above principle will not unduly reduce the number of persons
who will be eligible for the benefits under Article 15(4)
and Article 16(4) of the Constitution since over the years
the level of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes is
also going up by reason of several remedial measures taken
in regard to them by the State and Central Government. At
the same time, it will also release the really backward
castes, groups and communities from the strangle-hold of
many advanced groups which have l-ad the advantage of
reservation along with the really backward classes for
nearly three decades. It is time that n ore attention is
given to those castes, groups and communities who have been
at the lowest level suffering from all the disadvantages and
disabilities (except perhaps untouchability) to which many
of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes have been
exposed but without the same or similar advantages that flow
from being included in the list of the Scheduled Castes and
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the Scheduled Tribes.
[487 H; 488 A-B]
Janki Prasad Parimoo & Ors. etc. etc. v. State of Jammu
& Kashmir & Ors. [1973l 3 SCR 236 referred to.
8. Since economic condition is also a relevant
criterion, it would be appropriate to incorporate a ’means
test’ as one of the tests in determining the backwardness as
was done by the Kerala Government. These two tests namely,
that the conditions of caste or group or community should be
more or less similar to the conditions in which the
Scheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes are situated and that
the income of the family to which the candidate belongs does
not exceed the specified limit would serve as useful
criteria in determining beneficiaries of any reservation to
be made under Article 15(4). For the purpose of Article
16(4) however, it should also be shown that the backward
class in question is in the opinion of the Government not
adequately represented in the Government services. [488 C-
i]
9. The classification styled as ’special’ group which
is based on occupation-cum-income considerations and which
has received the approval in Chitralekha s case; is yet
another valid and useful test which can be adopted for the
purpose of reservation which can be more legitimately traced
to Art. 14 and not to Art. 15(4) and Art. 16(4). [491 H]
374
10. From a careful consideration of all the seven
opinions in the A Thomas s case it cannot be said that the
settled view of the Supreme Court that the reservation under
Article 15(4) or Article 16(4) could not be more than 50 per
cent has been unsettled by a majority on the Bench which
decided this case. [491 B]
11. If reservation is made only in favour of those
backward castes or clauses which are comparable to the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, it may not exceed 50
per cent (including 18 per cent reserved for the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes and 15 per cent reserved for
’special group’) in view of the total population of such
backward classes in the State of Karnataka. The Havanur
Commission has taken the number of students passing at SSLC
examination in the year 1972 as the basis for determining
the backwardness. The average passes per thousand of the
total population of the State of Karnataka was 1.69 in 1972.
The average in the case of the Scheduled Castes was 0.56 and
in the case of Scheduled Tribes was 0.51. Even if we take
all the castes, tribes and communities whose average is
below 50 per cent of the State average i.e. below 85 per
cent for classifying them as backward, large chunks of
population which are now treated as backward would have to
go out of the list of backward classes. Consequently the
necessity for reservation which would take the total
reservation under Article 15(4) and 1(,(4) beyond 50 per
cent of the total number of seats/posts would cease to
exist. The present arrangement has been worked for more than
five years already. It is now necessary to redetermine the
question of backwardness of the various castes, tribes and
communities for purposes of Article 15(4) and Article 16(4)
in the light of the latest figures to be collected on the
various relevant factors and to refix the extent of
reservation for backward classes. The reservation of 15% now
made under Article 15(4) and Article 16(4) but which may be
traced to Articles 14 and 16(1) to ’special group’ based on
occupation-cum-income can in any event be availed of by
members of all communities and castes.
[491 C-G]
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12. However, it should be made clear that if on a fresh
determination some castes or communities have to go out of
the list of backward classes prepared for Articles 15(4) and
16(4), the Government may still pursue the policy of
amelioration of weaker sections of the population amongst
them in accordance with the directive principle contained in
Article 46 of the Constitution. There are in all castes and
communities poor people who if they are given adequate
opportunity and training may be able to compete success
fully with persons belonging to richer classes. The
Government may provide for them liberal grants of
scholarships, free studentships, free boarding and lodging
facilities, free uniforms, free mid-day meals etc. to make
the life of poor students comfortable. The Government may
also provide extra tutorial facilities, stationery and books
free of cost and library facilities. These and other steps
should be taken in the lower classes so that by the time a
student appears for the qualifying examination he may be
able to attain a high degree of proficiency in his studies.
[491 H; 492 A-C]
^
&
ORIGINAL JURISDICTION: Writ Petitions NOS. 1297-98,
1407 of 1979, 4995-97 of 1980 and 402 of 1981.
375
(Under Article 32 of the Constitution of India.)
F.S. Nariman, K.N. Bhat, B. Veerbhadrappa, H.S. Renuka
Prasad, Vijay Kumar Verma, Nanjappa Ganpathy and P.K Manohar
for the Petitioners in W.P. Nos. 1297-98, of 1979.
K Chennabasappa, S.S. Javali and B.R. Agarwal for the
Petitioners in W.P. No. 1407 of 1979.
K.K Venugopal and C.S. Vaidyanathan for the Petitioners
in W.P. Nos. 4995-97180 & 402 of 1981.
R.K. Garg and A.V. Rangam, for the Respondents in W.P.
Nos. 4995-97180 and 402 of 1981.
P.H. Parekh and Gautam Philip, for the Intervener Akhil
Bharat Anusuchit Jati in W.P. Nos. 1297-98 of 1979. L3
L.G. Havenur, K.M.K. Nair and Narayana Nettar for the
Intervener President Karnataka Legislative in W.P. No. 1407
of 1979.
K Rajendra Chaudhury for the Intervener Dravida
Kazhagam in W.P. No. 402 of 1981.
KM.K. Nair for the Intervener All India Nayaka Sangh in
W.P. No. 1297-98 and 1407 of 1979.
The following Judgments were delivered:
CHANDRACHUD, C.J. : My learned Brethren have expressed
their respective points of view on the policy of
reservations which, alas, is even figuratively, a burning
issue to-day. We were invited by the counsel not so much as
to deliver judgments but to express our opinion on the issue
of reservations; which may serve as a guideline to the
Commission with the Government of Karnataka proposes to
appoint, for examining the question of affording better
employment and educational opportunities to Scheduled
Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other Backward Classes. A
somewhat unusual exercise is being undertaken by the Court
in giving expression to its views without reference to
specific facts. But, institutions profit by well-meaning
innovations. The facts will appear before the Commission and
it
376
will evolve suitable tests in the matter of reservations. I
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cannot resist expressing the hope that the deep thinking and
sincerity which has gone into the formulation of the
opinions expressed by my learned Brethren will not go waste.
The proposed Commission should give its close application to
their weighty opinions. Mine is only a skeletal effort. I
reserve the right to elaborate upon it, but the chances of
doing so are not too bright.
I would state my opinion in the shape of the following
pro positions:
1 The reservation in favour of scheduled castes and
scheduled tribes must continue as at present, there is,
without the application of a means test, for a further
period not exceeding fifteen years. Another fifteen
years will make it fifty years after the advent of the
Constitution, a period reasonably long for the upper
crust of the oppressed classes to overcome the baneful
effects of social oppression, isolation and
humiliation.
2. The means test, that is to say, the test of
economic backwardness ought to be made applicable even
to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes after the
period mentioned in (1) above. It is essential that the
privileged section of the underprivileged society
should not be permitted to monopolise preferential
benefits for an indefinite period of time.
3. In so far as the Other Backward Classes are
concerned, two tests should be conjunctively applied
for identifying them for the purpose of reservations in
employment and education: One, that they should be
comparable to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
in the matter of their backwardness; and two, that they
should satisfy the means test such as a State
Government may lay down in the context of prevailing
economic conditions.
4. The policy of reservations in employment,
education and legislative institutions should be
reviewed every five years or so. That will at once
afford an oppor
377
tunity (i) to the State to rectify distortions arising
out of particular facets of the reservation policy and
(ii) to the people, both backward and non-backward, to
ventilate their views in a public debate on the
practical impact of the policy of reservations.
DESAI, J ‘India embraced equality as a cardinal value
against a background of elaborate, valued, and clearly
perceived inequalities.’(l) ’Art. 14 guaranteed equality but
the awareness of deep rooted inequality in the society
reflected in Art. 15 and 16. Fifteen months of the working
of the Constitution necessitated amplification of Art. 15(3)
so as to ensure that any special provisions that the State
may make for the educational, economic or social advancement
of any backward class citizen, may not be challenged on the
ground of being discriminatory.’(‘2) Sec. 2 thereof provided
for addition to sub Art (4) of Art. 15 For a period of three
and a half decades, the unending search for identifying
socially and educationally backward classes of citizens has
defied the policy makers, the interpreters of the policy as
reflected in statutes or executive/administrative orders and
has added a spurt in the reverse direction, namely, those
who attempted to move upward/(Pratilom) in the social
hierarchy have put the movement in reverse gear so as to
move downwards (Anulom) in order to be identified as a group
or class of citizens socially and educationally backward. As
the awareness of concessions and benefits grows with
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consequent frustration on account of their non-availability
confrontation develops amongst various classes of society.
The Constitution promised an egalitarian society. At the
dawn of independence Indian Society was a compartmentalised
society comprising groups having distinct and diverse life
styles. It was a caste ridden stratified hierarchical
society. Though this is well accepted, the concept of caste
has defied a coherent definition at the hands of jurists or
sociologists.
Tn the early stages of the functioning of the
Constitution, it was accepted without dissent or dialogue
that caste furnishes a working criterion for identifying
socially and educationally backward class of citizens for
the purpose of Art. 15(4).
’This was predicated on a realistic appraisal that
caste as a principle of social order has persisted over
millennia if much more
(1) Marc Galanter-Competing Equalities 1980.
(2) Objects and Reasons Statement of the Constitution (First
Amendment) Act, 1951.
378
disorderly and asymmetrical in practice than classical Hindu
socio- legal theory depicted it’.(1) Language of Art. 15(4)
refers to ’class’ and not caste. Preferential treatment
which cannot be struck down as discriminatory was to be
accorded/to a class, shown to be socially and educationally
backward and not to the members of a caste who may be
presumed to be socially and educationally backward. How do
we define, ignoring the caste label, class of citizens
socially and educationally backward. As we are not writing
on a clean slate, let us look at judicial intervention to
give shape and form to this concept of a class of citizens
who are socially and educationally backward so as to merit
preferred treatment or compensatory discrimination or
affirmative action.
A brief survey of decisions bearing on the subject
would reveal the confusion and the present state of malaise.
This review is necessary because a serious doubt is now
nagging the jurists, the sociologists and the administrators
whether caste should be the basis for recognising the
backwardness. There has been some vacillation on the part of
the Judiciary on the question whether the caste should be
the basis for recognising the backwardness. Therefore, a
bird’s eye-view of the decisions of the Court may first be
taken to arrive at a starting point as to
whether the Judiciary has univocally recognised caste as
the basis for recognition of the backwardness,
In State of Madras v. Srimathi Champakam Dorairajan &
Anr.,(2) this Court struck down the classification in the
Communal G.O. founded on the basis of religion and caste on
the ground that it is opposed to the Constitution and
constitutes a clear violation of the fundamental rights
guaranteed to the citizen. The decision was in the hey-day
of supremacy of fundamental rights over Directive Principles
of State Policy. The Court held that Art. 46 cannot override
the provisions of Art. 29(2) because the Directive
Principles of State Policy have to conform to and run as
subsidiary to the Chapter of Fundamental Rights.
In M.R. Balji & Ors. v. State of Mysore(3) it was
observed that though caste in relation to Hindus may be a
relevant factor to
(1) Hutton-Caste in India: Its nature, function and Origin
1961.
(2) [1951] S.C.R. 525.
(3) [1963] Supp. I S.C.R. 439.
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379
consider in determining the social backwardness of groups or
classes of citizens, it cannot be made the sole or dominant
test. Social A backwardness is in the ultimate analysis the
result of poverty to a very large extent. The classes of
citizens who are deplorably poor automatically become
socially backward. The problem of determining who are
socially backward classes, is undoubtedly very complex, but
the classification of socially backward citizens on the
basis of their castes alone is not permissible under Art.
15(4). The Court could foresee the danger in treating caste
as the sole criterion for determining social and educational
backwardness. The importance of the judgment lies in
realistically appraising the situation when it uttered the
harsh but unquestionable truth that economic backwardness
would provide a much more reliable yardstick for determining
social backwardness because more often educational
backwardness is the outcome of social backwardness. The
Court drew clear distinction between ’caste’ and ’class’.
The attempt at finding a new basis for ascertaining social
and educational backwardness in place of caste reflected in
this decision. Clairvoyance in this behalf displayed in our
opinion is praiseworthy.
In T. Devadesan v. The Union of India & Anr.(l) the
petitioner challenged the carry forward rule in the matter
of reserved seats in the Central Secretariat Service as
being violative of Art. 14 and 16 of the Constitution. The
majority accepting the petition observed that the problem of
giving adequate representation to members of the backward
class enjoined by Art. 16(4) of the Constitution is not
adequate by framing a general rule without bearing in mind
its reflections from year to year. What precise method
should be adopted for this purpose is a matter for the
Government to decide. The Court observed that any method to
be evolved by the Government must strike a reasonable
balance between the claims of the backwardness and claims of
other employees as pointed out in Balaji s case.
In R. Chitralekha & Anr. v. State of Mysore & Ors.(2)
the majority held valid the orders made by the Government of
Mysore in respect of admissions to engineering and Medical
Colleges, and observed that a classification of backward
classes based on economic conditions and occupations is not
bad and does not offend Art. 15(4).
(1) [1964] 4 S.C.R. 680.
(2) [1964] 6 S.C.R. 368.
380
The caste of a group of citizens may be a relevant
circumstance in A ascertaining their social backwardness and
though it is a relevant factor to determine social
backwardness of a class, it cannot be the sole or dominant
test in that behalf. If in a given situation caste is
excluded in ascertaining a class within the meaning of Art.
15(4) it does not vitiate the classification if it satisfied
other tests. The Court observed that various provisions of
the Constitution which recognised the factual existence of
backwardness in the country and which make a sincere attempt
to promote the welfare of the weaker sections thereof should
be construed to effectuate that policy and not to give
weightage to progressive sections of the society under the
false colour of caste to which they happen to belong. Under
no circumstances a ’caste’ though the caste of an
individual or group of individuals may be a relevant factor
in putting him in a particular class.
In Triloki Nath & Anr. v. State Or Jammu & Kashmir &
Ors.(1) reservation of 5() per cent of the Gazetted posts to
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be filled by promotion was in favour of Muslims of Jammu &
Kashmir. The Court held that inadequate representation in
State services would not be decisive for determining the
backwardness of the section. The Court accordingly, gave
directions for collecting further material relevant to be
subject. After the material as directed earlier was
collected the matter was placed before the court and the
decision is reported in Triloki Nath & Anr. v. State of
Jammu & Kashmir & Ors.(1) The Court observed that the
expression ’backward class’ is not used as synonymous with
’backward caste’ or ’backward community’. The members of an
entire caste or community may, in the social, economic and
educational scale of values at a given time, be backward and
may, on that account be treated as a backward class, but
that is not because they are members of a caste or
community, but because they form a class. In its ordinary
connotation, the expression ’class’ may mean a homogeneous
section of the people grouped together because of certain
likenesses or common traits, and who are identifiable by
some common attributes such as status, rank, occupation,
residence in a locality, race, religion and the like, but
for purpose of Art. 16(4) in determining whether a section
forms a class, a test solely based on caste, community,
race, religion, sex, descent, place of birth or residence
cannot be adopted because it would directly offend the
Constitution. The caste as the basis for determining
backwardness received a rude jolt.
(1) [1967] 2 S.C.R. 265.
(2) [1969] 1 S.C.R. 103.
381
In A. Peeriakaruppan etc. v. State of Tamil Nadu(1)
this Court after referrening to earlier decisions especially
in Balaji’s case and Chitralekha’s case observed that there
is no gain saying the fact that there are numerous castes in
this country which are socially and educationally backward.
To ignore their existence is to ignore the realities of
life. It is difficult to make out whether the court accepted
caste as the sole basis for determining social and
educational backwardness.
In State of Andhra Pradesh & Ors. v. U.S.V. Balram
etc.(2) a list of backward classes which was under challenge
prima facie appeared to have been drawn up on the basis of
caste. The Court on closer examination found that the caste
mark is merely a description of the group following the
particular occupations or professions exhaustively referred
to by the commission. Even on the assumption that the list
is based exclusively on caste, it was clear from the
materials before the Commission and the reasons given by it
in its report that the entire caste is socially and
educationally backward and therefore, the inclusion of sub-
caste in the list of Backward Classes is warranted by Art.
15(4). The caste remained the criterion for determining
social and educational backwardness. The assumption that all
the members of a given caste are socially and educationally
backward is wholly unfounded and lacks factual support
obtained by survey.
In Janki Prased Parimoo & Ors etc. etc. v. State of
Jammu & Kashmir & Ors. (8) it was observed that mere poverty
cannot be a test of backwardness because in this country
except for a small percentage of the population, the people
are generally poor-some being more poor, others less poor.
In the rural areas some sectors of the population are
advancing socially and educationally while other sectors are
apathetic, Applying this yardstick, priestly classes
following a traditional profession was held not to be
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socially and educationally backward. Cultivators of land
designated as backward measured by the size of the holding
was held to be impermissible on the ground that placing
economic consideration alone above other considerations, is
erroneous to determine social and educational backwardness.
(1) [1971] 2 S.C.R. 430.
(2) [1972] 3 S.C.R. 247.
(3) [1973] 3 S.C.R. 236.
382
In State of Uttar Pradesh v. Pradip Tandon & Ors.(1)
reservations in favour of rural areas was held to be
unsustainable on the ground that it cannot be said as a
general proposition that rural areas represents socially and
educationally backward classes of citizens. Poverty in rural
areas cannot be the basis of classification to support
reservation for rural areas.
In State of Kerala & Anr. v. N.M. Thomas & Ors.(2) the
constitutional validity of Rule 13A giving further exemption
of two years to members belonging to Scheduled Tribes and
Scheduled Castes in the service from passing the tests
referred to in r. 13 or r. 13A, was questioned. The High
Court struck down the rule. Allowing the State appeal,
Mathew, J. in his concurring judgment held that to give
equality of opportunity for employment to the members of
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, it is necessary to
take note of their social, educational and economic
backwardness. Not only is the Directive principles embodied
in Art. 46 binding On the law makers as ordinarily
understood, but it should equally inform and illuminate the
approach of the court when it makes a decision as the court
also is State within the meaning of Art. 12 and makes law
even though interstitially. Existence of equality depends
not merely on the absence of disabilities but on the
presence of disabilities. To achieve it differential
treatment of persons who are unequal is permissible. This is
what is styled as compensatory discrimination or affirmative
action. In a concurring judgment, Krishna lyer, J. Observed
that the genius of Arts- 14 and 16 consists not in literal
equality but in progressive elimination of pronounced
inequality. To treat sharply dissimilar persons equally is
subtle injustice. Equal opportunity is a hope, not a menace.
In Kumari K.S. Jayasree & Anr. v. The State kerala &
Anr.(3) it was held that the problem of determining who are
socially and educationally backward classes is undoubtedly
not simple. Dealing with the question whether caste can by
itself be a basis for determining social and educational
backwardness, the court observed that it may not be
irrelevant to consider the caste of group of citizens
claiming to be socially and educationally backward.
Occupations, place of habitation may also be relevant
factors in determining who are socially and educationally
backward classes.
(1) [1975] 2 S.C.R. 761,
(2) [1976] 1 S.C.R. 906.
(3) [1977] 1 S.C.R. 194.
383
In Akhil Bharatiya Soshit Karamchari Sangh (Railway)
represented by its Assistant General Secretary on behalf of
the Association v. A Union of India & Ors.(l) this Court
upheld reservation of posts at various levels and making of
various concessions in favour of the members of the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Krishna Iyer, J.
extensively quoting from the final address to the
Constituent Assembly by Dr. Ambedkar held that the political
democracy was not the end in view of the struggle for
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freedom but a social democracy was to be Set up by which it
was meant the social fabric resting on the principle of one
man one value. Translated functionally, it means ’total
abolition of social and economic inequalities.’
This brief review would clearly put into focus, the
dithering and the vacillation on the part of the Judiciary
in dealing with the question of reservation in favour of
Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes as well as other socially
and educationally backward classes. Judiciary retained its
traditional blindfold on its eyes and thereby ignored
perceived realities. A perceptive viewer of judicial
intervention observed that the courts turned out to be more
limited as a vantage point then I naively assumed at the
outset. They act as a balance wheel channelling compensatory
policies and accommodating them to other commitments, but it
is the political process that shapes the larger contour of
these policies and gives them their motive force. Official
doctrine-judicial pronouncements or administrative
regulations-proved insufficient guide to the shape of the
policies in action and the result they produced.’(2) The
Indian social scene apart from being disturbing presented
the picture of stratified society hierarchically fragmented.
At the lowest rung of the ladder stand Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes and any preferential treatment in their
favour has more or less ment with judicial approval. But
when it came to preferential treatment or affirmative action
or what is also called compensatory discrimination in favour
of socially and educationally backward classes of citizens,
the caste ridden society raised its ugly face. By its
existence over thousands of years, more or less it was
assumed that caste should be the criterion for deter- mining
social and educational backwardness. In other words, it was
said, look at the caste, its traditional functions, it
position in relation to upper castes by the standard of
purity and pollution, pure and not so pure occupation, once
these questions are satisfactorily answered without anything
more, those who belong to that
(1) [1981] 2 S.C.R. 185.
(2) Marc Galanter-Compoting Equalities, 1980 p. XVIII.
384
caste must be labelled socially and educationally backward.
This A over-simplified approach ignored a very realistic
situation existing in each caste that in every such caste
whose members claim to be socially and educationally
backward, had an economically well placed segments. But that
may wait. We are at present concerned with the judicial
response to the attempt of the Executive to accord
preferential treatment to socially and educationally
backward classes of citizens. The litigation which came to
the court was more often by those who relied on meritocracy
and complained that the merit is crucified at the altar of
the mirage of equality. The outcome of judicial intervention
against preferred treatment is summed up as under:
"Summing up, we may surmise that the gross effect
of litigation on the compensatory discrimination policy
has been to curtail and confine it. Those who have
attacked compensatory discrimination schemes in court
have compiled a remarkable record of success, while
those seeking to extend compensatory discrimination
have been less successful.’’(1)
The controversy now has shifted to identifying socially
and educationally backward classes of citizens. The
expression ’back ward classes’ is not defined. Courts have
more or loss in the absence of well-defined criteria not
based on caste label has veered round to the view that in
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order to be socially and educationally backward classes, the
group must have the same indicia as Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes. The narrow question that the being
examined here is whether cast label should be sufficient to
identify social and educational backwardness? Number of
Commissions have attempted to tackle this complex problem.
However, both Mandal Commission of Karnataka and Bakshi
Commission of Gujrat have finally accepted caste as the
identifying criterion for determining social and educational
backwardness, thought will be presently pointed out that
Mandal Commission had serious reservations about caste
criterion. Most of these Commissions and the Government
orders based their recommendations used communal units to
discriminate the backward class. Rane Commission of Gujrat
has chalked out a different path, rejecting caste as the
basis for ascertaining social and educational backwardness.
The question we must pose and
(1) Marc Gallanter , Competing Equalities, p. 511.
385
answer is whether caste should be the basis for determining
social and educational backwardness. In other words, by what
yardstick, groups which are to be treated as socially and
educationally backward are to be identified? To simplify the
question: should membership of caste signify a class of
citizens as being socially and educationally backward ? If
’caste’ is adopted as the criterion for determining social
and educational backwardness does it provide a valid test or
it would violate Art. 15(1) which prohibits discrimination
against any citizen on grounds of religion, race, caste,
sex, place of birth or any of them.
What then is a caste ? Though caste has been discussed
by scholars and jurists, no precise definition of the
expression has emerged. A caste is a horizontal segmental
division of society spread over a district or a region or
the whole State and also sometimes outside it.(’) Homo
Hierarchicus is expected to be the central and substantive
element of the caste system with differentiate it from other
social systems. The concept of purity and impurity
conceptualises the caste system. Louis Dumont asserts that
the principle of the opposition of the pure and the impure
underlies hierarchy, which is the superiority of the pure to
the impure, underlies separation because pure and the impure
must be kept separate and underlies the division of labour
because pure and impure occupations must likewise, be kept
separate.(2) There are four essential features of the caste
system which maintained its homo hierarchicus character: (1)
hierarchy (2) commensality: (3) restrictions on marriages;
and (4) hereditary occupation.(3) Most of the caste are
endogamous groups. Intermarriage between two groups is
impermissible. But ’Pratilom’ marriages are not wholly
unknown. Similarly with the onward movement of urbanisation,
members of various castes are slowly giving up, traditional
occupations and the pure and impure avocations is being
frowned upon by developing notion of dignity of labour As
the fruits of independence were unequally distributed
amongst various segments of the society, in each caste there
came into existence a triple division based on economic
resurgence amongst the members of the caste. Those who have
become economically well off have acquired an upper class
status (class consciousness) and the one on the step below
is the middle class and the third one belongs to poorer
section
(1) I.P. Desai: Should ’caste’ be the Basis for
Recognising Backwardness [1985].
(2) Louise Dumont-Home Hierachicus [1970]
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(3) Caste in Contemporary India: G. Shah [1985].
386
of the caste. This led to the realisation that caste culture
does not help economic interest. In fact the upper crust of
the same caste is verily accused of exploiting the lower
strata of the same caste. It is therefore, rightly argued
that the basis of the caste system namely, purity and
pollution is slowly being displaced by the economic
condition of the various segments of the same caste. It is
recognised on almost all hands that the important feature of
the caste structure are progressively suffering erosion. The
new organisation, the so-called caste organisation, is
substantially different from the traditional structure and
caste councils. Economic differentiation amongst the members
of the caste has become sharp, but not so sharp as to bury
caste sentiments and ties.
If the transformation of the caste structure as herein
indicated is realistically accepted, should the caste label
be still accepted as the basis for determining social and
educational backwardness. In a recent paper by the noted
sociologist Shri I.P. Desai (Alas, he is no more), it has
been ably argued that not a caste but the class or the
social group should be examined with a view to determining
their social and educational backwardness. Caste in rural
society is more often than not mirrored in the economic
power wielded by it and vice versa. Social hierarchy and
economic position exhibit an undisputable mutuality. The
lower the caste, the poorer its members. The poorer the
members of a caste, the lower the caste. Caste and economic
situation, reflecting each other as they do arc the Deus
exMachina of the social status occupied and the economic
power wielded by an individual or class in rural society.
Social status and economic power are so woven and fused into
the caste system in Indian rural society that one may
without hesitation, say that if poverty be the cause, caste
is the primary index of social backwardness, so that social
backwardness is often readily identifiable with reference to
a person’s caste. Such we must recognize is the primeval
force and omnipresence of caste in Indian Society, however,
much we may like to wish it away. So Sadly and oppressively
deep-rooted is caste in our country that it has cut across
even the barriers of religion. The caste system has
penetrated other religious and dissentient Hindu sects to
whom the practice of caste should be anathema and today we
fined that practitioner of other religious faiths and Hindu
dissentients are some times as rigid adherents to the system
of caste as the conservative Hindus . We find Christian
harijans, Christian
387
Madars, Christian Reddys, Christian Kammas, Mujbi Sikhs,
etc. etc. In Andhra Pradesh there is a community known as
Pinjaras or Dudekulas (known in the North as ’Rui Pinjane
Wala’): (Professional cotton-beaters) who are really
Muslims, but are treated in rural society, for all practical
purposes, as a Hindu caste. Several other instances may be
given.
Shared situation in the economic hierarchy, caste
gradation, occupation, habitation, style of consumption,
standard of literacy and a variety of such other factors
appear to go to make towards social and educational
backwardness. In some situations and indeed quite often,
social investigator may easily be able to identify a whole
caste group as a socially and educationally backward class;
he may readily recognise people living in certain areas, say
mountainous, desert a fresh lease of life. In fact there is
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a mad rush for being recognised as belonging to a caste
which by its nomenclature would be included in the list of
socially and educationally backward classes. To illustrate:
Bakshi Commission in Gujrat recognised as many as 82 castes
as being socially and educationally backward. On the
publication of its report, Government of Gujrat received
representations by members of those castes who had not made
any representation to the Bakshi Commission for treating
them as socially and educationally backward. This phenomenon
was noticed by Mandal Commission when it observed: "whereas
the Commission has tried to make the State wise lists of
OBCS as comprehensive as possible, it is quite likely that
severally synonymy of the castes listed backward have been
left out. Certain castes are known by a number of synonymy
which vary from one region to the other and their complete
coverage is almost impossible. Mandal Commission found a p
way out by recommending that if a particular caste has been
treated as backward then all its synonyms whether mentioned
in the State lists or not should also be treated as
backward.(1) Gujrat Government was forced to appoint a
second commission known as Rane Commission Rane Commission
took note of the fact that there was an organised effort for
being considered socially and educationally backward castes.
Rane Commission recalled the observations in Balaji’s case
that ’Social backwardness is on the ultimate analysis the
result of poverty to a very large extent.’ The Commission
noticed that some of the castes just for the sake of being
considered as socially and educationally backward, have
degraded
(1) Mandal Commission Report Vol. Ch. XII p. 55.
388
themselves to such an extent that, they had no hesitation in
attributing different types of vices to and associating
other factors indicative of backwardness, with their castes.
The Commission noted that the malaise requires to be
remedied. The Commission therefore, devised a method for
determining socially and educationally backward classes
without reference to caste, beneficial to all sections of
people irrespective of the caste to which they belong. The
Commission came to an irrefutable conclusion that amongst
certain castes and communities or class of people, only
lower income groups amongst them are socially and
educationally backward. We may recall here a trite
observation in case of N.M.Thomas which reads as under:
"A word of sociological caution. In the light of
experience, here and elsewhere, the danger of
’reservation’, it seems to me, is three-fold. Its
benefits, by and large, are snatched away by the top
creamy layer of the ’backward’ caste or class, thus
keeping the weakest among the week always weak and
leaving the fortunate layers to consume the whole cake.
Secondly, this claim is over played extravagntly in
democracy by large and vocal groups whole burden of
backwardness has been substantially lightened by the
march of time and measures of better education and more
opportunities of employment, but wish to weak the
’weaker section’ label as a means to score over their
near-equals formally categorised as the upper
brackets."
A few other aspects for rejecting caste as the basis
for identifying social and educational backwardness may be
briefly noted. If State patronage for preferred treatment
accepts caste as the only insignia for determining social
and educational backwardness, the danger looms large that
this approach alone would legitimise and perpetuate caste
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system. lt does not go well with our proclaimed secular
character as enshrined in the Preamble to the Constitution.
The assumption that all members of some caste are equally
socially and educationally backward is not well-founded.
Such an approach provides an oversimplification of a complex
problem of identifying the social and educational
backwardness. The Chairman of the Backward Classes
Commission, set up in 1953, after having finalised the
report, concluded that ’it would have been better if we
could determine the criteria of backwardness on principles
other than
389
caste.’(1) Lastly it is recognised without dissent that the
caste based reservation has been usurped by the economically
well-placed section in the same caste. To illustrate, it
may be pointed that some years ago, I came across a petition
for special leave against the decision of the Punjab and
Haryana High Court in which the reservation of 2-1/2" for
admission to Medical and Engineering College in favour of
Majhabi Sikhs was challenged by none other than the upper
crust of the members of the Scheduled Castes amongst Sikhs
in Punjab, proving that the labelled weak exploits the
really weaker. Add to this, the findings of the Research
Planning Scheme of Sociologists assisting the Mandal
Commission when it observed: ’while determining the criteria
of socially and educationally backward classes, social
backwardness should be considered to be the critical element
and educational backwardness to be the linked element though
not necessarily derived from the former.’(2) The team
ultimately concluded that ’social backwardness refers to
ascribed status and educational backwardness to achieved
status, and it considered social backwardness as the
critical element and educational backwardness to be the
linked though not derived element.’ ’The attempt is to
identify socially and educationally backward-classes of
citizens. The caste, as is understood in Hindu Society, is
unknown to Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Jews etc Caste
criterion would not furnish a reliable yardstick to identify
socially and educationally backward group in the
aforementioned communities though economic backwardness
would.
Therefore, a time has come to review the criterion for
identifying socially and educationally backward classes
ignoring the caste label. The only criterion which can be
realistically devised is the one of economic backwardness.
To this may be added some relevant criteria such as the
secular character of the group, its opportunity for earning
livelihood etc. but by and large economic backwardness must
be the load star. Why I say this ?
Chronic poverty is the bane of Indian Society. Market
economic and money spinning culture has transformed the
general behavior of the Society towards its members. Upper
caste does net enjoy the status or respect, traditional,
voluntary or forced any more even in rural areas what to
speak of highly westernised urban society.
(1) Backward Classes Commission Report Vol. I Ch. XIV.
(2) Part 3 Appendix XIII, p. 99 of the Report of the
Team.
390
The bank balance, the property holding and the money power
deter mine the social status of the individual and guarantee
the opportunity to rise to the top echelon. How the wealth
is acquired has lost significance. Purity of means
disappeared with Mahatama Gandhi and we have reached a stage
where ends determine the means. This is the present
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disturbing situation whether one likes it or not. Rane
Commission on the evidence before it and after applying the
relevant tests and criteria observed as under:
"We have found on applying relevant tests and on
the basis of the evidence on record, that there()re
certain castes/communities or classes of people which
are backward, but, only lower income groups amongst
them are socially and educationally backward. In order
to ensure that, no ambiguity remains in regard to the
above aspect, we may add that, the above observations
hold good even in respect of those classes which are
identified as socially and educationally backward
without reference to any caste."(1)
Reservation in one or other form has been there for
decades. If a survey is made with reference to families in
various castes considered to be socially and educationally
backward, about the benefits of preferred treatment, it
would unmistakably show that the benefits of reservations
are snatched away by the top creamy layer of the backward
castes. This has to be avoided at any cost.
If poverty is to be the criterion for determining
social and educational backwardness, we must deal with a
fear expressed by sociologists. It is better to recapitulate
these aspects in the words of a sociologist:
"Now, if the government changes the criteria of
reservation from caste to class, persons from the upper
strata of the lower castes who are otherwise not able
to compete with the upper strata of the upper castes
despite the reservations will be excluded from the
white collar jobs. And the persons from the lower
strata of lower castes will not be able to compete with
their counterpart of the upper castes. They too will be
excluded. This
(1) Report of Rane Commission Chapter XII prge 12.1.
391
will bridge the gap which is otherwise widening between
the rich and the poor of the upper castes and it will
strengthen their caste identity. It will wipe out the
small poor strata of the upper castes at the cost of
the poor strata of lower castes, and in the name of
secularism. In course of time the upper caste will also
become the upper class. Such a process would hamper the
growth of secular forces."(1)
This fear psychosis is effectively answered by an eminent
academic. He says that ’if the poor can be operationally
defined, categorised and sub-categorised and reservation
benefits be stratified accordingly, would the scenario still
haunt use? I think not. He recognised that this point is
valuable in terms of alerting everyone to the need for
further refinement of the notions of poor strata. He
recognised that the State is, with all its limitations and
resources, to direct and plan social transformation. (The
non-revolutionary) choice is between reinforcing ’caste’ or
reinforcing the extant constitutional values ’ (2)
Let me conclude. If economic criterion for compensatory
discrimination or affirmative action is accepted, it would
strike at the root cause of social and educational
backwardness, and simultaneously take a vital step in the
direction of destruction of destruction of caste structure
which in turn would advance the secular character of the
Nation. This approach seeks to translate into reality the
twin constitutional goals: one, to strike at the
perpetuation of the caste stratification of the Indian
Society so as to arrest progressive movement and to take a
firm step towards establishing a casteless society; and two,
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to progressively eliminate poverty by giving an opportunity
to the disadvantaged sections of the society to raise their
position and be part of the mainstream of life which means
eradication of poverty.
Let me make abundantly clear that this approach does
not deal with reservation in favour of Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes. Thousands of years of discrimination and
exploitation cannot be wiped out in one generation. But even
here economic criterion is worth applying by refusing
preferred treatment to those amongst
(1) G. Shah IPW January 17, 1983.
(2) Upendra Baxi, Vice-Chanceller, South Gujarat
University, in ’Caste, Class and Reservations: A Rejoinder
to Ghansham Shah.
392
them who have already benefitted by it and improved their
position. And finally reservation must have a time span
otherwise concessions tend to become vested interests. This
is not a judgment in a lis in adversary system. When the
arguments concluded, a statement was made that the
Government of State of Karanataka would appoint a Commission
to determine constitutionally sound and nationally
acceptable criteria for identifying socially ar d
educationally backward classes of citizens for whose benefit
the State action would be taken. This does not purport to be
an exhaustive essay on guidelines but may point to some
extent, the direction in which the proposed Commission
should move.
CHINNAPA REDDY, J. Over three decades have passed since
we promised ourselves "justice, social, economic and
political" and "equality of status and opportunity". Yet,
even today, we find members of castes, communities, classes
or by whatever name you may describe them, jockeying for
position, trying to elbow each other out, and, viewing with
one another to be named and recognised as ’socially and
educationally backward classes’, to quality for the
’privilege’ of the special provision for advancement and the
provision for reservation that may be made under Art. 15(4)
& 16(4) of the Constitution. The paradox of the system of
reservation is that it has engendered a spirit of self
denigration among the people. Now here else in the world do
castes, classes or communities queue up for the sake of
gaining the backward statue. Nowhere else in the world is
there competition to assert backwardness and to claim ’we
are more backward than you’. This is an unhappy and
disquieting situation, but it is stark reality. Whatever
gloss one may like to put upon it, it is clear from the
rival claims in these appeals and writ petitions that the
real contest here is between certain members of two premier
(population-wise) caste-community-classes of Karnataka, the
Lingayats and the Vokkaligas, each claiming that the other
is not a socially and educationally backward class and each
keen to be included in the list of socially and
educationally backward classes. To them, to be dubbed a
member of the socially and educationally back ward classes
is a passport for entry into professional colleges and State
services; so they jostle with each other and in tho bargain,
some time they keep out and some times they usher in some of
those entitled to legitimate entry, by competition or by
reservation. Commissions have been appointed in the past to
identify the backward classes, Governments have considered
the reports of the commissions, and Courts have scrutinised
the decisions of Governments, Case s have reached the Court
too, then and now again. Once more we are told
393
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that the State of Karnataka is ready to appoint another
commission and they have asked us will you kindly lay down
some guidelines?"
Ours is a country of great economic, social and
cultural diversity. Often we take great pride in the
country’s cultural diversity. While cultural diversity adds
to the splendor of India, the others add to our sorrow and
shame. The social and economic disparties are indeed
despairingly vast. The Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled
Tribes and the other socially and educationally backward
classes, all of whom have been compendiously described as
’the weaker sections of the people’ have long journeys to
make society. They need aid; they need facility; they need
launching; they need propulsion. Their needs are their
demands. The demands are matters of right and not of
philanthropy. They ask for parity, and not charity. The days
of Dronacharya and Ekalavya are over. They claim their
constitutional right to equality of status and of
opportunity and economic and social justice. Several bridges
have to be erected so that they may cross the Rubicon.
Professional education and employment under the State are
thought to be two such bridges. Hence the special provision
for advancement and for reservation under Arts. 15(4) and
16(4) of the Constitution.
Before we attempt to lay down any guidelines for the
benefit of the Commission proposed to be appointed by the
Karnataka Government, will do well to warn ourselves and the
proposed Commission against the pitfalls of the traditional’
approach towards the question of reservation for Scheduled
Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other backward classes which
has generally been superior, elitist and, therefore,
ambivalent. A duty to undo an evil which had been
perpetrated through the generations is thought ’to betoken a
generosity and farsightedness that are rare among nations’.
So a superior and patronising attitude is adopted. The
result is that the claim of the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes and other backward classes to equality as a
matter of human and constitutional right is forgotten and
their rights are submerged in what is described as the
’proferential principle’ or ’protective or compensatory
discrimination’, expression borrowed from American
jurisprudence Unless we get rid of these superior,
patronising and paternalist attitudes, what the French Call
Le mentalite hierarchique, it is difficult to truly
appreciate the problems involved in the claim of the
Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other backward
classes for their legitimate share of the benefits arising
out of their belonging to humanity and to a country
394
whose constitution preaches justice, social, economic and
political and equality of status and opportunity for all.
One of the results of the superior, elitist approach is
that the question of reservation is invariably viewed as the
conflict between the meritarian principle and the
compensatory principle. No, it is not so. The real conflict
is between the class of people, who have never been in or
who have already moved out of the desert of poverty,
illiteracy and backwardness and are entrenched in the oasis
of convenient living and those who are still in the desert
and want to reach the oasis. There is not enough fruit in
the garden and so those who are in, want to keep out those
who are out. The disastrous consequences of the so-called
meritarian principle to the vast majority of the under-
nourished, povetity-stricken, barely literate and vulnerable
people of our country are too obvious to be stated And, what
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is merit ? There is no merit in a system which brings about
such consequences. Is not a child of the Scheduled Castes,
Scheduled Tribes or other backward classes who has been
brought up in an atmosphere of penury, illiteracy and anti-
culture, who is looked down upon by tradition and society,
who has no books and magazines to read at home, no radio to
listen, no T.V. to watch, no one to help him with his home
work, who goes to the nearest local board school and
college, whose parents are either illiterate or so ignorant
and informed that he cannot even hope to seek their advice
on any matter of importance, a child who must perforce
trudge to the nearest public reading room to read a
newspaper to know what is happening in the world, has not
this child got merit if he, with all his disadvantages is
able to secure the qualifying 40% or 50% of the marks at a
competitive examination where the children of the upper
classes who have all the advantages, who go to St. Paul’s
High School and St. Stephen’s College, and who have perhaps
been specially coached for the examination may secure 70, 80
or even 90% of the marks? Surely, a child who has been able
to jump so many hurdles may be expected to do better and
better as he progresses in life. If spring flower he cannot
be, autumn flower he may be. Why than, should he be stopped
at the threshold on an alleged meritarian principle? The
requirements of efficiency may always be safeguarded by the
prescription of minimum standards. Mediocrity has always
triumphed in the past in the case of the upper classes. But
why should the so-called meritarian principle be put against
mediocrity when we come to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled
Tribes and backward classes?
395
Efficiency is very much on the lips of the privileged
whenever reservation is mentioned. Efficiency, it seems,
will be impaired if the total reservation exceeds 50 per
cent; efficiency, it seems, will suffer if the ’carry
forward’ rule is adopted; efficiency, it seems, will be
injured if the rule of reservation is extended to
promotional posts. from the protests against reservation
exceeding 50 per cent or extending to promotional posts and
against the carry-forward rule, one would think that the
civil service is a Heavenly Paradise into which only the
archangels, the chosen of the elite, the very best may enter
and may be allowed to go higher up the ladder. But the truth
is otherwise. The truth is that the civil service is no
paradise and the upper echelons belonging to the chosen
classes are not necessarily models of efficiency. The
underlying assumption that those belonging to the upper
castes and classes, who are appointed to the non-reserved
castes will, because of their presumed merit, ’naturally’
perform better than those who have been appointed to the
reserved posts and that the clear stream of efficiency will
be polluted by the infiltration of the latter into the
sacred precincts is a vicious assumption, typical of the
superior approach of the elitist classes. There is neither
statistical basis nor expert evidence to support these
assumptions that efficiency will necessarily be impaired if
reservation exceeds 50 per cent, if reservation is carried
forward or if reservation is extended to promotional posts.
Arguments are advanced and opinions are expressed entirely
on an ad hoc presumptive basis. The age long contempt with
which the ’superior’ or ’forward’ castes have treated the
’inferior’ or ’backward’ casts is now transforming and
crystalising itself into an unfair prejudice, conscious and
sub-conscious, ever since the ’inferior’ casts and classes
started claiming their legitimate share of the cake, which
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naturally means, for the ’superior’ castes parting with a
bit of it. Although in actual practice their virtual
monopoly on elite occupations and posts is hardly
threatened, the forward castes are nevertheless increasingly
afraid that they might lose this monopoly in the higher
ranks of Government service and the profession. It is so
difficult for the ’superior’ castes to understand and rise
above their prejudice and it is so difficult for the
inferior castes and classes to overcome the bitter prejudice
and opposition which they are forced to face at every stage.
Always one hears the word efficiency as if it is sacrosanct
and the sanctorum has to be fiercely guarded. ’Efficiency’
is not a mantra which is whispered by the Guru in the
Sishya’s ear. The mere securing of high marks at an
examination may not necessarily mark out a good
396
administrator. An efficient administrator, one takes it,
must be one A who possesses among other qualities the
capacity to understand with sympathy and, therefore, to
tackle bravely the problems of a large segment of populating
constituting the weaker sections of the people. And, who
better than the ones belonging to those very sections? Why
not ask ourselves why 35 years after independence, the
position of the Scheduled Castes, etc. has not greatly
improved? Is it not a legitimate question to ask whether
things might have been different, had the District
Administrators and the State and Central Bureaucrats been
drawn in larger numbers from these classes? Courts are not
equipped to answer these questions, but the courts may not
interfere with the honest endeavours of the Government to
find answers and solutions. We do not mean to say that
efficiency in the civil service is necessary or that it is a
myth. All that we mean to say is that one need not make a
fastidious fetish of it. It may be that for certain posts,
only the best may be appointed and for certain courses ! of
study only the best may be admitted [f so, rules may provide
for reservations for appointment to such posts and for
admission to such courses. The rules may provide for no
appropriate method of selection. It may be that certain
posts require a very high degree of skill or efficiency and
certain courses of study require a high degree of industry
and intelligence. If so, the rules may prescribe a high
minimum qualifying standard and an appropriate method of
selection. Different minimum standards and different modes
of selection may be prescribed for different posts and for
admission to different courses of study having regard to the
requirements of the posts and the courses of study. No one
will suggest that the degree t of efficiency required a
cardiac or a neuro-surgeon is the same as the degree of
efficiency required of a general medical practitioner.
Similarly no will suggest that the degree of industry and
intelligence expected of a candidate seeking admission to a
research degree course need be the same as that of a
candidate seeking admission to an ordinary arts degree
course. We do not, therefore, mean to say that efficiency is
to be altogether discounted. All that we mean to say is that
it cannot be permitted to be used as a camouflage to let
that upper classes take advantage of the backward classes in
its name and to monopolise the services, particularly the
higher posts and the professional institutions. We are
afraid we have to rid our minds of many cobwebs before we
arrive at the core of the problem. The quest for equality is
self elusive, we must lose our illusions, though not our
faith. It is the dignity of man to pursue the quest for
equality. It will be advantageous to quote at this juncture
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R.H. Tawney in his classic work equality where he says.
397
"The truth is that it is absurd and degrading for
me to make much of their intellectual and moral
superiority to each other and still more of their
superiority in the arts which bring wealth and power,
because, judged by their place in any universal scheme,
they are infinitely great or infinitely small .. . The
equality which all these thinkers emphasise as
desirable is not equality of capacity or attainment,
but of circumstances, and institutions, and j manner of
life. The equality which they deplore is not the
inequality of personal gifts, but of the social and
economic environment... ...Their views, in short, is
that, because men are men, social institutions-property
rights, and the organisation of industry, and the
system of public health and education-should be
planned, as far as is possible to emphasise and
strengthen, not the class differences which divide but
the common humanity which unite, them.. "
But the controversy between the meritarian and the
compensatory principals cannot be allowed to cloud the
issues before us. An intelligible consequence of the
fundamental rights of equality before the law, equal
protection of the laws, equality of opportunity, etc.,
guaranteed to all citizens under our Constitution is the
right of the weaker sections of the people to special
provision for their admission into educational institutions
and representation in the services. Appreciating the
realities of the situation. and least there by any
misapprehension, the Constitution has taken particular care
to specially mention this right of the weaker sections of
the people in Arts. 15(4) and 16(4) of the Constitution. In
view of Arts. 15(4) and 16(4) the so-called controversy
between the meritarian and compensatory principles is not of
any great significance, though, of course, we do not suggest
efficiency should be sacrificed. The question really is, who
are the scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and backward
classes, who are entitled to special provision and
reservation in regard to admission into educational
institutions and representation in the services. So far as
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are concerned, the
question of their identification stands resolved by the
notifications issued by the President under Part XVI of the
Constitution. The problem is only in regard to the
identification of the other socially and educationally
backward classes. The question really is how to identify
these backward classes to entitle them to entry through the
doors of Arts. 15(4) and 16(4). And, the further question,
naturally, is about the limits of reservation.
398
We are afraid the courts are not necessarily the most
competent to identify the backward classes or to lay down
guidelines for their identification except in broad and very
general way. We are not equipped for that; we have no legal
barometers to measure social backwardness. We are truly
removed from the people, particularly those of the backward
classes, by layer upon layer of gradation and degradation.
And, India is such a vast country that conditions vary from
State to State, region to region, district to district and
from one ethnic religious, linguistic or caste group to
another. A test to identify backward classes which may
appear appropriate when applied to one group of people may
be wholly inappropriate and unreasonable if applied to
another group of people. There can be no universal test;
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there can be no exclusive test; there can be no conclusive
test. In fact, it may be futile to apply any rigid tests.
One may have to look at the generality and the totality of
the situation.
We do generally understand what we mean when we talk of
the richer classes, the poorer classes, the upper middle
class, the lower middle classes, the ruling class, the
privileged class, the working class, the exploited classes,
etc. etc. In what senses the word ’classes’ used in Art.
15(4) and in Art. 16(4) of the Constitution? What is the
meaning of the expression ’socially’ and ’educationally
backward classes’? What does backwardness consist in? To
have a clear understanding of what is meant by
’backwardness’, ’backward classes’ and ’socially and
educationally backward classes’, we must have an idea of
what social inequality is about. Max Weber gives us a three
dimensional picture of social inequality. According to
Weber, the three dimensions are class, status and power. A
person’s class-situation, in the Weber sense, is what he
shares with others, similarly placed in the process of
production, distribution and exchange, a definition of class
which is very near to that of the Marxist conception The
inequality of class depends primarily on inequality of
income and to some extent on an equal opportunity for upward
mobility. persons class, according this definition, is his
shared situation in the economic hierarchy. Status, the
second of Weber’s three dimensions is generally determined
by the style of consumption, though not necessarily by the
source or amount of income. An impoverised aristocrat is
sometimes sought after by the nouveau riche. A desk worker
considers himself superior to a manual worker. A
professional like a doctor or a lawyer is thought to be of
superior status than those belonging to several other walks
of life. Status seems to
399
depend on social attributes and styless of life, including
dress, speech, I occupation, etc., on what R.H. Tawney
describes as ’the tedious A vulgarities of income and social
position.’ Similarly, class and status are not
contemporeaneous with power, though power and class can
often be sen to be closely connected. Power is participation
in the decision making process but those who wield power are
not necessarily the best paid nor the most respected. But,
it is now obvious even to the most superficial observer that
social and political power is wielded in innumerable unseen
ways by those who control economic power. Political power is
remorselessly manipulated by economic power. We, therefore,
see that everyone of the three dimensions propounded by
Weber is intimately and inextricably connected with economic
position. However, we look at the question of
’backwardness’, whether from the angle of class, status or
power, we find the economic factor at the bottom of it all
and we find poverty, the culprit-cause and the dominant
characteristic Poverty, the economic factor brands all
backwardness just as the erect posture brands the
homosapiens and distinguishes him from all other animals, in
the eyes of the beholder from Mars. But, whether his racial
stock is Caucasian, Mongoloid, Negroid, etc., further
investigation will have to be made. So too the further
question of social and educational backwardness requires
further scrutiny. In India, the matter is further
aggravated, complicated and pitilessly tyrannised by the
ubiquitous caste system, a unique and devastating system of
gradation and degradation which has divided the entire
Indian and particularly Hindu society horizontally into such
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distinct layers as to be v destructive of mobility, a system
which has penetrated and corrupted the mind and soul of
every Indian citizen. It is a notorious fact that there is
an upper crust of rural society consisting of the superior
castes, generally the priestla, the landlord and the
merchant castes, there is a bottom strata consisting of the
’out-castes’ of Indian Rural Society, namely the Scheduled
Castes, and, in between the highest and the lowest, there
are large segments of population who because of the law
gradation of The caste to which they belong in the rural
society hierarchy, because of the humble occupation which
they pursue , because of their poverty and ignorance are
also condemned to backwardness, social and educational,
backwardness which prevents them from competing on equal
terms to catch up with the upper crust
Any view of the caste system, class or cursory, will at
once reveal the firm links which the caste system has with
economic power. Land and learning, two of the primary
sources of economic power in
400
India have till recently been the monopoly of the superior
castes. Occupational skills were practised by the middle
castes and in the economic system prevailing till now they
could rank in the system next only to the castes
constituting the landed and the learned gentry. The lowest
in the hierarchy where those who were assigned the meanest
task, the out-castes who wielded no economic power. The
position of a caste in rural society is more often than not
mirroned in the economic power wielded by it and vice versa.
Social hierarchy and economic position exhibit an
undisputable mutuality. The lower the caste, the poorer its
members. The poorer the members of a caste lower the caste.
Caste and economic situation, reflecting each other as they
do are the Deus ex-Machina of the social status occupied and
the economic power wielded by an individual or class in
rural society. Social status and economic power are so woven
and fused into the caste system in Indian rural society that
one may without hesitation, say that if poverty be the
cause, caste is the primary index of social backwardness, so
that social backwardness is often readily identifiable with
reference to a person’s caste. Such we must recognised is
the primeval force and omnipresence of caste in Indian
Society, however, much we may like to wish it away. So Sadly
and oppressively deep-rooted is caste in our country that it
has out across even the barriers of religion. The caste
system has penetrated other religious and dissentient Hindu
sects to whom the practice of caste should be anathema and
today we find that practitioner of other religious faiths
and Hindu dissentients are some times as rigid adherents to
the system of caste as the conservative Hindus. We find
Christian harijans, Christian Madars, Christian Reddys,
Christian Kammas, Mujbi Sikhs, etc. etc. In Andhra Pradesh
there is a community known as Pinjaras or Dudekulas (known
in the North as ’Rui Pinjane Wala’): Professional cotton-
beaters) who are really Muslims, but are trated in rural
society, for all practical purposes, as a Hindu. caste
Several other instances may be given.
Shared situation in the economic hierarchy, caste
gradation, occupation, habitation, style of consumption,
standard of literacy and a variety of such other factors
appear to go to made towards social and educational
backwardness. In some situations and indeed quite often,
social investigator may easily be able to identify a whole
caste group as a socially and educationally backward class;
he may readily recognise people living in certain areas, say
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mountainous, desert or forest regions, as socially and
educationally backward classes; he may freely perceive those
pursuing certain ’Lowly’ accusations as socially and
educationally backward classes: he may, without difficulty,
distinguish the very poor and the destitute as socially and
educationally
401
backward classes. The social investigator may be able to do
all this by field-reasearch. study, observation, collection
and interpretation of data, application of common though not
rigid standards. We will refer to these aspects of the
question later in our judgment.
With these prefatory, general observations, we may now
refer to the relevant Constitutional provisions. Part XVI of
the Constitution concerns itself with "Special provisions
relating to certain classes". The classes in regard to which
the constitution-makers thought fit to make special
provision are the Scheduled Caste, the Scheduled Tribes, the
Anglo-Indian community and the socially and educationally
backwardness classes
Articles 330 and 332 provide for reservation of seats
for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the House of
the People and the Legislative Assembles of the State.
Articles 331 and 333 provide for representation of the
Anglo-Indian Community in the House of the People and the
Legislative Assemblies of the States. Article 334 provides
that the reservation and special representation are to cease
after 30 years. There is no reservation or special
representation for socially and educationally backward
classes either in the House of the People or in the
Legislative Assemblies of the State.
Article 335 imposes a constituently obligation to take
into consideration the claims of members of the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes, in the making of appointments
to the services and posts in connection with the affairs of
the Union or of the States, consistently with the
maintenance of efficiency of administration. Articles 336
and 337 make certain special provisions for the Anglo-Indian
Community in certain services and with respect to
educational grants for the benefit of that community.
Article 341 empowers the President, with respect to any
State (after consultation with the Governor) or Union
Territory, to specify, by public notification, the castes,
the races or tribes or parts or groups within castes, races
or tribes which shall, for the purposes of the Constitution,
be deemed to be Scheduled Castes in relation to that State
or Union Territory as the case may be. A notification so
issued by the President is not to be varied by any
subsequent notification, but may only be varied by law,
made, by Parliament. Article 342 makes a similar provisions
with respect to Scheduled Tribes.
Article 340 empowers the President to appoint a
commission to investigate the conditions of socially and
educational
402
ly backward classes within the territory of Indian and the
difficulties under which they labour and to make
recommendations as to the steps that should be taken by the
Union to remove such difficulties and to improve their
conditions and as to the grants that should be made for that
purpose by the Union or by the State. The report of the
Commission which is to set out the facts and make
recommendations is required to be laid before each House of
Parliament, together with a memorandum explaining the action
taken thereon.
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Article 338 enjoins the appointment of a special
officer for the Scheduled Tribes by the President whose duty
is to investigate all matters relating to the safeguards
provided for the Scheduled Castes and Schedule Tribes under
the Constitution and to report to the President upon the
working of those safeguards at such intervals as may be
directed by the President. The reports are to be laid before
each House of Parliament. Article 338(3) expressly provides
that n under Art. 338 references to the Scheduled Castes
Scheduled Tribes shall be construed as in including
references to such other backward classes as the President
may on receipt of the report of a Commission appointed under
Art. 34a(1). specify and also the Anglo-Indian community.
Thus, while there is a special provision for
reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes in the House of the People and the Legislative
Assemblies of the States and a provision for the
representation of the Anglo-Indian Community in the House of
the People and the Legislative Assemblies of the States,
there is no such provision for reservation of seats for or
reservation socially and educationally backward classes in
the House of the People or the Legislative Assemblies of the
States. Again, while under Art. 335, there is a
constitutional obligation to consider the claims of the
members of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the
making of appointments to services and posts in connection
with the affairs of the Union and the States and there is a
special provision for the Anglo-Indian Community in certain
services for a limited period. There is no corresponding
provision for the socially and educationally backward
classes. But there is a provision under Art. 340 of the
Constitution for the appointment of a Commission to
investigate the conditions of socially and educationally
backward classes and to recommend the steps to be taken to
ameliorate such conditions.
403
Article 14 of the Constitution, stated in positive
language, guarantees to every person equality before the law
and equal protection of the laws, Article 15(1) prohibits
the State from discriminating against any citizen on grounds
only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of birth or any of
them. Article 22(2) similarly prohibits the denial of
admission into any educational institution maintained by the
State or receiving aid out of State funds on grounds only of
religion, race, caste, language or any of them. While Art.
15(3) States that nothing in Art. 15 shall prevent the State
from making any special provision for women and children,
Art. 15(4) provides, "Nothing in this Article or in clause
(2) of Art. 29 shall prevent the State from making and
special provision for the advancement of any socially,
educationally backward classes of citizens or for the
Scheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes." Art. 16 deals with
equality of opportunity in matters of public employment.
Art. 16(1) provides that there shall be equality of
opportunity in matters relating employment or appointment to
any office under the State, and Art. 16(2) prohibits
discrimination on grounds only of religion, race, caste,
sex, descent, place of birth, residence or any of them. Art.
16(4) States, "nothing in this Article shall prevent the
State from making any provision for the reservation of
appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of
citizens which, in the opinion of the "that, is not
adequately represented in the services under the State. We
are primarily concerned in this case with the question as to
who are socially and educationally backward classes of
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citizens mentioned in Art. 15(4) and the backward class of
citizens, not adequately represented in the services under
the State mentioned in Art. 16(4).
We see that while Art. l 5(4) contemplates "special
provision for the advancement of any socially and
educationally backward classes of citizens or for the
Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes", Art. 16(4)
speaks of ’provision for the reservation of appointments or
posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in
the opinion of the State is not adequately represented in
services under the State"- Now, it is not suggested that the
socially and educationally backward classes of citizens and
the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes from whom
special provision for advancement is contemplated by Art-
15(4) are distinct and separate from the backward classes of
citizens who are adequately represents in the services under
the State for whom reservation of posts and appointments is
contemplated by Art. 16(4). ’The backward classes of
citizens’ referred to in Art. 16(4), despite the short
description, are the same
404
as the socially and educationally backward classes of
citizens and the A scheduled castes and the Scheduled
Tribe’, 90 fully described in Art. 15(4): Vide Trilokinath
Tiku v. State of Jammu and Kashmir and other cases. However,
for the purposes of Art. 16(4) it is further necessary that
the Backward classes should not be adequate in the services.
Again, and quite obviously, ’special provision for
advancement’ is a wide expression and may include many more
things besides ’mere reservation of seats in colleges.’ It
may be by way of financial assistance, free medical,
educational and hostel facilities, scholarships, free
transport, concessional or free housing, exemption from
requirements insisted upon in the case of other classes al-
so on. We are not, for the time being, concerned with the
mode advancement, other than reservation of seats in
college, we observe that under Art. 16(4), reservation is to
be made to benefit those backward classes, who in the
opinion of the Government are not adequately represented, in
the services. Reservation must, therefore, be aimed at
securing adequate representation. It must follow that the
extent of reservation must match the inadequacy of
representation. There is no reason why this guideline
furnished by the Constitution itself should not also be
adopted for the purposes Or Art. 15(4) too. For example, the
extent of reservation of seats in professional colleges may
conveniently be determined with reference to the inadequacy
of representation in the various profession. Similarly, the
extent of reservation in other colleges may be determined
with reference to the inadequacy in the number of graduates,
etc. Naturally, if the lost ground is to be gained. the
extent of reservation may even have to be slightly higher
than the percentage of population of the backward classes.
Since these questions are not altogether res integra,
it will be useful to refer to a few of the earlier opinions
of this Court touching upon this question.
Until Thomas(1) came on the scene, Balaji(2) was
considered by many as the magnum opus on reservations.
Balaji was also a case from Karnataka. The very first
sentence of the judgment of a Gajendragadkar, J.. is a
revelation of the frustrating task that the Government of
Karnataka has been undertaking these several years. The
first sentence says: "Since 1958, the State of Mysore has
been
(l) [1976] 1 S.C.R. 906.
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(2) [1963] Suppl. I S.C.R,4 39
405
endeavouring to make a special provision for the advancement
of the socially and educationally backward classes af
citizens in the State A of Mysore under Art. 15(4) of the
Constitution and every time when an order is passed in that
behalf, its validity has been challenged by writ
proceedings. Four previous orders passed in that behalf were
challenged by writ proceedings taken against the State under
Art. 226". Balaji was concerned with the question of the
validity of the reservation made under Art. 15(4) of the
Constitution in regard to admission to the medical colleges
of the Mysore and Karnataka Universities. 28 per cent of the
seats were reserved for Backward Classes so-called, 20
percent for more Backward classes, 15 per cent for Scheduled
Castes and 3 per cent for Scheduled Tribes, making a total
of 68 per cent of the seats available for the reserved
category only and 32 per cent for the general category,
described in the judgment as "merit pool". The reservation
was generally made on the basis of the report of the Nagan
Gowda Committee appointed by the State Government. The court
found that the Committee approached the problem of
enumerating and classifying these socially and educationally
backward communities on the basis that social backwardness
depended substantially on the caste to which the community
belonged, though it recognised that economic condition may
be a contributing factor. according to the court, the
Committee virtually equated ’classes’ with castes’. The
court observed that in dealing with the question as to
whether any class of citizens were socially backward or not,
it might not be irrelevant to consider the caste of the said
citizens but the importance of caste should not be
exaggerated. rt was observed that caste could not be made
the sole or dominant test to determine- the social
backwardness of group or classes of citizens. It was noted
that social backwardness was in the ultimate analysis the
result of poverty, to a very large extent. It was also
noticed that the occupation of citizens might also
contribute to make classes of citizens socially
backwardness. As the Nagam Gowda Committee had adopted the
caste test as the predominant test, if not the sole test,
without regard to the other factor- which were undoubtedly
relevant, the court expressed the vice the classification
made by the Committee of socially backward communities was
invalid. In passing, at one place, it was remarked that the
Backward Classes of citizens for whom special provision was
authorised to be made, were treated by Art. 15(4) itself, as
being similar to the Scheduled Castes and Tribes. It was
observed that the Backward Classes were in the matters of
their backwardness comparable to Scheduled Castes and
Tribes. Based on these observations and the juxta
406
position of the expressions Scheduled Castes, Scheduled
Tribes and A socially and educationally backward classes in
Art. 15 and Art. 338, it was suggested by the learned
counsel for the petitioner that the socially backward
classes of people were those whose status and standard of
living was very much the same as those of the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes. We do not think that these
observations were meant to lay down any proposition that the
socially Backward Classes were those classes of people,
whose conditions of life were very nearly the same as those
of the Scheduled Castes and Tribes. We say so first because
of the inappropriateness of applying the ordinary rules of
statutory interpretations to interpret constitutional
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instruments which are sui generies and which deal with
situations of significance and consequence. It is not enough
to exhibit a Marshallian awareness that we are expounding a
Constitution; we must also remember that we are expounding a
Constitution born in the mid-twentieth century, but of an
anti-imperialist struggle, influenced by Constitutional
instruments, events and revolutions elsewhere, in search of
a better world, and winded to the idea of justice,
economic, social and political to all. such a Constitution
must be given a generous interpretation so as to give all
its citizens the full measure of justice promised by it. The
expositors of the Constitution are to concern themselves
less with mere words and arrangement of words than with the
philosophy and the prevading ’spirit and sense’ of the
Constitution, so elaborately exposed for our guidance in the
Directive Principles of State Policy and other provisions of
the Constitution. Now, anyone acquainted with the rural
scene in India would at once recognise the position that the
Scheduled Castes occupy a peculiarly degraded position and
are treated, not as persons of caste at all, but as
outcastes. Even the other admittedly backward classes shun
them and treat them as inferior beings. It was because of
the special degradation to which they had been subjected
that the Constitution itself had to come forward to make
special provision for them. There is no point in attempting
to determine the social backwardness of other classes by
applying the test of nearness to the conditions of existence
of the Scheduled Castes. Such a test would practically
nullify the provision for reservation for socially and
educationally Backward Classes other than Scheduled Castes
and Tribes. Such a test would perpetuate the dominance of
the existing upper classes. Such a test would take a
substantial majority of the classes who are between the
upper classes and the Scheduled Castes and Tribes out of the
category of backward classes and put them at a permanent
disadvantage. Only the ’enlightened’ classes of body will
capture all the ’open’ posts and seats and the reserved
posts and
407
seats will go to the Scheduled Castes and Tribes and those
very near the Scheduled Castes and Tribes. The bulk of those
behind the ’enlightened’ classes and ahead of the near
Scheduled Castes and Tribes would be left high and dry, with
never a chance of imposing themselves .
Earlier we mentioned that poverty was regarded by the
Court as the prime cause of social backwardness. It was said
at page 460, "Social backwardness is on the ultimate
analysis the result of poverty, to a very large extent. The
classes of citizens who are deplorably poor automatically
become socially backward. They do not enjoy a status in
society and have, therefore, to be content to take a
backward seat. It is true that social backwardness which
results from poverty is likely to be aggravated by
considerations of caste to which the poor citizens may
belong, but that only shows the relevance of both caste and
poverty in determining the backwardness of citizens". We
only add that there is an overpowering mutuality between
poverty and caste on the Indian scene. Again, referring to
some scheme formulated by the Maharashtra Government for
financial assistance the Court observed, "However, we may
observe that if any State adopts such a measure, it may
afford relief to and assist the advancement of the Backward
Classes in the State, because backwardness social and
educational, in ultimately and primarily duties for
proverty". Recognising poverty as the true source of the
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evil of social and economic backwardness and caste as a
relevant factor in determining backwardness, the Court also
noticed occupation and habitation as two other important
contributing factors and finally stressed the need for a
penetrating investigation. It was said,
"The occupations of citizens may also contribute
to make classes of citizens socially backward. There
are some occupations which are treated as inferior
according to conventional beliefs and classes of
citizens who follow these occupations are apt to become
socially backward. The place of habitation also plays
not a minor part in determining the backwardness of a
community of persons. In a sense, the problem of social
backwardness is the problem of Rural India and in that
behalf, classes of citizens occupying a socially
backward position in rural area fall within the purview
of Art. 15(4). The problem of deter mining who are
socially backward classes is undoubtedly very complex.
Sociological, social and economic considerations come
into play in solving the problem and
408
evolving proper criteria for determining which classes
are A socially backward is obviously a very difficult
task. It will need an elaborate investigation and
collection of data and examining the said data in a
rational and scientific way".
The Balaji Court then proceeded to consider the
question of educational backwardness. The Nagan Gowda
Committee had dealt with the question on the basis of the
average of the student population in the last three High
school classes of all High Schools in the State in relation
to a thousand citizens of that community. The Committee was
of the view that all castes whose average was less than the
State average should be regarded as Backward communities and
those whose average was less than 50 per cent of the State
average should be regarded as More Backward. The Court took
the view that the adoption of the test of the last three
High School classes might be a little high. but even if it
was not considered high, it was not right to treat
communities which were just below the State average as
backward. There can be divergence of views on this question.
Where the State average itself is abysmally low, there is no
reason why classes of people whose average was slightly
above, or very near, or just below the State average, should
be excluded from the list of Backward Classes. The adoption
of the State average or the 50 per cent of the State average
test might lead to quite arbitrary results and This surely
cannot be a matter in which the court should try to impose
its views.
In fact while observing: "if the test has to be applied
by a reference to the State average of student population,
the legitimate view to take would be that the classes of
citizens, whose average is well or substantially below the
State average, can be treated as educationally backward,"
the court also observed, ’ On this point again we do not
propose to lay down any hard and fast rule; it is for the
State to consider the matter and decide in a manner which is
consistent with the requirements of Art. 15(4)".
It was also observed in Balaji that the sub-
classification made by the reservation order between
Backward Classes and More Back ward Classes did not appear
to be justified under Art. 15(4) as it appeared to be a
measure devised to benefit all the classes of citizens who
were less advanced when compared with the most advanced
classes in the State, and that was not the scope of Art.
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15(4). A result of the sub-classification was that nearly 90
per cent of the
409
population of the State was treated as backward. The
propriety of such a course may be open to question on the
facts of each case, but A we do not see why on principle
there cannot be :3 classification into Backward Classes and
More Backward Classes, if both Classes are not merely a
little behind, but far far behind the most advanced classes
In fact such a classification would be necessary to help the
More Backward Classes; otherwise those of the Backward
Classes who might be a little more advanced than the More
Backward Classes might walk away with all the seats, just
as, if reservation was confined to the More Backward Classes
and no reservation was made to the slightly more advanced
Backward Classes the most advanced Classes would walk away
with all the seats available for the general category
leaving none for the Backward Classes. All that we can say
is that sub-classification may be permissible if there are
classes of people who are definitely far behind the advanced
classes but ahead of the very backward classes.
One may say the same thing about the adoption of the
average of the student population in the last three High
School Classes of all High Schools in the State in relation
to a thousand citizens of that community as the basis for
assessing relative Backwardness. Balaji thought it was a
little high but surely other views are possible. In fact
considering the wide spread of elementary education, one
would think the basis should be pushed up higher. Having
regard to the availability of elementary schools in rural
areas, more and more boys of the backward Classes may become
literate. But it is a long way from ceasing to be
educationally backward. As one goes up class by class it as
a notorious fact that there are more ’drop-outs’ from the
boys of the backward classes than from the boy of the
forward classes. The adoption of a lower basis to assess
educational backwardness may give a wholly false picture.
After all, if one is considering the question of admission
to professional colleges or of appointment to posts, the
basis possibly should be the average number of students of
that community who have passed the examination prescribed as
the minimum qualification for admission to professional
colleges, say in the last three years, and perhaps the
average number of persons of that community who have
graduated is the last three years, since graduation is
generally the minimum qualification for most posts possibly,
the extent of reservation may even vary with reference to
the class of post. This is a matter for evaluation by
experts.
410
The Balaji Court then considered the question of the
extent of the special provision which the State would be
competent to make under Art. 15(4). Here the Court brought
in the so-called meritarian principle and thought that large
reservation would inevitably affect efficiency. We may
perhaps, mention here what a noted sociologist had to say:
"So the leading anti-reservationists by hand to find
nationalizations for their campaigns. A favourite one is to
conjure up the image of a phoney juxtaposition; on one side
is ’merit’ shown up by candidates on the open list, on the
other side is ’incompetence’, represented b those on the
reserved list Hence-so the argument runs-if reservations are
maintained, standards in the medical professions (or in
other professions and senior Government posts) will be
deleted. Indeed (it is claimed) there is serious risk that
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patients will die if they are treated by (backward’ doctors
who have reached their positions through reservations. (Such
allegations are constantly repeated although they are
patently false; in the final at the postgraduate level, the
minimum qualifying marks are identical for all candidates,
irrespective of their origin.)"(’) We should think that is a
matter for experts in management and administration. There
might be posts or technical courses for which only the best
can be admitted and others might be posts and technical
courses for which minimum qualification would also serve.
The percentage of reservations is not a matter upon which a
court may pronounce with no 1 material at hand. For a court
to say that reservations should not exceed 40 per cent, 50
per cent or 60 per cent, would be arbitrary and the
Constitution does not, permit us to be arbitrary. Though in
the Balaji case, the court thought that generally and in a
broad way a special provision should be less than 50 per
cent, and how much less than 50 per cent would depend upon
the relevant prevailing circumstances in each case, the
court confessed. "In this matter again, we are reluctant to
say definitely what would be a proper provision to make."
All that the court would finally say was that in the
circumstances of the case before them, a reservation of 68
per cent was inconsistent with Art. 15(4) of the
Constitution. We are not prepared to read Balaji as
arbitrarily laying down 50 per cent as the outer limit of
reservation. What precisely was decided by Balaji has been
summed up by the Court itself at page 471 of the S.C.R. in
the following words:
(1) Ruth Glass: Divided and degraded: the downtrodden
people of India, (Monthly Review July-August) 1982.
411
"We have already noticed that the impugned order in
the present case has categorised the Backward Classes on the
sole basis of caste A which, in our opinion, is not
permitted by Art. 15(4): and we have also held that the
reservation of 68 per cent made by the impugned order is
plainly inconsistent with the concept of the special
provision authorised by Art. 15(4). therefore, it follows
that the impugned order is a fraud on the Constitutional
power conferred on the State by Art. 15(4)".
We must repeat here, what we have said earlier, that
there is no scientific statistical data or evidence of
expert administrators who have made any study of the problem
to support the opinion that reservation in excess Or 5()
percent may impair efficiency. It is a rule of thumb and
rules of the thumb are not for judges to lay down to solve
complicated sociological and administrative problems.
Sometimes, it is obliquely suggested that excessive
reservation is indulged in as a mere votecatching device.
Perhaps so, perhaps not. One can only say ’out of evil
cometh good’ and quicker the redemption of the oppressed
classes, so much the better for the nation. Our observations
are not intended to show the door to genuine efficiency.
Efficiency must be a guiding factor but not a smokes-cream.
All that a Court may legitimately say is that reservation
may h not be excessive. It may not be so excessive as to be
oppressive; it may not be so high as to lead to a necessary
presumption of unfair exclusion of everyone else.
In R. Chiralekha v. State of Mysore,(’) the Supreme
Court upheld that classification of socially and
educationally backward classes made on the basis of economic
condition and occupation, without reference to caste.
According to the Government order, a family whose income was
Rs. 1200 per annum or less and persons or classes following
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occupations of agriculture petty business, inferior services
crafts or other occupations involving manual labour, were in
general, socially and educationally backward. The Government
listed the following occupations as contributing to social
backwardness; (1) actual cultivators; (2) artisan; (3)
inferior services (i.e. Class IV in Government Services and
corresponding class or service in private employment)
including casual labour; and (4) any other occupation
involving manual labour. Th is criteria was adopted by the
Government as a temporary measure pending further detailed
study. The order did not take into consideration as a
criterion for backwardness the caste of an applicant.
Relying heavily on Balaji,
(1) [1964] 6 S.C.R.368.
412
the Mysore High Court held that the scheme adopted by the
Government was most imperfect as in their opinion in
addition to the occupation and poverty tests, the study
should have adopted the caste test as well as the
"residence" test in making the classification. It also
observed that the decision in the Balaji case said that the
caste basis was undoubtedly a relevant, nay an important
basis in deter mining the classes of backward Hindus but it
should not be made the sole basis. Subba Rao, J., speaking
for this Court, explained how the Mysore High Court had
misunderstood Balaji and observed:
"While this Court said that caste is only a
relevant circumstance and that it cannot be the
dominant test in ascertaining the backwardness of a
class of citizens, the High Court said that it is an
important basis in determining the class of backward
Hindus and that the Government should have adopted
caste as one of the test. As the said observations made
by the High Court may lead to some confusion in the
mind of the authority concerned who may be entrusted
with the duty of prescribing the rules for ascertaining
the backwardness of classes of citizens within the
meaning of Art. 15(4) of the Constitution, we would
hasten to make it clear that caste is only a relevant
circumstance in ascertaining the backwardness of a
class and there is nothing in the judgment of this
Court which precludes the authority concerned from
determining the social backwardness of a group of
citizens if it can do so without reference to caste.
While this Court has not included caste from
ascertaining the backwardness of a class of citizens,
it has not made it one of the compelling circumstances
affording a basis for the ascertaining of backwardness
of a class. To put it differently, the au- thority
concerned may take caste into consideration in
ascertaining the backwardness of a group of persons;
but, if it does not, its order will not be bad on that
account, if it can ascertain the backwardness of a
group of person on the basis of other relevant
criteria."
Later he further proceeded to explain:-
"This interpretation will carry out the intention
of the Constitution expressed in the aforesaid Article.
It helps the really backward classes instead of
promoting the interests of individuals or groups who,
though they
413
belong to a particular caste a majority where of si
socially and educationally backward, really belong to a
class A which is socially and educationally advanced.
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To illust rate, take a caste in a State which is
numerically the largest therein. It may be that though
a majority of the people in that caste are socially and
educationally backward, an effective minority may be
socially and edu- cationally for more advanced than
another small sub-caste the total number of which is
far less than the said minority. If we interpret the
expression "Classes" as "caster ’, the object of the
Constitution will be frustrated and the people who do
not deserve any advertitious aid may get it to the
exclusion of those who really deserve. This anomaly
will not arise if, without equating caste with class,
caste is taken as only one of the considerations to
ascertain whether a person belongs to a backward class
or not. On the other hand, if the entire sub-caste, by
and large, is backwardness, it may be included in the
Scheduled Castes by following the appropriate procedure
laid down by the Constitution".
Evidently recognising the difficulty be-setting any
attempt by a Court to lay down inflexible criteria, he
pointed out:
’We do not intend to lay down any inflexible rule
for the Government to follow. The laying down of
criteria for ascertainment of social and educational
backwardness of a class is a complex problem depending
upon many circumstances which may vary from State to
State and even from place to place in a State. But what
we l? intend to emphasize is that under no
circumstances a "class" can be equated to a "caste",
though the caste of an individual or a group of
individual may be considered along with other relevant
factors in putting him in a particular class. We would
also like to make it clear that if in a given situation
caste is excluded in ascertaining a class within the
meaning of Art. 15(4) of the Constitution, it does not
vitiate the classification if it satisfied other
tests."
In Rajendran v. State of Madras(l) Ramaswami, J. took care
to say,
(1) [1968] I S.C.R. 721.
414
".. if the reservation in question had been based
A only on caste and had not taken into account the
social and educational backwardness of the caste in
question, it would be violative of Art. 15(1) But it
must not be for gotten that a caste is also a class of
citizens and if the caste as a whole is socially and
educationally backward reservation can be made in
favour of such a caste on the ground that it is a
socially and educationally backward class of citizens
within the meaning of Art. 15(4) . .. It is true that
in the present cases the list of socially and
educationally backward classes has been specified by
caste. But that does not necessarily means that caste
was the sole consideration and that person belonging to
these castes are also not a class of socially and
educationally backward citizens."
In State of Andhra Pradesh v. P. Sagar,(l) Shah, J.
Observed,
"In the context in which it occurs the expression
"class" means a homogeneous section of the people
ground together because of certain likeness or common
traits and who are identifiable by some common
attributes such as status, rank, occupation, residence
in a locality, race, religion and the like. In
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determining whether a particular section forms a class,
caste cannot be excluded altogether. But in the
determination of a class a test solely based upon the
caste or community cannot also be accepted-
...................................................
....... Reservation may be adopted to advance the
interests of weaker sections of society, but in doing so,
case must be taken to see that deserving and qualified
candidates are not excluded from admission to higher
educational institutions. The criterion for determining the
backwardness must not be based solely on religion, race,
caste, sex or place of birth, and the backwardness being
social and educational must be similar to the backwardness
from which the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes
suffer".
(1) [1998] 3 S.C.R. 595.
415
In Tirloki Nath v. State of Jammu & Kashmir,(l) the
Court held that while it was open to the State to make a
provision for reservation of appointments or posts in favour
of socially and educationally backward classes, it could not
distribute the number of posts or appointments on the basis
of community or place or residence. An order of the
Government of Jammu and Kashmir reserving 50 per cent of the
vacancies for the Muslims of Kashmir (entire State), 40 per
cent for the Jammu Hindus and 10 per cent for the Kashmiri
Hindus was struck down. It was pointed out that the
expression "backward class" was not used as synonymous with
backward caste or backward community but it was noticed,
"The members of an entire caste or community may in the
social, economic and educational scale of values at a given
time be backward and may on that account be treated as a
backward class, but that is not because they are members of
a caste or community, but because they form a class". The
Court further said:
In its ordinary connotation the expression "class"
means a homogeneous section of the people grouped
together because of certain likenesses or common
traits, and who are identifiable by some common
attributes such as status, rank, occupation, residence
in a locality, race, religion and the like. But for the
purpose of Art. 16(4) in determining whether a section
forms a class, a test 1 solely based on caste,
community, race, religion, sex descent, place of birth
or residence cannot be adopted, because it would
directly offend the Constitution".
In A. Peeriakatuppan v. State of Tamil Nadu,(’) the
Court observed:
"A caste has always been recognised as a class.
there is no gain saying the fact that there are
numerous castes in this country which are socially and
educationally backward. To ignore their existence is to
ignore the facts of life."
In State of Andhra Pradesh v. Balaram(3), the order of
the Government of Andhra Pradesh enumerating the socially
and
(1) [1969] 1 S.C.R. 103
(2) [1971] 1 S.C.C.38.
(3) A.l.R. 1972 S.C. 1375.
416
educationally backward classes for the purpose of admission
into the A medical colleges of the State had been struck
down by the High Court on the ground that the Government
Order was based on the report of the Backward Classes
Commission which had adopted caste as the main basis to
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determine who were backward classes and this was contrary to
the decision of the Court in Balaji. It had also been held
by the High Court that the Commission had committed a
mistake in adopting the average of student population per
thousand of a particular class or community in the 10th or
11th classes with reference to the State average for the
purpose of determining educational backwardness. Even so the
percentage of literacy of some groups included in the list
of backward classes was well above the State average. The
High Court had further held that the Commission had ignored
the principle that the social and educational backwardness
of persons classified in the list should be comparable or
similar to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes- The
Commission had committed a further mistake in subdividing
the groups into more backward and less backward classes. It
was urged before this Court that the principles thought to
have been laid down in Balaji, Chitralekha and Sagar that
Art. 15(4) was to be read as a proviso to Arts. 15(1) and
29(2) and that in the matter of backwardness that backward
classes must be comparable to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes, were wrong and required to be re-considered. The
Court found that it was not necessary for them to consider
this aspect of the matter as in the particular case before
them, they were factually satisfied that classes enumerated
as backward, were really socially and educationally
backward. The Court however took care to say:
"It must be pointed out that none of the above
decisions lay down that social and educational
backwardness must be exactly similar in all respects to
that of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
" The contention that backward classes were classified on
the basis of caste was met with the following observation:
"No doubt, we are aware that that any provision {I
made under this clause must be within the well defined
limits and should not be on the basis of caste alone.
But it should not also be missed that a caste as such
may be socially and educationally backward. If after
collecting
417
the necessary data, it is found that the caste as a
whole is socially and educationally backward, in our
opinion, A the reservation made of such persons will
have to be up held notwithstanding the fact that a few
individuals in that group may be both socially and
educationally above the general average. There is no
gain saying the fact that there are numerous castes in
the Country, which are socially and educationally
backward and therefore a suitable provision will have
to be made by the State as charge in Article 15(4) to
safeguard their interest....................
............................................................
............. the members of an entire caste or community
may in the social economic, and educational scale of
values, at a given time be backward and may on that account
be treated as backward classes, but that is not because they
are members of a caste of community but because they form a
class. Therefore, it is clear that there may be instances of
an entire caste or a community being socially and
educationally backward for being considered to be given
protection under Art. 15(4)............................
......................................................
To conclude, though prima facie the list of Backward
Classes which is under attack before us may be
considered to be on the basis of caste, a closer
examination will clearly show that it only a
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description of the group following the particular
occupations or professions, exhaustively referred to by
the Commission."
The Court then proceeded to observe that the question
before them was whether the Backward Classes Commission had
relevant data and material before it for enumerating the
classes of persons to be included in the list of backward
classes was a real question and not whether the Commission
was scientifically accurate in conclusion. The Court
expressed its satisfaction that there was sufficient
relevant material to justify the Commission’s conclusion and
added:-
"No doubt there are a few instances where the
educational average is slightly above the State
average, but that circumstance by itself is not enough
to strike down the entire list. In fact, even there it
is seen that when the whole class in which that
particular group is included, is considered the average
works out to be less
418
than the State average. Even assuming there are a few A
categories which are a little above the State average,
in literacy, that is a matter for the State to be taken
note of and review the position of such categories of
persons and take a suitable decision."
Referring to the observations in Balaji regarding the test
of average student population in the last three High Court
School classes it was said:
"These observations made by this Court in the
above decisions have, in our opinion, been misapplied
by the High Court to the case in hand. lt has proceeded
on the basis that it is axiomatic that the educational
average of the class should not be calculated on the
basis of the student population in the last three high
school classes and that only those classes whose
average is below the State average, that can be treated
as educationally back ward. This Court has only
indicated the broad principles to be kept in view when
making the provision under Art. 15(4)."
In Janki Prasad Parimoo v. State of Jammu & Kashmir the
Court noticed the link between economic backwardness and
social and educational backwardness and observed -
"In India, social and educational backwardness is
further associated with economic backwardness and it is
observed in Balaji’s case referred to above that
backwardness, socially and educationally is ultimately
and primarily due to poverty."
Having said this the Court was not prepared to lay down
poverty as the exclusive test on the ground that a large
proportion of the population in India was poverty stricken
and if poverty was made the sole test for reservation, a
resourceless situation might arise. It was said,
"But if poverty is the exclusive test, a very
large proportion of the population in India would have
to be regarded as socially and educationally backward
and if reservations are made only on the ground of
economic
419
considerations, an untenable situation may arise
because even in sectors which are recognised as
socially and educationally advanced, there are large
pockets of poverty. In this country except for a small
percentage of the population, the people are generally
poor-some being more poor, others less poor. Therefore,
when a social investigator tries to identify socially
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and educationally backward classes he may do it with
confidence that they are bound to be poor. Though the
two wards, ’Socially’ and ’educationally’ are used
cumulatively for the purpose of describing the
backwardness class, one may find that if a class as a
whole is educationally advanced, it is generally also
socially advanced because of the reformative effect of
education on that class. The words "advanced" and
"backward" are only relative terms-there being several
layers or strata of classes, hovering between
"advanced" and "backward", and the difficult task is
which class can be recognised out of these several
layers as being socially and educationally backward."
The State of Jammu & Kashmir had declared six classes
of citizens as socially and educationally backward. They
were (1) persons whose traditional occupation was one of the
sixty-two mentioned; (2) persons belonging to 23 social
castes; (3) small cultivators (4) low paid pensioners; (5)
residents in areas adjoining the cease-fire line; (6)
persons belonging to "bad pockets". The court found that
some of the sixty-two enumerated occupations were not
traditional occupations at all and that that list required
review. The court also found that 19 out of the 23 castes
had been identified by the Committee as suffering from
social disabilities and also educationally and economically
backward. In the case of the remaining four castes, there
was nothing to indicate that they were backward classes.
Referring to the third category of small cultivators, it was
observed that they could not be said to be ’a homogeneous
social section of the people with common trades and
identifiable by some common attributes’. All that could be
said about them was that they cultivated or lived on land.
Similarly in regard to the fourth category, it was observed
that they also do not belong to a homogeneous section of the
people, the only thing common between them being that they
had retired from Government service. In regard to the fifth
and sixth category the court observed that lack of
communication, inaccessibility, lack
420
of material resources, primitive living conditions and such
considerations made the people living in those areas
socially and educationally backward.
In State of Uttar Pradesh v. Pradeep Tandon,(1) the
Court recognised poverty as a relevant factor but observed
that it was not the determining factor discovering poor
socially and educationally backward classes. Even so the
backwardness of the hill and Uttrakhand areas in Uttar
Pradesh was sustained on economic basis. It was said,
"The Hill and Uttrakhand areas in Uttar Pradesh
are instances of socially and educationally backward
classes of citizens for those reasons. Backwardness is
judged by economic basis that each region has its own
measurable possibilities for the maintenance of human
numbers, standards of living and fixed property. From
an economic point of view the classes of citizens are
backward when they do not make effective use of
resources. When large areas of land maintain a sparse,
disorderly and illiterate population whose property is
small and negligible the element of social backwardness
is observed. When effective territorial specialisation
is not possible in the absence Of means of
communication and technical processes as in the hill
and Uttrakhand areas the people are socially backward
classes of citizens. Neglected opportunities and people
in remote places raise walls of social backwardness of
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people."
"Educational backwardness is ascertained with
reference to those factors. Where people have
traditional apathy for education on account of social
and environ mental conditions or occupational
handicaps, it is an illustration of educational
backwardness. The hill and Uttrakhand areas are
inaccessible. There is lack of educational institutions
and educational aids. People in the hill and Uttrakhand
areas illustrate the educationally backward classes of
citizens because lack of educational facilities keep
them stagnant and they have neither meaning and values
nor awareness for education."
(1) [1975] 1 S.C.R. 761,
421
The Court struck down the reservation for candidates from
rural areas on the ground that rural population which
constituted 80% of A the population of the State could not
be a homogeneous class. Some people in the rural areas might
be educationally backward, some might be socially backward,
there may be few who were both socially and educationally
backward but it could not be said that all citizens residing
in rural areas were socially and educationally backward.
The Court while noticing the difficulty of defining the
expression ’socially’ and ’educationally’ backward classes
of citizens allowed itself to make the observation, "the
traditional unchanging occupations of citizens may
contribute to social and educational backwardness. The place
of habitation and its environment is also a determining
factor in judging the social and educational backwardness."
In K.S. Jayasree v. State of Kerala,(l) what was in
question was a Government Order specifying that only
citizens who were members of families which had an aggregate
income of less than Rs. 6,000 per annum and which belonged
to the caste and community mentioned in the annexures to the
Government Order would constitute socially and educationally
backward classes for the purposes of Art. 15(4). The Court
upheld the order and held:
"In ascertaining social backwardness of a class of
citizens it may not be irrelevant to consider the caste
of the group of citizens. Caste cannot however be made
the sole or dominant test. Social backwardness is in
the ultimate analysis the result of poverty to a large
extent. Social backwardness which results from poverty
is likely to be aggravated by considerations of their
caste. This shows the relevance of both caste and
poverty in determining the backwardness of citizens.
Poverty by itself is not the determining factor of
social backwardness. Poverty is relevant in the context
of social backwardness. The commission found that the
lower income group constitutes socially and
educationally backward classes. The basis of the
reservation is not income but social and educational
backwardness determined on the basis of relevant
criteria. If any classification of backward classes of
(1) [1976] 3 S.C.C. 730.
422
citizens is based solely on the caste of the citizen, it
will A perpetuate the vice of caste system. Again, if the
classification is based solely on poverty, it will not be
logical.................................
................................ ................. Social
backwardness which results from poverty is likely to be
magnified by caste considerations. Occupations, place to
habitation may also be relevant factors in determining who
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are socially and educationally backward classes. Social and
economic considerations came into operation in solving the
problem and evolving the proper criteria of determining
which classes are socially and educationally
backward....................................................
................................................. The
problem of determining who are socially and educationally
backward classes is undoubtedly not simple. Sociological and
economic considerations come into play in evolving proper
criteria for its determination. This is the function of the
State. The Court’s jurisdiction is to decide whether the
tests applied are
valid.......................................................
............................................................
....If the classification is based solely on caste of the
citizen, it may not be logical. Social backwardness is the
result of poverty to a very large extent. Caste and Poverty
are both relevant for determining the backwardness. But
neither caste alone nor poverty alone will be the
determining tests
............................................................
............................................................
........ Therefore, socially and educationally backward
classes of citizens in Article 15(4) cannot be equated with
castes. In R. Chitralekha v. State of Mysore [1964] 6 SCR
368 AIR 1964 SC 1823 this Court said that the classification
of backward classes based on economic conditions and
occupations does not offend Article 15(4)."
State of Kerala v. N.M. Thomas(1) is a very
important case decided by a bench of seven judges consisting
of Ray, C.J., Khanna, Mathew, Beg. Krishna Iyer, Gupta and
Murtaza Fazal Ali, JJ.). The question was about the
exemption given to members of the Scheduled Caste and
Scheduled Tribes, for a limited period, from passing a
(1) [1976] 1 S.C.R. 906.
423
certain departmental test to qualify for promotion from the
post of Lower Division Clerk to the post of Upper Division
Clerk. The rule A providing for the exemption was attacked
on the ground that it was violative of Art. 16(1). One of
the arguments in support of the attack was that the result
of application of the rule would be to enable the members of
the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes to claim more than
50% of the posts immediately available for promotion. The
rule was upheld by Ray, C.J., Mathew, Beg, Krishna Iyer and
Murtaza Fazal Ali, JJ. and struck down by Khanna and Gupta,
JJ. Ray, C.J. Observed that the equality of opportunity took
within its fold "all stages of service from initial
appointment to its , termination including promotion".
Articles 14 and 16(1) would not be violated by the rule
which would ensure equality of representation in the
services for unrepresented classes, after satisfying the
basic needs of efficiency of administration. A rule giving
preference to an underrepresented backward community would
not contravene Arts. ]4, 61(1) and 16(2). Article 16(4)
merely removed any doubt in that respect. The classification
of employees belonging to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes for allowing them an extended period of two years for
passing the special tests for promotion was a just and
reasonable classification having rational nexus to the
object of providing equal opportunity for all citizens in
matters relating to employment or appointment to public
office. All legitimate methods were available to strive for
equality of opportunity in service under Art. 16(1). Article
16(4) enacted one of the methods for achieving equality
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embodied in Art. 16(1). Dealing with the arguments that the
rule exceeded the permissible limits of the resulting
preference shown to Scheduled Castes. Ray, C.J.. Observed:
"The High Court was wrong in basing its conclusion
that the result of application of the impeached Rule
and the orders are excessive and exorbitant namely that
out of 51 posts, 34 were given to the members of the
Schedule led Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The
promotions made in the service as a whole are no where
near 50 per cent of the total number of posts. The
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes constitute 10 per
cent of the State’s population. Their share in the
gazetted service of the State is said to be 2 per cent
184 out of 8,700. Their share in the non-gazetted
appointments is only 7 per cent namely 11,437 out of
1,62,784. It is, therefore, correct that Rule 13A and
the orders are meant to implement
424
not only the direction under Art. 335, but also the
Directive principal under Art. 46."
One other important statement in Ray, CJ. ’s judgment
is worth noticing. He said, "Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes are not a caste within the ordinary meaning of
caste". He referred Bhaiyalal v. Harikishan Singh were it
had been held that an enquiry was not permissible into the
question whether a particular caste was a Scheduled Caste or
not in view of the provision of Art. 341.
Mathew, J. who agreed with the conclusions of Ray, CJ.,
observed that resort to some sort of proportionate equality
was necessary in many spheres to achieve justice. Equality
of opportunity was not simply a matter of legal equally, it
depended not merely on the absence of disability but on the
presence of abilities. The Government has an affirmative
duty to eliminate inequalities and to provide opportunities
for the exercise of human rights and claims. The Government
has an affirmative responsibility for elimination of
inequalities, social, economic or otherwise. There was no
reason for the court not to require the State to adopt a
standard of proportional equality which took account of the
differing conditions and circumstances of a class of
citizens whenever those conditions and circumstances stood
in the way of their equal access to the enjoyment of basic
rights and claims. Art. 16(4) was not an exception of Art.
16(1). It was an emphatic way of putting the extent to which
the equality of opportunity could be carried, viz., even up
to the point of making reservation. The state was entitled
to adopt by measure which would ensure an adequate
representation of the members of the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes and justify it as a compensatory measure to
ensure equality of opportunity provided the measure did not
dispense with the acquisition of the minimum basic
qualification necessary for the efficiency of
administration. Beg, J. expressly agreeing with the
conclusions of Ray, CJ., Mathew, Krishna Iyer and S. M.
Fazal Ali, JJ, added that the protection of Art. 16
continued through out the period of service. He
distinguished Devasana and Balaji on the ground that if the
overall position and picture was taken into account by
taking the number of employees in all Government
departments, the so-called favoured class of employees would
be less than 50 per cent of the number of posts.
Beg, J., however, thought that Art. 16(4) was designed
’to reconcile the conflicting pulls of Art. 16(1)
representing the dynamics
425
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of justice, conceived of as equality in conditions under
which candidates actually compete for posts in Government
service, and of Arts. A 46 and 335 embodying the duties of
the State to promote the interest of the economically,
educationally and socially backward so as to release them
from the clutches of social injustice’. According to Beg, J.
the encroachments on the field of Art. 16(1) could only be
permitted to the extent they were warranted by Art. 16(4)
and to read broader concept of social justice and equality
into Art. 16(1) might stultify the provision itself and make
Art. 16(4) otiose. We must straight away demur. There is no
reason whatever to narrow the concept of equality in Art.
16(1) and refuse to read into it broader concepts of social
justice and equality. In fact, it is necessary to read Art.
16(1) so as not to come into any conflict with Arts. 46 and
335. A constitutional document must be read as to synthesis
its provisions and avoid disharmony. To say that equality
also means that unequals cannot be treated equally is merely
to say what is self-evident and common place. Art. 14
implies it and we do not see why it is not implied in Art.
16(1) also. True, on a first glance, Art. 16(4) appears to
save the power of the State to make provision for the
reservation of appointments and posts in favour of any
backward class of citizens, but a second look shows that it
really recognises a pre-existing power and expresses the
recognition in an emphatic way lest there should be any
doubt caste upon that power. Such a device is not unknown to
legislatures and constitution making bodies. Art. 16(4) is
more in the nature of a rule of interpretation to guide the
construction of Aft. 16(1). The possibility of interpreting
Art 16(1) so as to promote the narrower equality rather than
the greater equality is excluded by Art. 16(4).
Krishna Iyer, J., while upholding the validity of Rule
13AA made it quite clear that Art. 16(4) was to be viewed
not as a saving clause but as a clause inserted in Art. 16
due to the over-anxiety of the draftsman to make matters
clear beyond possibility of doubt. He was emphatic that Art.
16 applied to appointments and pro- motions as well. He
expressed his agreement with Fazal Ali, J. that arithmetical
limit of 50 per cent in one year set by some earlier rulings
could not be pressed too far and that overall representation
in a department did not depend on the recruitment in a
particular year, but the total strength of a cadre He also
agreed with Fazal Ali, J’s construction of Art. 16(4) and
his view about the ’carry forward’ rule. But we must point
out that Krishna Iyer, J. also made certain observations
indicating that he too fell into the elitist
426
trap of viewing the question as one of ’protective
discrimination’. A The question to which he addressed
himself was ’Is Rule (13AA) valid as protective
discrimination to the Heartiness’. Viewing the question in
that light, he proceeded to utter some words of purported
caution about the fills of reservation. He aid,
A word of sociological caution. In the light of
experience, here and elsewhere the danger of
’reservation’, it seems to me, is three-fold. TLC
benefits, by and large, are snatched away by the top
creamy layer of the ’back ward’ caste or class, thus
keeping the weakest among the weak always weak and
leaving the fortunate layers to consume the whole cake.
Secondly, this claim is over played extravagantly in
democracy by large and vocal groups whose burden of
backwardness has been substantially lightened by the
march of time and measures of better education and more
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opportunities of employment but wish to wear the
’weaker section’ label as a means to score over their
near-equals formally categorised as the upper brackets.
Lastly, a lasting solution to the problem comes only
from improvement of social environment, added
educational facilities and cross-fertilisation of
castes by inter-caste and inter-class marriages
sponsored as a massive State programme, and this
solution is calculatedly hidden from view by the higher
’backward’ groups with a vested interest in the plums
of backwardness. But social science research, not
judicial impressionism, will alone tell the whole truth
and a constant process of objective re-evaluation of a
progress registered by the ’under dog’ categories is
essential lest a once deserving ’reservation’ should be
degraded into ’reverse discrimination’."
One cannot quarrel with the statement that social
science research and not judicial impressionism should form
the basis of examination, by Courts, of the sensitive
question of reservation for backward classes. Earlier we
mentioned how the assumption that efficiency will be
impaired if reservation exceeds 50 per cent, if reservation
is extended to promotional posts or if the carry forward
rule is adopted, is not based on any scientific data. One
must, however, enter a caveat to the criticism that the
benefits of reservation are often snatched away by the top
creamy layer of backward class or caste. That a few of the
seats and posts reserved for backward classes are
427
snatched away by the more fortunate among them is not to say
that reservation is not necessary. This is bound to happen
in a competitive society such as ours. Are not the
unreserved seats and posts snatched away, in the same say,
by the top creamy layer on society itself ? Seats reserved
for the backward classes are taken away by the top layers
amongst them on the same principle of merit it on which the
unreserved seats are taken away by the top layers of
society. How can it be bad if reserved seats and posts are
snatched away by the creamy layer of backward classes, if
such snatching away of unreserved posts by the top creamy
layer of society it self not bad? This is a necessary
concomitant of the very economic and social system under
which we are functioning. The privileged in the whole of
society snatch away the unreserved prizes and the privileged
among the backward classes snatch away the reserved prizes,
This does not render reservation itself bad. But it does
emphasis that mere reservation of a percentage of seats in
colleges and a percentage of posts in the services is not
enough to solve the problem of backwardness. Developmental
facility and opportunity must be created to enable the
really backward to take full advantage of reservations. It
indicates that the ultimate solution lies in measures aimed
firmly at all round economic and social development. There
is, of course, the danger that it engenders self-denigration
and backwardness may become a vested interest. The further
real danger is not reservation but reservation without
general all round social and economic development. The
result of such reservation is that all the young men of
merit belonging to the Scheduled Castes and Backward classes
are literally ’gobbled up’ by the civil services leaving
very few educated young men of those classes to make their
cause on the social, economic and political fronts. The very
constraints of office restrain those who have become civil
servants from championing the cause of their brethern. There
is also the historical truth that oppressed persons who
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improve their lot, in an effort to forget an unhappy past,
often, rush to join the elite and imitate their ways, habits
and thoughts. In the process they tend to forget their less
fortunate brethern.
Fazal Ali, J. expressed his satisfaction that the
classification made by the Government by Rule 13(AA) was
fully justified by Art. 16 of the Constitution- He held that
Art. 16(4) was not to be read in isolation or as an
exception to Art 16(1), but was to be read as part and
parcel of Art 16(1) and (2). Dealing with the question of
the COCKADED excessive reservation, he emphatically
observed,
428
"This means that the reservation should be within
A the permissible limits and should not be a cloak to
till all the posts belonging to a particular class of
citizens and thus violate Art. 16(1) of the
Constitution indirectly. At the same time clause (4) of
Art. 16 does not fix any limit on the power of the
Government to make reservation. Since clause (4) is a
part of Art. 16 of the Constitution it is manifest that
the State cannot be allowed to indulge in excessive
reservation so as to defeat the policy contained in
Art. 16(1). As to what would be a suitable reservation
within permissible limits will depend upon the facts
and circumstances of each case and no hard and fast
rule can be laid down, nor can this matter be reduced
to a mathematical formula so as to be adhered to in all
cases. Decided cases of this Court have no doubt laid
down that the percentage of reservation should not
exceed 50 per cent. As t read the authorities, this,
is, however, a rule of caution and does not exhaust all
categories. Suppose for instance a State has a large
number of back ward classes of citizens which
constitute 80 per cent of the jobs for them, can it be
said that the percentage of reservation is bad and
violates the permissible limits of clause (4) of Art.
16 ? The answer must necessarily be in the negative.
The dominant object of this provision is to take steps
to make inadequate representation adquate."
Fazal Ali, J. mext considered the validity of the
’carry forward’ rule and upheld that rule also. He said that
if in fact the carry forward rule was not allowed to be
adopted, it might result in inequality to the backward
classes of citizen.
Thus, we see that all five judges who constituted the
majority were clear that Art. 16 applied to all stages of
the service of a civil servant, from appointment to
retirement, including promotion. Four out of seven judges
Ray C.J., Beg, Krishna Iyer and Fazal Ali JJ., were also of
the clear view that the so-called fifty percent rule would
apply to the total number of posts in the service and not to
the number of posts filled up at different times on
different occasions. The reservation in appointments made on
any single occasion might well exceed 50 per cent. Four out
of seven judges, Ray, CJ., Mathew, Krishna Iyer and Fazal
Ali, JJ., further expressed the view that Art.
429
16(4) was not an exception to Art. 16(1) and it was merely
an emphatic way of stating that reservation was one of the
modes of A achieving equality for the backward class of
citizens.
In Akhil Bharativa Soshit Karamchari Sangh v. Union of
India & Ors.,(l) the Court had to consider the question of
reservation of posts under the State in favour of Scheduled
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Castes and Scheduled Tribes and the ’carry forward rule. The
reservation and the rule were upheld by the court. One of
the arguments vigorously advanced was the usual plea that
efficiency would suffer. Krishna Iyer, J. meeting the
argument observed:
"The sting of the argument against reservation is
that it promotes inefficiency in administration, by
choosing sub-standards candidates in preference to
those with better mettle. Competitive skill is more
relevant in higher posts, especially those where
selection is made by competitive examinations. Lesser
classes of posts, where promotion is secured
mechanically by virtue of seniority except where the
candidate is unfit. do not require a high degree of
skill as in the case of selection posts. (See [1968] I
SCR p. 721 at 734). It is obvious that as between
selection and non-selection posts the role of merit is
functionally more relevant in the former than in the
latter. And if in Rangachari reservation has been held
valid in the case of selection posts, such reservation
in non-selection posts is an afortiori case. If, in
selecting top officers you may reserve posts for SC/ST
with lesser merit, how can you rationally argue that
for the posts of peons or lower division clerks
reservation will spell calamity? The part that
efficiency plays is far more in the case of higher
posts than in the appointments of the lower posts. On
this approach Annexure K is beyond reproach."
"Trite arguments about efficiency and inefficiency
are a trifle phoney because, after all, at the higher
levels the heartiness harijans girijan appointees are a
microscopic percentage and even in the case of Classes
III and II posts they are negligible. The preponderant
majority coming from unreserved communities are
presumably efficient and the dilution of efficiency
caused by the minimal induction of
(1) [1981] 1 S.C.R.. 185.
430
a small percentage of ’reserved’ candidates, cannot
affect the over-all administrative efficiency
significantly. Indeed, it will be gross exaggeration to
visualise a collapse of the Administration because 5 to
10 per cent of the total number of officials in the
various classes happen to be sub-standard. Moreover,
care has been taken to give in service training and
coaching to correct the deficiency."
While we agree that competitive skill is relevant in
higher posts, we do not think it is necessary to be
apologetic about reservations in posts, higher or lower so
long as the minimum requirements are satisfied. On the other
hand, we have to be apologetic that there still exists a
need for reservation. Earlier we extracted a passage from
Tawney’s Equality where he bemoaned how degrading it was for
humanity to make much of their intellectual and moral
superiority to each other. Krishna Iyer, J. Once again
emphasised that Art. l 6(4) was one facet of the multi-
faceted character of the central concept of equality. One of
us (Chinnappa Reddy, J.), in the same case, explained how
necessary it was to translate the constitutional guarantees
given to the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other
backward classes in to reality by necessary State action to
protect and nuture those classes of citizens so as to enable
them to shake off the heart-crushing burden of a thousand
years’ deprivation from their shoulders and to claim a fair
proportion of participation in the administration. It was
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pointed out that Art. 16(4) in truth flowed out of Art.
16(1). It was said,
"Art. 16(4) is not in the nature of an exception
to Art. 16(1). It is a facet of Art. 16(1) which
fosters and furthers the idea of equality of
opportunity with special reference to an under
privileged and deprived class of citizens to when
egalite do droit (formal or legal equality) is not
egalite de fait (practical or factual equality). It is
illustrative of what the State must do to wipe out the
distinction between egalite de droit and egalite de
fait, It recognises that the right to equality of
opportunity includes the right of the under-privileged
to conditions comparable to or compensatory of those
enjoyed by the privileged Equality of opportunity must
be such as to yield ’Equality of Results’ and not that
which simply enables people, socially and economically
better placed, to win against the less fortunate, even
when the competition is itself otherwise equitable.
John Rawls in ’A,
431
Theory of Justice’ demands the priority of equality in
a distributive sense and the setting up of the Social
System "so that no one gains or loses from his
arbitrary place in the distribution of natural assets
or his own initial position in society without giving
or receiving compensatory advantages in return." His
basic principle of social justice is: "All social
primary goods-liberty and opportunity, income and
wealth, and the bases of self-respect- are to be
distributed equally unless an unequal distribution of
any or all these goods is to the advantage of the least
favoured." One of the essential elements of his
conception of social justice is what he calls the
principle of redress: "This is the principle that
undeserved inequalities call for redress, and since
inequalities of birth and natural endowment are
underserved, these inequalities are somehow to be
compensated for". Society must, therefore, treat more
favorably those with fewer native assets and those born
into less favorable social positions."
The statement that equality of opportunity must yield
equality of results was the philosophical foundation of the
fulfillment of Art. 16(1) in Art. 16(4).
So we have now noticed the historical and sociological
background of Class and Caste, the philosophy, the reason
and the rhetoric behind reservation and anti-reservation,
the Constitutional provisions and the varying judicial
stances. What emerges from these three decades of
Parliamentary, Executive, Judicial, Political, and practical
wisdom? Clearly there exist large sections of people who are
socially and educationally backward, who stand midway
between the such as forward classes the landed, the learned,
the priestly and the trading classes on the one side and the
out-caste and depressed classes, i.e. the Scheduled Castes
and the Scheduled Tribes on the other. Poverty, Caste,
occupation and habitation are the principal factors which
contribute to brand a class as socially backward. The
customs which they honour and observe, the rituals which
they fear and practice the habits to which they adapt and
conform, the festivals which they enjoy and celebrate and
even the Gods that they revere and worship are enlightening
elements in recognising their social gradation and
backwardness- For instance, it may be possible
432
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to demonstrate that amongst very many classes, castes or
communities, considered socially inferior, Child marriage
persists to this day despite the Child Marriage Restraint
Act and the Hindu Marriage Act. Despite the wisdom of legal
pandits and learned text books on Hindu Laws proclaiming
that Saptapadi is essential to a vaid Hindu Marriage, most
of the socially inferior classes rarely follow the rule;
they have their own customs and rituals. Long before the
Hindu Widows’ Re-marriage Act permitted widows to remarry,
long before the Hindu Marriage Act permitted divorce, the
custom of the several so called socially inferior classes or
communities permitted re-marriage of widows and divorce. The
divorce was not by decree of a Court of Law but was granted
by a Caste Panchayat. The Caste-Panchayat divorce was
impermissible and remarriage of widows was also
impermissible among the socially superior classes who used
to look down upon these customs as primitive. The socalled
inferior classes did not and do not have recourse either to
Purohits to perform marriages or the Courts to dissolve
them.
Dress habits also throw light, while it is difficult to
imagine, persons belonging to upper caste or occupational
groups going about their daily work bare-lacked it is not an
uncommon right to see persons belonging to lower caste or
occupational groups so going about, Work habits also given
an indication. Women belonging to higher social groups would
not generally care to serve in other people’s homes or
fields. Again children of lower social groups take to
domestic and field work quite early in their lives. There
are certainly good economic reasons for all these factors.
As we said economic situation and social situation often
reflect each others. We mentioned earlier that even the Gods
that they worship give occasional clues. While the Hindu
Gods proper, Rama, Krishna, Siva etc. are worshipped by all
Hindus generally there are several local Gods and Goddesses
in each village worshipped only by the inferior castes. In
Andhra Pradesh, for example, in every village the socalled
inferior castes worship the goddesses Sunkalamma, Gangamma,
Polimeramma (the Goddess guarding the village boundary),
Yellamma (another Goddess guarding the vi11age limits). They
celebrate Hindu festivals like Dasara, Deepawali etc. but
also other festivals in which the upper classes do not
participate.
There are many other customs, rituals or habits of
significance which if one only cares to study them mark out
the socially back ward classes. The weight to be attached to
these factors depends
433
upon the circumstances of the case which can only be
revealed by thoughtful, penetrating investigation and
analysis. It cannot be done A by means of mathematical
formulae but only by looking in the round or taking a look
at the entire situation. Sometimes it may be possible to
readily identify certain castes or social groups as a whole
as socially forward or socially backward classes. Poverty,
of course, is basic, being the root cause as well as the
rueful result of social and educational backwardness. But
mere poverty it seems is not enough to invite the
Constitutional branding, because of the vast majority of the
people of our country are poverty-struck but some among them
are socially and educationally forward and others backward.
In a country like India where 80% of the people live below
the bread-line, even the majority of the so called socially
forward classes may be poor. For example no one will think
of describing Brahmins anywhere in the land as socially and
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educationally backward however, poor they might be. The idea
that poor Brahmins may also be eligible for the benefits of
Articles 15(4) and 16(4) is too grotesque even to be
considered. Similarly no one can possibly claim that the
patels of Gujarat, the Kayasthas of Bengal, the Reddys and
Kammas of Andhra Pradesh are socially backward classes,
despite the fact that the majority of them may be poor
farmers and agricultural laborers. In the rural, social
ladder they are indeed high up and despite the economic
backwardness of sizeable sections of them, they can not be
branded as socially backward. On the other hand, there are
several castes or other social groups who have only to be
named to be immediately identified as socially and
economically backward classes, identified as socially
backward classes. Again illustrating from rural Andhra
Pradesh, one can easily identify caste groups, such as,
Kommaras (who traditionally carry on the occupation of black
smiths), Kummaris (who traditionally carry on the occupation
of potters), Vadderas (who traditionally carry on the
occupation of Stone breaking), Mangalis (who traditionally
carry on the occupation of Barbers) and Besthas (who
traditionally carry on the occupation of Fisher folk), etc.
as backward classes by the mere mention of their castes.
True, a few members of those caste or social groups may have
progressed far enough and forged ahead so as to compare
favourably with the leading forward classes economically,
socially and educationally. In such cases, perhaps an upper
income ceiling would secure the benefit of reservation to
such of those members of the class who really deserve it.
But one is entitled to ask what is to happen to the poorer
sections of the forward classes? The State will have to-and
it is the duty of the State so to do-to
434
discover other means of assisting them, means other than
reservations A under Arts. 15(4) and 16(4). All this only
emphasises that in the ultimate analysis, attainment of
economic equality is the final and the only solution to the
besetting problems. There is also one danger in adopting
individual poverty as the criterion to identify a member of
the backward classes, which needs to be pointed out. How is
one n to identify the individuals who are economically
backward and, therefore, to be classified as socially and
educationally backward? Are all those who produce
certificates from an official or a legislator or some other
authority that their family incomes are less than a certain
figure to be so classified? It should be easy to visualise
who will obtain such certificates? Of course, the rural
elite, the upper classes of the rural areas who don’t pay
any income tax because agricultural income is not taxed. Who
will find it difficult or impossible to obtain such
certificates? Of course, the truly lower classes who need
them most.
Class poverty, not individual poverty, is therefore the
primary test. Other ancillary tests are the way of life, the
standard of living, the place in the social hierarchy, the
habits and customs, etc. etc. Despite individual exceptions,
it may be possible and easy to identify socially
backwardness with reference to caste, with reference to
residence, with reference to occupation or some other
dominant feature. Notwithstanding our antipathy to caste and
sub-regionalism, these are facts of life which cannot be
wished away. If they reflect poverty which is the primary
source of social and educational backwardness, they must be
recognised for what they are along with other less primary
sources There is and there can be nothing wrong in
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recognising poverty wherever it is reflected as an
identifiable group phenomena whether you see it as a caste
group, a sub-regional group, an occupational group or some
other class. Once the relevant conditions are taken into
consideration, how and where to draw the line is a question
for each State to consider since the economic and social
conditions differ from area. Once the relevant conditions
are taken into consideration and the backwardness of a class
of people is determined, it will not be for the court to
interfere in the matter. But, lest there be any
misunderstanding, judicial review will rot stand excluded .
SEN, J. In view of the importance of the question
involved, would like to add a few words of my own.
435
The real question raised is not of excessive
reservation for the advancement of socially and
educationally backward classes of citizens or for the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes under Art. 15(4) or
for reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any
backward classes of citizens under Art. 16(4) which, in the
opinion of the State, is not adequately represented in the
services under the State but the question is as to the
identification of the socially and educationally backward
classes of citizens for whose advancement the State may make
special provisions under Art. 1’(4) like those for the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Conceptually, the
making of special provisions for the advancement of backward
classes of citizens under Art. 15(4) and the system of
reservation of appointments or posts as envisaged by Art.
16(4) as guaranteed in the Constitution, is a national
commitment and a historical need to eradicate age-old social
disparities in our country. But unfortunately the policy of
reservation hitherto formulated by the Government for the
upliftment of such socially and educationally backward
classes of citizens is caste-oriented while the policy
should be based on economic criteria. Then alone the element
of caste in making such special provisions or reservations
under Arts. 15(4) and 16(4) can be removed. At present only
the privileged groups within the backward classes i.e. the
forwards among the backward classes reap all the benefits of
such reservation with the result that the lowest of the low
are stricken with poverty and therefore socially and
economically backward remain deprived though these
constitutional provisions under Arts. (15(4) and 16(4) are
meant for their advancement.
After 37 years of attainment of independence it cannot
be seriously disputed that poverty is the root cause of
social and economic backwardness. The problem is about
identification of the backward classes for whose benefit the
State may make special provisions under Art. 15(4). Or for
reservation of appointments or posts under Art. 16(4). In
view of the widespread public unrest in the State of Madhya
Pradesh and Gujarat in recent days, the Government at the
Centre must have a second look at the whole system of
reservation. It is true that mere economic backwardness
would not satisfy the test of educational and social
backwardness under Art. IS(4) but the question is as to the
criteria to be adopted. Economic backwardness is only one of
the tests to determine social and educational backwardness.
If that test were to be the sole criterion of social and
educational backwardness, the reservation for the
advancement of such classes to special treatment under Art.
15(4) would fail.
436
In retrospect, the answer to the question as to who are
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the A members of socially and educationally backward classes
for whose advancement the State may make special provisions
under Art. 15(4) still eludes us. Why should not the
expression ’backward classes’ be treated as synonymous with
the weaker sections of the society? Does the word ’class’
denote a caste or sub-caste among Hindus so far as Hindus
are concerned, or a section or a group so far as Muslim,
Christian or other religious communities and denomination
are concerned? In my considered opinion. the predominant and
the only factor for making special provisions under Art.
15(4) or for reservations of posts and appointments under
Art. 16(4) should be poverty, and caste or a sub-caste or a
group should be used only for purposes of identification of
persons comparable to Scheduled Castes - or Scheduled
Tribes, till such members of backward classes attain a state
of enlightment and there is eradication of poverty amongst
them and they become equal partners in 8 new social order in
our national life.
In this context, I must point out that the adequacy or
otherwise of representation of the backward classes in the
services has to be determined with reference to the
percentage of that class in the population and the total
strength of the service as a whole. The representation does
not have to exactly correspond to the percentage of that
class in the population; it just to be adequate. Moreover,
in the case of services the extent of representation has to
be considered by taking into account the number of members
of that class in the service, whether they are holding
reserved or unreserved posts. I cannot overemphasize the
need for a rational examination of the 17 whole question of
reservation in the light of the observation made by us. The
State should give due importance and effect to the dual
constitutional mandates of maintenance of efficiency and the
equality of opportunity for all persons. The nature and
extent of reservations must be rational and reasonable. It
may be, and often is difficult for the Court to draw the
line in advance which the State ought not to cross, but it
is never difficult for the Court to know that an invasion
across the border, however ill-defined, has taken place. The
Courts have neither the expertise nor the sociological
knowledge to define or lay down the criteria for determining
what are ’socially and educationally backward classes of
citizens’ within the meaning of Art 15(4) which enables the
State to make ’special provisions for the advancement’ of
such classes notwithstanding the command of Art. 15(2) that
the State shall not discriminate against and citizens on the
437
ground only of religion, race, caste, descent, place of
birth, residence or any of them. Art. 340 provides for the
appointment of a Commission to ’investigate the conditions
of socially and educationally backward classes within the
territory of India and the difficulties under which they
labour and to make recommendations as to the steps that
should be taken by the Union or any State to remove such
difficulties and to improve their condition. The state of
backwardness of any class of citizens is a fact situation
which needs investigation and determination by a fact
finding body which has the expertise and the machinery for
collecting relevant data. The Constitution has provided for
the appointment of such a Commission for Backward Classes by
the President under Art. 340 to make recommendations and
left it to the State to make special provisions for the
advancement of such backward classes. The Court is ill-
equipped to perform the task of determining whether a class
of citizens is socially and educationally backward. This
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Court has, however, a duty to interpret the Constitution and
to see what it means and intends when it makes provision for
the advancement of socially and educationally back- ward
classes. In considering this situation then, we must never
forget that it is the Constitution we are expounding. Except
for this the Court has very little or no function.
Questions as to the validity or otherwise of
reservations have been agitated several times before this
Court and resolved. The frequency and vigour with which
these questions are raised is a disturbing indication of the
tension and unease in society in regard to the manner in
which Art. 15(4) and Art. 16(4) are operated by the State.
The Preamble to our Constitution shows the nation’s resolve
to secure to all its citizens: Justice-Social, economic and
political. The State’s objective of bringing about and
maintaining social justice must be achieved reasonably
having regard to the interests of all. Irrational and
unreasonable moves by the State will slowly but surely tear
apart the fabric of society. It is primarily the duty and
function of the State to inject moderation into the
decisions taken under Arts. 15(4) and 16(4), because justice
lives in the hearts of men and growing sense of injustice
and reverse discrimination, fuelled by unwise State action,
will destroy, not advance, social justice. If the State
contravenes the constitutional mandates of Art. 16(1) and
Art. 335, this Court will of course, have to perform its
duty.
The extent of reservation under Art. 15(4) and Art.
16(4) must necessarily vary from State to State and from
region to region within
438
a State, depending upon the conditions prevailing in a
particular A State or region, of the Backward Classes. r do
feel that the Central Government should consider the
feasibility of appointing a permanent National Commission
for Backward Classes which must constantly carry out
sociological and economic study from State to State and from
region to region within a State. The framers of the
Constitution by enacting Art. 340 clearly envisaged the
setting up of such a high-powered National Commission for
Backward classes at the Centre. These problems can never be
resolved through litigation in the Courts.
I wish to add that the doctrine of protective
discrimination embodied in Arts. 15(4) and 16(4) and the
mandate of Art. 29(2) cannot be stretched beyond a
particular limit. The State exists to serve its people.
There are some services where expertise and skill are of the
essence. For example, a hospital run by the State serves the
ailing members of the public who need medical aid. Medical
services directly affect and deal with the health and life
of the populace. Professional expertise, term of knowledge
and experience, of a high degree of technical knowledge and
operational skill is required of pilots and aviation
engineers. The lives of citizens depend on such persons.
There are other similar fields of governmental activity
where professional, technological, scientific or other
special skill is called for. In such services or posts under
the Union or States, we think there can be no room for
reservation of posts; merit alone must be the sole and
decisive consideration for appointments.
Reasons for this decision will follow.
VENKATARAMIAH, J. The constitutional validity of
certain Government orders issued by the Government of the
State of Karnataka making provisions for reservation of some
seats in technical institutions and some posts in the
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Government services respectively under Article 15(4) and
Article 16(4) of the Constitution of India for being filled
up by students, ‘candidates, as the case may be, belonging
to certain castes, tribes and communities which in the
opinion of the State Government constituted backward classes
(other than the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes)
is questioned in these petitions.
The questions involved in these cases fare delicate
ones and have, therefore, to be tackled with great caution.
The issues raised here and the decision rendered on them are
bound to have a great
439
impact on society. They are indeed highly sensitive issues.
A superficial approach to the problem has, therefore, to be
avoided. A The questions have to be tackled with sympathy
for persons who are really in need of the benign assistance
at the hands of the State and with due regard to the
interests of the general public.
"India’s vast and unparalleled experiment with
’protective’ or ’compensatory’ discrimination in favour of
’backward sections’ of her population betokens a generosity
and farsightedness that are rare among nations. The
operation of such a preferential principle involves
formidable burdens of policy-making and administration in a
developing nation. It also places upon the judiciary tasks
of great complexity and delicacy. The courts must guard
against abuses of the preferential principle while at the
same time insuring that the government has sufficient leeway
to devise effective use of the broad powers which the
Constitution places at its disposal". These are the wise
words of Marc Galanter, a member of the faculty on social
Sciences, University of Chicago, who has made a special
study of the problem of the Indian backward classes. The
very fact that the governmental agencies and ’above all the
courts have been obliged to examine the constitutional
principles in the light of the egalitarian pressures has in
its turn opened up hardly foreseen complexities that had
lain buried in the doctrine of equality’. The society which
cherishes the ideal of equality has to define the meaning
and content of the concept of equality and the choices open
to it to bring about an egalitarian society would always be
political. But the courts have been forced to scrutinise a
variety of choices, while the society for which they have to
answer has been issuing a proliferation of demands. What is
’coming about, in short, is a transformation of
consciousness which is tinged with sensations of in justice
and exploitation’. Many inequalities in the past seemed
almost to have been part of the order of nature. ’The
categories of equality can thus in a sense be seen to
correspond to levels of awareness. Perhaps not all
inequalities can ever be rectified and it is certain that
some can be rectified only by creating new inequalities and
new grievances. It is this that has made the judiciary the
fulcrum of such continuous tension for it is the judiciary
and above all the Supreme Court which has the duty of
mediating these conflicting demands back to society through
the prism of constitutional interpretation’. The courts,
however, deal with the problems that society presents.
’Levels of awareness and corresponding senses of grievance
have arisen at different times for particular historical
reasons often tend
440
ing to differentiate among the categories of equality rather
than unifying them. Inequalities of class, race, religion
and sex have presented themselves at different periods as
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primary grievances’. Equality of opportunity revolves around
two dominant principles-(1) the traditional value of
equality of opportunity and (2) the newly appreciated-not
newly conceived-idea of equality of results. ’Social justice
may demand and political interests may make expedient a
policy of correction in favour of individual members of
minorities or communities. But at this point whenever any
action was taken the principle of individual equality of
opportunity lost its direction. Such affirmative action
played off not one individual of one group against another
of another group, but the present against the past. In past
many privileged persons of mediocre ability had benefited
from the indulgence of a system that unquestionably biased
in favour of higher castes.’ ’Individual aspirations claim
the protection of society’s rules. But they are not always
in harmony and sometimes conflict with the same society’s
broad interest in achieving certain kinds of racial or group
balance.’ But rectification of imbalance also sometimes
tends towards inequality. ’Societies do not work on absolute
rationality, excess of rationality often tends to dehumanise
human relations’. The courts are also reminded that for
those who are suffering from deprivation of inalienable
rights, gradualism can never be a sufficient remedy because
as Ralph Buoche observed ’inalienable rights cannot be
enjoyed posthumously’. Ours is a ’struggle for status, a
struggle to take democracy off parchment and give it life’.
’Social injustice always balances its books with red ink’.
Neither the caprice of personal taste nor the protection of
vested interests can be stand as reasons for restricting
opportunities of any appropriately qualified person. These
are the considerations which sometimes may be conflicting
that should weigh with the courts dealing with cases arising
out of the doctrine of equality. It should, however, be
remembered that the courts by themselves are not in a
position to bring the concept of equality into fruitful
action. They should be supported by the will of the people,
of the Government and of the legislators. There should be an
emergence of united action on the part of all segments of
human society. This is not all. Mere will to bring about
equality under the existing economic level might worsen the
situation. There should be at the same time a united action
to increase the national resources so that the operation of
equality will be less burdensome
441
and every member of the society is carried to a higher
social and economic level leaving nobody below a minimum
which guarantees all the basic human needs to every member
of the society. If there is no united action the
pronouncements by courts would become empty words as many of
the high principles adumberated in the chapter on the
Directive Principles of State Policy in the Constitution
have turned out to be owing to several factors which need
not be detailed here. We shall proceed to consider this case
against this background.
In this case, the Court is called upon to resolve the
conflict between ’the meritarian principle and the
compensatory principle’ in the matter of admissions into
institutions imparting higher education and of entry into
Government service in the State of Karnataka. All the
contestants depend upon one or the other clauses of the
Constitution in support of their case. Hence the problem is
rendered more difficult.
Those who argue in support of merit contend that the
State should remove all man-made obstacles which are in the
way of an Individual and allow him to attain his goal in an
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atmosphere of free competition relying upon his own natural
skill and intelligence. Those who argue for compensatory
principle contend that in order that the competition may be
’fair and not just free’ it is the duty of the State to take
note of the unequal situation of the individuals concerned
which has led to unequal capacities amongst them and to
reduce the rigours of free competition which may, unless
looked into by the State, lead to perpetual denial of
equality of opportunity to the weak and the neglected
sections of society. This argument is based on the well
founded assumption that unequal conditions of cultural life
at home cause unequal cultural development of children
belonging to different strata of society. The need for
social action is necessitated by the environment factors and
living conditions of the individuals concerned. The
application of the principle of individual merit,
unmitigated by other considerations, may quite often lead to
inhuman results. The following illustration given by Bernard
Williams establishes the above statement:
"Suppose that in a certain society great prestige
is attached to membership of a warrior class, the
duties of which require great physical strength. This
class has in the past been recruited from certain
wealthy families
442
only ; but egalitarian reforms achieve a change in the
rules, by which warriors are recruited from all
sections of the society, on the results of a suitable
competition, The effect of this, however, is that the
wealthy families still provide virtually all the
warriors, because the rest of the populage is so under-
nourished by reason of poverty that their physical
strength is inferior to that of the weal thy and well-
no nourished. The reformers protest that equality of
opportunity has not really been achieved; the wealthy
reply that in fact it has, and that the poor now have
the opportunity of becoming warriors- it is just bad
luck that their characteristics are such that they do
not pass the test. ’We are not,’ they might say,
’excluding anyone for being poor, we exclude people for
being weak, and it is unfortunate that those who are
poor are also weak.’
This answer would seem to most people feeble and
even cynical This is for reasons similar to those
discused before in connection with equality before the
law; that the supposed equality of opportunity is quite
empty indeed, one may say any that it does not really
exist- unless it is made more effective than this. For
one knows that it could be made more effective: one
knows that there is a casual connection between being
poor and being under nourished, and between being
undernourished and being physically weak. One suppose
further that something could be done-subject to
whatever economic conditions obtain in the imagined
society to alter the distribution of wealth. All this
being so, the appeal by the wealthy to the ’bad luck’
of the poor must appear as disingenuous."
The former princely State of Mysore which now forms
part of the State of Karnataka is one of the earliest States
in the country in which the system of reservation for
backward classes in public ser vices was introduced. In
1918, the Government of His Highness the Maharaja of Mysore
appointed a committee under the chairmanship of Sir Leslie
C. Miller, Chief Justice of the Chief Court of Mysore to
investigate and report on the problem of backward classes.
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The questions referred to that Committee were (i) changes
needed in the then existing rules of recruitment to public
services; (ii) special
443
facilities to encourage higher and professional education
among the members of backward classes and (iii) any other
special measures which might be taken to increase the
representation of backward communities in the public
services without materially affecting the efficiency, due
regard being paid also to the general good accruing to the
State by a wider diffusion of education and feeling of
increased status which will thereby be produced in the
backward communities. It is significant that the expression
’backward classes’ and ’backward communities’ were used
almost interchangeably and that the idea contained in
Article 335 of the Constitution that any reservation made
should not impair efficiency was anticipated more than three
decades before the Constitution was enacted. The Committee
submitted its report in 1921 containing its opinion that all
communities in the State other than Brahmins should be
understood as backward communities regarding whom it made
certain recommendations. The Government orders issued on the
basis of that Report continued to be in force till 1956 i.e.
the reorganisation of States which brought together five
integrating units-the former State of Maysore (including
Bellary District), Coorg, four districts of Bombay, certain
portions of the State of Hyderabad and the district of South
Kanara and the Kollegal Taluk which formerly formed part of
the State of Madras. There were different lists of backward
communities in the five integrating units and they were
allowed to continue for sometime even after the
reorganisation of States- In order to bring about uniformity
the State Government issued a notification containing the
list of backward classes for the purpose of Article 15(4) of
the Constitution at the beginning of 1959. The validity of
that notification and of another notification issued
thereafter on the same topic which according to the State
Government had treated all persons except Brahmins. Banias
and Kayasthas as backward communities was challenged before
the High Court of Mysore in Rama Krishna Singh v. State of
Maysore.(l) The two notifications were struck down by the
HighCourt. The High Court held that inasmuch as the impugned
notifications contained a list of backward classes including
95% of the population of the State and all Hindu communities
other than Brahmins, Banias and Kayasthas and all other non-
Hindu communities in the State except Anglo-Indians and
Parsees had been treated as backward classes it resulted
more in a discrimination against the few excluded
communities consisting of about 5% of the total population
rather than making provision for socially and
(1) A.I.R.. 1960 Mys. 338.
444
educationally backward classes. The High Court held that
making A provision for communities which were slightly
backward to the so called forward communities did not amount
to making provision for the communities which really needed
protection under Article 15(4) of the Constitution. The
argument of the petitioners in that case that socially and
educationally backward classes can in no case be determined
on the basis of caste was, however, rejected. After the
above decision was rendered by the High Court, the State
Government constituted a Committee OD January 8, 1960 under
the Chairmanship of Dr. R. Nagan Gowda for the purpose of
determining the criteria for the classification of backward
classes in the State with the following terms of reference:
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( I) to suggest the criteria to be adopted in determining
which sections of the people in the State should be treated
as socially and educationally backward and (2) to suggest
the exact manner in which the criteria thus indicated should
be followed to enable the State Government to determine the
persons who should secure such preference as may be
determined by Government in respect of admissions to
technical institutions and appointment to Government
services. The said committee submitted its Interim Report on
February 19, 1960. On the basis of the Interim Report of the
Committee, the State Government passed an order dated June
9, 1960 regarding admissions to professional and technical
institutions reserving 22% of seats for backward classes,
15% for Scheduled Castes and 2% for Scheduled Tribes and the
remaining 60% of seats were allowed to be filled upon the
basis of merit. The above Government order was, challenged
before the High Court of Mysore in S.A. Partha & Ors. v. The
State of Mysore & Ors.(l) The High Court found that the
direction contained in the Government order to the effect
that if any seat or seats reserved for candidates belonging
to the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes remained
unfilled, the same shall be filled by candidates of other
backward classes was unconstitutional. It also gave some
directions regarding the manner in which the calculation of
the quota of reservation should be made. Thereafter the
Final Report was submitted by the Nagan Gowda Committee on
May 16, 1961 After taking into consideration the
recommendations made in the said Report, the State
Government issued an order for the purpose of Article 15 (4)
of the Constitution on July 10, 1961. By that order, the
State Government specified 81 classes of people as backward
classes and 13 S classes of people as more backward classes
and reserved 30% of
(1) A.I.R.. 1961 Mys. 220.
445
seats in the professional and technical institutions for
backward and more backward classes. 15% and 3% of the seats
were reserved for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
respectively and the remaining 52% of the seats were allowed
to be filled up on merit. The above order was superseded by
a fresh Government order made on July 31, 1962 for the
purpose of Article 15 (4). By this new order, 28% of the
seats were reserved for the backward classes, 22% for the
more backward classes, 15 per cent for the Scheduled Castes
and 3 per cent for the Scheduled Tribes. Thus 68 per cent of
the seats were reserved under Article 15 (4) of the
Constitution and only 32 per cent of the seats became
available for being filled up on the basis of merit. This
order was challenged before this Court under Article 32 of
the Constitution in M.R. Balaji and Ors. v. State of
Mysore.(1) In the decision rendered in that case which is
considered to be land-mark in the constitutional
pronouncement made by this Court, Gajendragadkar, J. (as he
then was) explained the meaning of the term ’socially and
educationally backward classes’ appearing in Article 15 (4)
of the Constitution at pages 459-461 thus:
"The backwardness under Art. 15 (4) must be social
and educational. It is not either social or educational
but it is both social and educational; and that takes
us to the question as to how social and educational
backwardness has to be determined.
Let us take the question of social backwardness
first. By what test should it be decided whether a
particular class is socially backward or not ? The
group of citizens to whom Article 15 (4) applies are
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described as ’classes of citizens’, not as castes of
citizens. A class, according to the dictionary meaning,
shows division of society according to status, rank or
caste. In the Hindu social structure, caste,
unfortunately plays an important part in determining
the status of the citizen. Though according to
sociologists and Vedic scholars, the caste system may
have originally begun on occupational or functional
basis, in course of time, it became rigid and
inflexible. The history of the growth of caste system
shows that its original functional and occupational
basis was later over- burdened with considerations of
purity based on ritual
(1) [1963] Supp. S.C.R. 439,
446
concepts and that led to its ramifications which
introduced inflexibility and rigidity. This artificial
growth inevitably tended to create a feeling of
superiority and inferiority and to foster narrow caste
loyalties. Therefore, in dealing with the question as
to whether any class of citizens is socially backward
or not, it may not be 13 irrelevant to consider the
caste of the said group of citizens. In this
connection, it is, however, necessary to bear in mind
that the special provision is contemplated for classes
of citizens and not for individual citizens as such,
and so, though the caste of the group of citizens may
be relevant, its importance should not be exaggerated.
If the classification of backward classes of citizens
was based solely on the caste of the citizen, it may
not always be logical and may perhaps contain the vice
of perpetuating the castes themselves.
Besides, if the caste of the group of citizens was
made the sole basis for determining the social
backwardness of the said group, that test would
inevitably break down in relation to many sections of
Indian Society which do not recognise castes in the
conventional sense known to Hindu Society. How is one
going to decide whether Muslims, Christians or Jains,
or even Lingayats are socially, backward or not ? The
test of castes would be inapplicable to those groups,
but that would hardly justify the exclusion of these
groups in to from the operation of Art. 15 (4). It is
not unlikely that in some States some Muslims or
Christians or Jains forming groups may be socially
backward. That is why we think that though castes in
relation to Hindus may be a relevant factor to consider
in determining the social backwardness of groups or
classes of citizens, it cannot be made the sole or the
dominant test in that behalf. Social backwardness is on
the ultimate analysis the result of poverty, to a very
large extent. The classes of citizens who are
deplorably poor automatically became socially backward.
They do not enjoy a status in society and have,
therefore, to be content to take a backward seat. It is
true that social backwardness which results from
poverty is likely lo be aggravated by considerations of
caste to which the poor citizens may belong, but that
447
only shows the relevance of both caste and poverty in
determining the backwardness of citizens. A
The occupations of citizens may also contribute to
make classes of citizens Socially backward. There are
some occupations which are treated as inferior
according to conventional beliefs and classes of
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citizens who follow these occupations are apt to
become socially backward. The place of habitation also
plays not a minor part in determining the backwardness
of a community of persons. In a sense, the problem of
social backwardness is the problem of Rural India and
in that behalf, classes of citizens occupying a
socially backward position in rural area-fall within
the purview of Art. 15 (4) The problem of determining
who are socially backward classes is undoubtedly very
compleat Sociological, social and economic
considerations come into play in solving the problem
and evolving proper criteria for determining which
classes are socially backward is obviously a very
difficult task; it will need an elaborate investigation
and collection of data and examining the said data in a
rational and scientific way. That is the function of
the State which purports to act under Art 15 (4). All
that this Court is called upon to do in dealing which
the present petitions is to decide whether the tests
applied by the impugned order are valid under Art. 15
(4). If it appears that the test applied by the order
in that behalf is improper and invalid, then the
classification of socially back ward classes based on
that test will have to be held to be inconsistent with
the requirements of Art. 15 (4)."
Dealing with the question of determination of the
classes which were educationally backward, Gajendragadkar,
J. (as he then was) observed in the same case at pages 463-
464 thus:
"It may be conceded that in determining the
educational backwardness of a class of citizens the
literacy test supplied by the Census Reports may not be
adequate; but it is doubtful if the test of the average
of student population in the last three High School
classes is appropriate in determining the educational
backwardness. Having regard to the fact that the test
is intended to determine who are educationally backward
classes, it may
448
not be necessary or proper to put the test as high as
has been done by the Committee. But even assuming that
the test applied is rational and permissible under Art.
15 (4), the question still remains as to whether it
would be legitimate to treat castes or communities
which are just below the State average as educationally
backward classes. If the State average is 6.9 per
thousand, a community which satisfies the said test or
is just below the said test cannot be regarded as
backward. It is only communities which are well below
the State average that can properly be regarded as
educationally backward classes of citizens. Classes of
citizens whose average of student population works
below 50 per cent of the State average are obviously
educationally backward classes of citizens. Therefore,
in our opinion, the State was not justified in
including in the list of Backward Classes, castes or
communities whose average of student population per
thousand was slightly above or very near, or just below
the State average." (underlining by us)
Applying the above rule the Court held that the
inclusion of members of the Lingayat community in the list
of backward classes was erroneous. On the question of extent
of reservation that can be made, this Court observed in the
aforesaid case at pages 469-471 thus:
"The learned Advocate-General has suggested that
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reservation of a large number of seats for the weaker
sections of the society would not affect either the
depth or efficiency of scholarship at all, and in
support of this argument, he has relied on the
observations made by the Backward Classes Commission
that it found no complaint in the States of Madras,
Andhra, Travancore-Cochin and Mysore where the system
of recruiting candidates from other Backward Classes to
the reserve quota has been in vogue for several
decades. The Committee further observed that the
representatives of the upper classes did not complain
about any lack of efficiency in the offices recruited
by reservation (p. 135). This opinion, however, is
plainly inconsistent with what is bound to be the
inevitable consequence of reservation in higher
university education. If admission to professional and
technical colleges is unduly liberalist it would be
idle to contend
449
that the quality of our graduates will not suffer. That
is not to say that reservation should not be adopted; A
reservation should and must be adopted to advance the
prospects of the weaker sections of society, but in
providing for special measures in that behalf care
should be taken not to exclude admission to higher
educational centres to deserving and qualified
candidates of other communities. A special provision
contemplated by Art. 15 (4) like reservation of posts
and appointments contemplated by Art. 16 (4) must be
within reasonable limits. The interests of weaker
sections of society which are a first charge on the
States and the Center have to be adjusted with the
interests of the community as a whole. The adjustment
of these competing claims is undoubtedly a difficult
matter, but if under the guise of making a special
provision, a State reserves practically all tho seats
available in all the colleges, that clearly would be
subverting the object of Art. 15 (4). In this matter
again, we are reluctant to say definitely what would be
a proper provision to make. Speaking generally and in a
broad way, a special provision should be less than 50
per cent; how much less than 50 per cent would depend
upon the relevant prevailing circumstances in each
case. In this particular case, it is remarkable that
when the State issued its order on July 10, 1961, it
emphatically expressed its opinion that the reservation
of 68 per cent recommended by the ‘Nagging Gowada
Committee would not be in the larger interests of the
State. What happened between July 10, 1961 and July 31,
1962, does not appear on the record. But the State
changed its mind and adopted the recommendation of the
Committee ignoring its earlier decision that the said
recommendation was contrary to the larger interests of
the State. In our opinion, when the State makes a
special provision for the advancement of the weaker
sections of society specified in Art. 15 (4), it has to
approach its task objectively and in a rational manner.
Undoubtedly, it has to take reasonable and even
generous steps to help the advancement of weaker
elements; the extent of the problem must be weighed,
the requirements of the community at large must be
borne in mind and a formula must be evolved which would
strike a reasonable balance between the several
relevant considerations. Therefore,
450
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we are satisfied that the reservation of 68 per cent
directed by the impugned order is plainly inconsistent
with Art. 15 (4)." (Emphasis added)
The petition was thus allowed by this Court.
Then came the Government order dated July 26, 1963
which directed that 30 per cent of the seats in professional
and technical colleges and institutions should be reserved
for backward classes as defined in that order and that 18
per cent of the seats should be reserved for the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes. The criteria laid down in that
order for determining social and economic backwardness were
two-fold-income and occupation. It stated that those who
followed occupations of agriculture, petty business,
inferior service, crafts or other occupations involving
manual labour and whose family income was less than Rs.
1,2001- per annum were to be treated as belonging to
backward classes. This order was questioned before the High
Court in G. Viswanath v. Govt. of Mysore and Ors.(l) by some
petitioners on various grounds. While dismissing the said
petitions, the High Court observed that the determination of
the backward classes without reference to caste altogether
was not correct and it expressed the hope that the State
would make a more appropriate classification lest its
bonafides should be questioned. In the appeal filed against
this judgment in R. Chitralekha and Anr. v. State of Mysore
and Ors.,(2) the correctness of the above observation was
questioned. Dealing with that question Subba Rao, J. (as he
then was), who spoke for the majority, said that the
observations of the High Court referred to above were
inconsistent with the decision in Balaji’s case (supra).
After referring to the relevant observations made by this
Court in Balaji’ case (supra), Subba Rao, J. (as he then
was) observed at pages 386-387 thus:
"Two principles stand out prominently from the
said observations, namely, (i) the caste of a group of
citizens may be a relevant circumstance in ascertaining
their social backwardness; and (ii) though it is a
relevant factor to determine the social backwardness of
a class of citizens, it cannot be the sole or dominant
test in that behalf.
(1) A.I.R. 1964 Mys. 132.
(2) [1964] 6 S.C.R. 368
451
The observations extracted in the judgment of the High
Court appear to be in conflict with the observations Of
A this Court. While this Court said that caste is only
a relevant circumstance and that it cannot be the
dominant test in ascertaining the backwardness of a
class of citizens, the High Court said that it is an
important basis in determining the class of backward
Hindus and that the Government should have adopted
caste as one of the tests As the said observations made
by the High Court may lead to some confusion in the
mind of the authority concerned who may be entrusted
with the duty of prescribing the rules for ascertaining
the backwardness of classes of citizens within the
meaning of Art. 15 (4) of the Constitution, we would
hasten to make it clear that caste is only a relevant
circumstance in ascertaining the backwardness of a
class and there is nothing in the judgment of this
Court which precludes the authority concerned from
determining the social backwardness of a group of
citizens if it can do so without reference to caste.
While this Court has not excluded caste from
ascertaining the backwardness of a class of citizens,
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it has not made it one of the compelling circumstances
according a basis for the ascertainment of
backwardness of a class. To put it differently, the
authority concerned may take caste into consideration
in ascertaining the backwardness of a group of persons;
but, if it does not, its order will not be bad on that
account, if it can ascertain the backwardness of a
group of persons on the basis of other relevant
criteria." (Underlining by us)
Proceeding further, Subba Rao, J. (as he then was)
observed at pages 388-389 thus:
"The important factor to be noticed in Art. 5(4)
is that it does not speak of castes, but only speaks Or
classes. If the makers of the Constitution intended to
take castes also as units of social and educational
backwardness, they would have said so as they have said
in the case of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled
Tribes. Though it may be suggested that the wider
expression "classes" is used in cl. (4) of Art. 15 as
there are communities without castes, if take intention
was to equate classes with castes,
452
nothing prevented the marks of the Constitution from A
using the empression "backwarded classes or castes".
The juxtaposition of the expression "backward classes"
and "Scheduled Castes" in Art. 15(4) leads to a
reasonable inference that the empression "classes" is
not synonymous with castes. It may be that for
ascertaining whether a particular citizen or a group of
citizens belong to a backward class or not, his or
their caste may have some relevance, but it can not be
either the sole or the dominant criterion for
ascertaining the class to which he or they belong.
This interpretation will carry out the intention
of the Constitution expressed in the aforesaid
Articles. It helps the really backward classes instead
or promoting the interests of individuals or groups
who, though they belong to a particular caste a
majority whereof is socially and educationally
backward, really belong to a class which is socially
and educationally advanced. To illustrate, take a caste
in a State which is numerically the largest therein. It
may be that though a majority of the people in that
caste are socially and educationally backward, an
effective minority may be socially and educationally
far more advanced than another small-sub-caste the
total number of which is far less then the said
minority. If we interpret the empression "classes" as
"castes" the object of the Constitution will be
frustrated and the people who do not deserve any
adventitious aid may get it to the exclusion of those
who really deserve. This anomally will not arise if,
without equating caste with class, caste is taken as
only one of the considerations to ascertain whether a
person belongs to a backward class or not. On the other
hand, if the entire sub-caste, by and large, is
backward, it may be included in the Scheduled Castes by
following the appropriate procedure laid down by the
Constitution".
In 1972, tho State Government appointed the Karnataka
Backward Classes Commission under the chairmanship of Shri
L. G. Havanur which after an elaborate enquiry submitted its
Report on November 19, 1975 in four massive volumes, the
first volume containing two parts. rt is stated that the
commission counted a socio-economic survey of 378 villages
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and town/city blocks in their entirety covering more than
3,55,000 individuals belonging to
453
171 castes and communities with the help of more than 425
investigators and supervisors. About 365 witnesses were
examined by A the Commission. The Report of the Commission
is full of tabular statements and it refer to a number of
writings by sociologists, demographers, jurists and persons
will versed in social sciences. The work of the Commission
deserves to be commended as such an extensive investigation
into the conditions of backward classes had not been
conducted in the State so far Perhaps till than in no other
part of India, such on elaborate investigation had been
carried out with reference to so many minute details. The
commission recommended that persons belonging to backward
classes for purpose of Article 15(4) of the Constitution
should be divided into three groups-(a) backward communities
consisting of 15 castes, (b) backward castes consisting of
128 castes and (c) backward tribes consisting of 62 tribes.
For purposes Or Article 16(4) of the Constitution, the
Commission divided the backward classes into (a) backward
communities consisting of 9 castes. (b) backward castes
consisting of 115 castes and (c) backward tribes consisting
of 61 tribes. According to the Commission, backward
communities were those castes whose student average of
students passing S. S. L. C. examination in 1972 per
thousand of population was below the State average (which
was 1.69 per thousand) but above 50 per cent of the State
average and backward castes and backward tribes were those
castes and tribes whose student average was below 50 per
sent of the State average except in the case of Dombars and
Voddars and those who were Nomadic and de-notified tribes.
The total population of these backward classes (other then
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, according to the
Commission, was about 45 per cent of the total population of
the State. The difference between the two lists-one under
Article 15(4) and the other under Article 16(4) of the
Constitution was due to the exclusion of certain
communities, castes and tribes which were socially and
educationally backward but which had adequate representation
in the services from the list prepared for the purpose of
Article 16(4). The Commission recommended both for purpose
of Article 15(4) and Article 16 4) the following percentage
of reservations:
(i) Backward communities 16 percent
(ii) Backward castes 10 percent
(iii) Backward tribes 6 percent
------------
Total: 32 percent
454
The above reservation of 32 per cent along with 18 per
cent reserved for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
together amounted to 50 per cent of the total seats or
posts, as the case may be. The Commission further
recommended that if seats/posts remained unfilled in the
quota allotted to backward tribes, they should be made over
to backward communities and backward castes. Similarly if
seats/posts remain unfilled in the quota allotted to
backward castes, they should be made over to backward
communities and backward tribes. If, however, seats/posts
remain unfilled in the quota allotted to any of those three
categories, they should be made over to Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes. In the event of seats/posts remaining
unfilled by any of these categories, they should be
transferred to the general pool.
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After considering the Report of the Backward Classes
Commission, the State Government issued an order dated
February 22, 1977 the material part of which read as
follows:
"1 After careful consideration of the various
recommendations made by the Commission, Government are
pleased to direct as follows:
I. The Backward Communities, Backward Castes and
Backward Tribes as mentioned in the list appended to
this Order shall be treated as Backward Classes for
purposes of Article 15(4) and Article 16(4) of the
Constitution of India. Only such citizens of these
Backward Classes whose family income per annum from all
sources is Rs. 8,000 , (Rupees eight thousand only) and
below shall be entitled to special treatment under
these Articles.
II. The following five categories of citizens
shall be considered as a special group and such
citizens of this Special Group whose family income is
Rs. 4,800 (Rupees Four Thousand eight Hundred only) and
below per annum shall be eligible for special treatment
under these Articles:
(i) an actual cultivator;
(ii) an artisan;
(iii) a petty businessman;
455
(iv) one holding an appointment either in
Government service or corresponding services
under A private employment including casual
labour; and
(v) any person self employed or engaged in any
occupation involving manual labour.
Note :- Family income under sub-paras I and II above
means income of the citizen and his parents and if
either of the Parents is dead, his legal guardian.
III. To fix the reservation for purposes of
Articles ] 5(4) and 16(4) of the Constitution in
respect of the Backward Classes and the Special Group
of citizens at 40 per cent, the allocation being as
follows:
(a) Backward Communities 20 (twenty per cent)
(b) Backward Castes 10 (ten per cent)
(c) Backward Tribes 5(five per cent)
(d) Special Group 5(five per cent) E
In the list of Backward communities mentioned in the
Government order, the State Government included ’Muslims’
thus making a total of 16 backward communities In the list
of backward castes, there were 129 castes including converts
into Christianity from Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes up
to second generation and 62 Schedules Tribes. The
reservation for backward classes was 40 per cent and taken
along with 18 per cent for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes, the total reservation of seats/posts came to 58 per
cent leaving only 42 per cent for merit pool. By an order
dated May 1, 1979, the reservation for backward communities
was reduced to 18 per cent for purposes of Article 16(4). By
an order dated June 27, 1979, the State Government modified
the Government order dated February 22, 1977 by increasing
the reservation for ’Special Group’ from 5 per cent to 15
per cent both for purposes of Article 15(4) and Article
16(4) of the Constitution. Thus as on date, the total
reservation for purposes of Article 15(4) in 68 per cent and
tor purposes of Article 16(4) is 66 per cent. There are only
32 per
456
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cent seats in professional and technical colleges and 34 per
cent posts in Government services which can be filled up on
the basis of merits.
In these writ petitions filed under Article 32 of the
Constitution the above Government orders dated February 22,
1977 as modified by the Government orders dated May 1, 1979
and June 27, 1979 are challenged.
It should be stated here that the Government orders
dated February 22, 1977 and another notification dated March
4, 1977 issued for purposes of Article 16(4) had also been
challenged in a number of writ petitions filed under Article
226 of the Constitution before the High Court of Karnataka
in S.C. Somashekarappa & Ors. v. State of Karnataka &
Ors.(l) The High Court allowed the writ petitions in part.
It quashed the inclusion of ’Arasu’ community in the list of
’Backward Communities’ both for purposes of Article 15(4)
and Article 16(4). It also quashed inclusion of the (i)
Balaji,(ii) Devadiga, (iii) Gangia, (iv) Nayiada, (v) Rajput
and (vi) Satani in the list of backward communities and the
inclusion of (1) Banha, (2) Gurkha, (3) Jat, (4) Konga, (5)
Kotari, (6) Koyava, (7) Malayali, (&) Maniyanani or
(Muniyani), (9) Padarti, ( 10) Padiyar, (11) Pandavakulam,
(12) Raval and (13) Rawat in the list of Backward Castes for
purposes of Article 16(4) of the Constitution. Reservation
of 20 per cent made for Backward Communities in the State
Civil Services under Article 16(4) was quashed reserving
liberty to the State Government to determine the extent of
reservation in accordance with law. The classification and
reservation in other respects was upheld. S.L.P. (Civil) No.
6656 of 1979 is filed against the said judgment of the High
Court under Article ] 36 of the Constitution. The two
Government orders dated May 1, 1979 and June 27, 1979
referred to above modifying the earlier Government orders
were passed after the judgment of the High Court was
pronounced, as stated above.
Volumes have been written on the caste system
prevailing in India. The caste (varna) has its origin in
antiquity. We find reference to it in the vedic lore and in
the great epics, in the Smritis and in the Puranas. Purusha
Sukta refers to the prevalence of the four Varnas (caste)
(See Rig Veda X-90-12). The Lord says in the
(1) Writ Petition No. 4371 of 1977 and connected writ
petitions disposed of on April 9, 1979.
457
Bhagavadgita (lV- 13) that the fourfold caste was created by
him by the varying distribution of guna and karma. Varna
Dharma is extold in many ancient treaties. However laudable
the division of society into different castes at the
commencement might have been, during the several centuries
that followed these castes became petrified making mobility
from one caste to another almost impossible. The caste of a
person was known by his birth. There arose in course of time
a social hierarchy built upon the caste system. The stigma
of low caste was attached to a person during his whole life
with all the attendant disadvantages. Karua, the tragic hero
of the Mahabharata though born of a Kshatriya princess had
to suffer ignominy during his entire life time as he came to
be known as the son of a charioteer (Suta) belonging to a
low caste. He was made to say ’I may be a charioteer or a
charioteer’s son. I may be anybody. What does it matter ?
Being born in a (high) caste is God’s will but valour
belongs to me.’ (See Veni Samhara by Bhatta Narayana).
There were many sub-castes of different degrees in the
hierarchy. Some were even treated as untouchables. People of
low castes became socially backward and they in their turn
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neglected studies. Thus they became socially and
educationally backward. This part of the Indian history is
dismal indeed. A page of history is worth a volume of logic.
We are aware of the meanings of the words caste, race,
or tribe or religious minorities in India. A caste is an
association of families which practice the custom of
endogamy i.e which permits marriages amongst the member.
belonging to such families only. Caste rules prohibit its
members from marrying outside their caste. There are
subgroups amongst the castes which sometimes inter marry and
sometimes do not. A caste is based on various factors,
sometimes it may be a class, a race or a racial unit. A
caste has nothing to do with wealth. The caste of a person
is governed by his birth in a family. Certain ideas of
ceremonial purity are peculiar to each caste. Sometimes
caste practices even led to segregation of same castes in
the villages- Even the choice of occupation of members of
castes was predetermined in many cases, and the members of a
particular caste were prohibited from engaging themselves in
other types of callings, professions or occupations Certain
occupations were considered to be degrading or impure. A
certain amount of rigidity developed in several matters and
many who
458
belonged to castes which were lower in social order were
made to A suffer many restrictions, privations and
humiliations. Untouchability was practised against members
belonging to certain castes. Inter dining was prohibited in
some cases. None of these rules governing a caste had
anything to do with either the individual merit of a person
or his capacity. The wealth owned by him would not save him
from many social discriminations practised by members
belonging to higher castes. Children who grew in this caste-
ridden atmosphere naturally suffered from many social
disadvantages apart from the denial of opportunity to live
in the same kind of environment in which persons of higher
castes lived. Many social reformers have tried in the last
two centuries to remove the stigma of caste from which
people born in lower castes were suffering. Many laws were
also passed prohibiting some of the inhuman caste practices.
Article 15 (2) of the Constitution provides that no citizen
shall on grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place
of birth or any of them be subject to any disability,
liability, restriction, or condition with regard to (a)
access to shops, public restaurants, hotels and places of
public entertainment or (b) use of wells, tanks, bathing
ghats, roads and places of public resort maintained wholly
or partly out of State funds or dedicated to the use of the
general public. Article 16 (2) declared that no person shall
be ineligible to hold any civil post on grounds of religion,
race, caste or descent. Article 17 abolished
’untouchability’ and its practice in any form. Yet the
disadvantages from which many of the persons who belonged to
various lower castes were suffering are still persisting
notwithstanding the fact that some of them have progressed
economically. socially and educationally. Pandit Jawaharlal
Nehru writes on the social problems created by tho caste
system which is peculiar to India in those terms:
"The conception and practice of caste embodied the
aristocratic ideal and was obviously opposed to
democratic conceptions. It had its strong sense of
noblesse oblige, provided people kept to their
hereditary stations and did not challenge the
established order. India’s success and achievements
were on the whole confined to the upper classes; those
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lower down in the scale had very few chances and their
opportunities were strictly limited. These upper
classes were not small limited groups but large in
numbers and there was a difusion of power, authority
and influence. Hence they carried on successfully
459
for a very long period. But the ultimate weakness and
failing of the caste system and the Indian social
structure were that they degraded a mass of human
beings and gave them no opportunities lo get out of
that condition- educationally, culturally, or
economically. That degradation brought deterioration,
all along the line including in its scope even the
upper classes. It led to the petrification which became
a dominant feature of India’s economy and life. The
contrasts between this social structure and those
existing elsewhere in the past were not great, but with
the changes that have taken place all over the world
during the past few generations they have become far
more pronounced. In the context of society today, the
caste system and much that goes with it are wholly
incompatible, reactionary, restrictive and barriers to
progress. There can be no equality in status and
opportunity within its framework nor can there be
political democracy and much less economic democracy.
Between these two conceptions conflict is inherent and
only one of them can survive." (Jawaharlal Nehru: ’The
Discovery of India’ 1974 Edn. Chapter VI at pp. 256-
257).
An examination of the question in the background of the
Indian social conditions shows that the expression ’backward
classes used in the Constitution referred only to those who
were born in particular castes, or who belonged to
particular races or tribes or religious minorities which
were backward.
It is now necessary to ascertain the true meaning of
the expression ’backward classes’ found in Articles 15,
Article 16, Article 338 (3) and Article 340 of the
Constitution. Article 338 and Article 340 are in Part XVI of
the Constitution entitled ’special provisions relating to
certain classes’. The corresponding part in the Draft
Constitution was Part XIV entitled special provisions
relating to minorities which contained nine Articles,
Articles 292 to 301. Article 292 of the Draft Constitution
referred to reservation of seats for minorities in the House
of the People, the minorities being, the Muslim community
and the Scheduled Castes, certain Scheduled Tribes and the
Indian Christian community. Article 293 of the Draft
Constitution made special provision regarding the
representation of the Anglo-Indian community in the House of
the People. Article 294 of the Draft Constitution dealt with
reservation
460
of seats for the Muslim community, Scheduled Castes, certain
A Scheduled Tribes and the Indian Christian community in the
State Legislatures. Article 295 of the Draft Constitution
authorised the Governor to nominate a representative of the
Anglo-lndian community to a State Legislature in certain
cases. Article 296 of the Draft Constitution required the
Union and the States to appoint members belonging to all
minority communities in the State services consistently with
the maintenance of efficiency of administration. Article 297
of the Draft Constitution required the Union to appoint
members of the Anglo-lndian community in certain services as
stated therein and Article 298 of the Draft Constitution
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provided for certain educational concessions to the Anglo
Indian community over a certain specified period. Article
299 of the Draft Constitution required the President to
appoint a Special Officer for minorities for the Union and
the Governor to appoint a Special Officer for minorities for
a State. Administration of Scheduled areas and welfare of
certain Scheduled Tribes were entrusted to the President by
Article 300 of the Draft Constitution and it made provision
for appointment of a commission for that purpose. Article
301 of the Draft Constitution authorised the President to
appoint a commission to investigate the conditions of
socially and educationally backward classes. It read as
follows:
"301. (1) The President may by order appoint a
Commission consisting of such persons as he thinks fit
to investigate the conditions’ of socially and
educationally backward classes within the territory of
India and the difficulties under which they labour and
to make recommendations as to the steps that should be
taken by the Union or any State to remove such
difficulties and to improve their condition and as to
the grants that should be given for the purpose by the
Union or any State and the conditions subject to which
such grants should be given, and the order appointing
such Commission shall define the procedure to be
followed by the Commission.
(2) A Commission so appointed shall investigate
the matters referred to them and present to the
President a report setting out the facts as found by
them and making such recommendations as they think
proper.
461
(3) The President shall cause a copy of the report
so
presented, together with a memorandum explaining the A
action taken thereon to be laid before Parliament."
The Constituent Assembly after considering the report
of the Advisory Committee appointed on July 24, 1947 for the
purpose of making its recommendations on the provisions
contained in Part XIV of the Draft Constitution referred to
above adopted a resolution moved by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel
which read as follows:
"Resolved that the Constituent Assembly do proceed
to take into consideration the Report dated the 11th
May 1949 on the subject of certain political safeguards
for minorities submitted by the Advisory Committee
appointed by the resolution of the Assembly on 24th
January 1 47.
Resolved further-
(i) that notwithstanding any decisions already
taken by the Constituent Assembly in this behalf, the
provisions of Part X[V of the Draft Constitution of
India be so amended as to give effect to the
recommendations of the Advisory Committee contained in
the said report; and E
(ii) that the following classes in East Punjab,
namely, Mazhbis, Ramdasias, Kabirpanthis and Sikligars
be included in the list of Scheduled Castes for the
Province so that they would be entitled to the benefit
of representation in the Legislatures given to the
Scheduled Castes".
(Vide ’the Framing of India’s Constitution by B. Shiva
Rao, Vol. IV p. 606).
In the Revised Draft Constitution which was introduced
in the Constituent Assembly on November 3, 1949, the
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provisions relating t minorities were incorporated in Part
XVI and the title of that Part read as ’Special Provisions
Relating to Minorities’ and it contained thirteen Articles,
Article 330 to Article 342. Article 330 provided for
reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes and certain
Scheduled Tribes in the Lok Sabha and Article 332 provided
for reservation for them in the Legislative Assemblies of
States. Article 331 and Article 333 dealt with domination of
representatives of the
462
Anglo-Indian community respectively to the Lok Sabha and the
A Legislative Assemblies of States. Article 334 fixed the
period during which reservations and nominations could be
made under the above said Articles. Article 335 required the
Union and the States to recognise the claims of members of
the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes consistently
with the maintenance of efficiency of administration in the
making of appointments by the Union or the States, as the
case may be. Article 336 contained special provision for the
Anglo-Indian community in certain services during the first
two years after the commencement of the Constitution and
Article 337 contained special provision with respect to
educational grants for the benefit of the Anglo-lndian
community during a certain period after the commencement of
the Constitution. Article 338 required the President to
appoint a Special Officer for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes. Article 338(3) stated that references to Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes in Article 338 should be
construed as references to such other backward classes as
the President might on receipt of the report of the
Commission appointed under Article 340 by order specify and
also to the Anglo-Indian community. Article 340 provided for
the appointment of a Commission by the President to
investigate the conditions of socially and educationally
backward classes and the difficulties under which they
labour, Article 341 and Article 342 explained what the terms
’Scheduled Castes’ and ’Scheduled Tribes’ meant. The above
Articles (Art. 330 to Art. 342 of the Revised Draft of the
Constitution) were finally passed by the Constituent
Assembly with the amendment that for the word ’minorities’
wherever it occurred in Part XVI, the words ’certain
classes’ be substituted The heading of the Part was,
therefore, changed to ’Special Provisions Relating to
certain Classes’.
It is significant that the expression ’backward classes
used in Part XVI of the Constitution and the particular in
Article 338(3) is used along with the Scheduled Castes, the
Scheduled Tribes and the Anglo-Indian Community. In the
original Draft Constitution, the Muslim community and the
Indian Christian community also had been referred to in Part
XVI. In the course of the debates, the question of the
members of the Sikh community was along considered along
with these communities. The meaning of backward classes has,
therefore, to be deduced having regard to the other words
preceding it. It is a rule of statutory construction that
where there are general words following particular and
specific words, the general words must be confined to things
of the same kind as those specified. It is true that this
rule which is called as the ejusdem generies rule or
463
the rule noscitur a socis cannot be carried too far. But it
is reasonable to apply that rule where the specific words
refer to a distinct A genus or category. The Scheduled
Castes are those castes, races and tribes or parts of or
groups within the castes, races and tribes which are
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specified in the Public Notification issued by the President
under Article 341(1). Similarly Scheduled Tribes are those
tribes or tribal communities or parts of or groups of within
tribes or tribal communities which are specified in the
Public Notification issued by the President under Article
342(1). This is clear from the definitions of ’Scheduled
Castes’ and ’Scheduled Tribes’ in Article 366(24) and
Article 366(25). The notifications issued under Article 341
and Article 342 can be modified only by a law made by the
Parliament (Vide Article 341(2) and Article 342(2). It is
thus seen that Part XVI of the Constitution deals with
certain concessions extended to certain castes, tribes and
races which are Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and to
the Anglo-Indian community. In the above context if Article
338(3) and Article 340 are construed, the expression
’backward classes’ can only refer to certain castes, races,
tribes or communities or parts thereof other than Scheduled
Castes, Scheduled Tribes and the Anglo-Indian community,
which are backward. Thus view also gains support from the
resolution regarding the aims and objects of the
Constitution moved by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru in the
Constituent Assembly on December 13, 1946. He sid: E
"I beg to move:
(1) This Constituent Assembly declares its firm and
solemn resolve to proclaim India as an Independent
Sovereign Republic and to draw up for her future
governance a Constitution;
(2) Where in the territories that now comprise British
India, the territories that now form the Indian States.
and such other parts of India as are outside British
India at the States as well as such other territories
as are willing to be constituted into the Independent
Sovereign India, shall be a Union of them all; and
(3) Where in the said territories, whether with their
pre sent boundaries or with such others as may be
determined by the Constituent Assembly and there after
according to the Law of the Constitution, shall
464
possess and retain the status of autonomous Units,
together with residuary powers, and exercise all
powers, and exercise all powers and functions as are
vested in or assigned to the Union, or as are inherent
or implied in the Union or resulting therefrom; and
(4) Wherein all power and authority of the Sovereign
Independent India, its constituent parts and organs of
government, are derived from the people; and
(5) Wherein shall be guaranteed and secured to all the
people of India justice, social, economic and
political; equality of status, of opportunity, and
before the law, freedom of thought, expression, belief,
faith, worship, vocation, association and action,
subject to law and public morality; and
(6) Wherein adequate safeguards shall be provided for
minorities, Backward and tribal areas, and depressed
and other backward classes; and
(7) Wherein shall be maintained the integrity of the
territory of the Republic and its sovereign rights on
land, sea, and air according to Justice and the law of
civilised nations: and
(8) this ancient land attains its rightful and
honoured place in the world and make its full and
willing contribution to the promotion of world peace
and the welfare of mankind." (Underlining by us)
Clause (6) of the above resolution which was later
adopted by the Constituent Assembly pledged to make adequate
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safeguards in the Constitution for ’minorities, backward and
tribal areas and depressed and other backward classes’ The
above resolution and the history of the enactment of Part
XVI of the Constitution by the Constituent Assembly lead to
the conclusion that backward classes are only those castes,
races, tribes or communities, which are identified by birth,
which are backward. It is, therefore, difficult to hold that
persons or groups of persons who are backward merely on
account of poverty which is traceable to economic reasons
can also be considered as backward classes for purposes of
Article 16(4) and Part XVI of the Constitution.
465
The word ’backward’ was not there before the words
’class of citizens’ in Article 10(3) of the original draft
of the Constitution (the personal Article 16(4)). The
Drafting Committee presided over by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar
deliberately introduced it. Dr. Ambedkar gave the reason for
introducing that term as follows:
"Supposing, for instance, reservations were made for a
community or a collection of communities, the total of
which came to something like 70 per cent of the total
posts under the State and only 30 per cent are retained
as the unreserved, could anybody say that the
reservation of 30 per cent as open to general
competition would be satisfactory from the point of
view of giving effect to the first principle, namely
that there shall be equality of opportunity? It cannot
be in my judgment. Therefore the seats to be reserved,
if the reservation is to be consistent with sub-clause
(1) of Article 10, must be confined to a minority of
seats. It is then only that the first principle could
find its place in the Constitution and effective (sic)
in operation. If Honourable Member under stand this
position then we have to safeguard two things, namely,
the principle of equality of opportunity and at the
same time satisfy the demand of communities which have
not had so far representation in the state, then, I am
sure they will agree that unless you use some such
qualifying phrase as "backward’ the exception made in
favour of reservation will ultimately eat up the rule
altogether Nothing of the rule will remain." (Vide
Constituent Assembly Debates, 1948-1949, Vol. VII, pp.
701-702). F
The Drafting Committee by qualifying the expression
classes of citizens’ by ’backward’ in Article 16(4) of the
Constitution tried to reconcile three different points of
view and produced a workable proposition which was
acceptable to all, the three points of view being (1) that
there should be equality of opportunity for all citizens and
that every individual qualified for a particular post should
be free to apply for that post, to sit for examinations and
to have his qualifications tested so as to determine whether
he was fit for the post or not and that there ought to be no
limitations, there ought to be no hindrance in the operation
of the principle of equality of opportunity; (2) that if the
principle of equality of opportunity was to be operative the
Ought to b no reservations of any sort for any class or
466
community at all and that all citizens if they are qualified
should be A placed on the same footing of equality as far as
public services were concerned and (3) that though the
principle of equality of opportunity was theoritically good
there must at the same time be a provision made for the
entry of certain communities which have so far been outside
the administration. The whole tenor of discussion in the
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Constituent Assembly pointed to making reservation for a
minority of the population including Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes which were socially backward. During the
discussion, the Constitution (first Amendment) Bill by which
Article 15(4) was introduced, Dr. Ambedkar referred to
Article 16(4) and said that backward classes are ’nothing
else but a collection of certain castes’ (Parliamentary
Debates 1951, Third Session, Part Ir Vol. Xll at p. 9007).
This statement leads to a reasonable inference that this was
the meaning which the Constituent Assembly assigned to
classes’ at any rate so far as Hindus were concerned.
In Balaji’s case (supra) and in Chifralekha’s case
(supra) this Court exhibited a lot of hesitation in equating
the expression ’class’ with ’caste’ for purposes of Articles
15(4) and Article 16(4) of the Constitution. It observed, as
stated earlier, that while caste might be a relevant
circumstance to determine a backward class, it could not,
however, be dominant test. One of the reasons given for not
accepting caste insofar as Hindu community in which caste
system was prevalent was concerned as a dominant test for
determining a backward class was that as there were
communities without castes, nothing prevented the makers of
the Constitution to use the expression ’backward classes or
castes’. The juxtaposition of the expression ’backward
classes’ and ’Scheduled Castes’ in Article 15 of the
Constitution, according to the above two decisions, led to a
reasonable inference that expression ’classes’ was not
synonymous with ’caste’. The Court while making these
observations did not give adequate importance to the evils
of caste system which had led to the backwardness of people
belonging to certain castes and the debates that preceded
the enactment of Part XVI and Article 15(4) and Article
16(4) of the Constitution- What was in fact overlooked ! was
the history of the Indian social institutions. The makers of
the Il Indian Constitution very well knew that there were a
number of i castes the conditions of whose members were
almost similar to the conditions of members belonging to the
Scheduled Castes and to the Scheduled Tribes and that they
also needed to be given adequate protection in order tide
over the difficulties in the way of their
467
progress which were not so much due to poverty but due to
their birth in a particular caste. As mentioned elsewhere in
the course of this judgement. the word ’classes’ was
substituted in the place of the word ’communities’ by the
Constituent Assembly just at the last moment. The word
community meant a caste amongst Hindus or Muslims, or Indian
Christians or Anglo-Indians. Part XVI was not enacted for
the purpose of alleviating the conditions of poorer classes
as such which was taken care of by the provisions of Part IV
of the Constitution and in particular by Article 46 and by
Article 14, Art. 15(1) and Art. 16(1) of the Constitution
which permitted classification of persons on economic
grounds for special treatment in order to ensure equality of
opportunity to all person.
It is of significance that the views expressed by
this Court, however, stood modified by the decisions of this
Court in Minor P. Rajendran v. State of Madras & Ors.,(l)
State of Andhra Pradesh & Anr. v. P. Sagar,(2) Triloki Nath
& anr. v. State of Jammu Kashmir & Ors.(s) A. Peeriakaruppan
etc. v. State of Tamil Nadu & Ors.(4) and State of Andhra
Pradesh & Ors. v. U.S.V. Balram etc.(5) In Rajendran’s case
(supra) while holding that the allocation of seats in
Medical Colleges on the basis of the district to which a
candidate belonged was not warranted by Art. 15(4), the
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Court observed that a caste was also a class of citizens and
if the caste as a whole was socially and educationally
backward reservation could be made in favour of such caste
under Art. 1 5(4) In Sagar’s case (supra) reservation of
seats was done solely on the basis of caste or community.
There appeared to be no determination of the fact whether
members belonging to such castes or communities were in fact
socially and educationally backward. The court struck down
the reservation as being outside Article I C(4) of the
Constitution. The Court. however, observed at page 600 thus:
’ In the context in which it occurs the expression
"class" means a homogeneous section of the people
grouped together because of certain likeness or common
traits and who are identifiable by some common
attributes such as status, rank, occupation residence
in a locality, race,
(1) [1968] 2 S.C.R 786.
(2) [1968] 3 S.C.R.595
(3) [1969] 1 S C.R. 103.
(4) [1971] 2 S.C.R. 430.
(5) [1972] 3 S.C.R. 247,
468
religion and the like, In determining whether a
particular section forms a class, caste cannot be
excluded altogether. But the determination of a class a
test solely based upon the caste or community cannot
also be accepted. By cl. (1), Art. 15 prohibits the
State from discriminating against any citizens on
grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex, place of
birth or any of them. By cl. (3) Of Art. 15 the State
is, notwithstanding the provisions contained in Cl.
(1), permitted to make special provision for women and
children. By cl. (4) a special provision for the
advancement of any socially and educationally backward
classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes is outside the purview of cl. (1). But
cl. (4) is an exception to cl. (1). Being an exception,
it cannot be extended so as in effect to destroy the
guarantee of cl. (1). The Parliament has by enacting
cl. (4) attempted to balance as against the right of
equality of citizens the special necessites of the
weaker sections of the people by allowing a provision
to be made for their advancement. In order that effect
may be given to cl. (4), it must appear that the
beneficaries of the special provision are classes which
are backward socially and educationally and they are
other than the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes,
and that the provision made is for their advancement.
Reservation may be adopted to advance the interests of
weaker sections of society, but in doing so, care must
be taken to see that deserving and qualified candidates
are not excluded from admission to higher educational
institutions. The criterion for determining the
backwardness must not be based solely on religion,
race, caste, sex, or place of birth, and the
backwardness being social and educational must be
similar to the backwardness from which the Scheduled
Castes and the Scheduled Tribes suffer." (emphasis
added)
In Triloki Nath’s case (supra) which was a case in
which Article 16(4) came up for consideration, a
Constitution Bench of this Court observed at page 105 thus -
"Article 16 in the first instance by cl. (2) prohibits
discrimination on the ground, inter alia, of religion,
race, caste, place of birth, residence and permits an
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exception to be
469
made in the matter of reservation in favour of backward
classes of citizens. The expression "backward class" is
not used as synonymous with "backward caste" or "back
ward community". The members of an entire caste or
community may in the social, economic and educational
scale of values at a given time be backward and may on
that account be treated as a backward class, but that
is not because they are members of a caste or
community, but because they form a class In its
ordinary connotation the expression "class" means a
homogenous section of the people grouped together
because of certain likenesses or common traits, and who
are identifiable by some common attributes such as
status, rank, occupation, residence in a locality, race
religion and the like. But for the purpose or Art.
16(41 in determining whether a section forms a class, a
test solely based on caste, community, race, religion,
sex, descent, place of birth or residence cannot be
adopted, because it would directly offend the
Constitution." (emphasis added)
In Peeriokaruppan’s case (supra) Hegde. J. Observed at
page 443 thus;
"A caste has always been recognised as a class. In
construing the expression "classes of His Majesty’s
subjects" found in s. 153-A Or the Indian Penal Code,
Wassoodew, J. Observed in Narayan Vasudev v. Emperor A
I.R. 1943 Bom. 379.
"In my opinion’ the expression ’classes of
His Majesty’s subjects’ in Section 153-A of the
Code is used in restrictive sense as denoting a
collection of individuals or groups bearing a
common and exclusive designation and also
possessing common and exclusive characteristics
which may be associated with their origin, race or
religion, and that the term ’class’ within that
section carries with it the idea of numerical
strength so large as could be grouped in a single
homogeneous community,"
In Paragraph 10, Chapter V of the backward Classes
Commission’s Report, it is observed:
470
"We tried to avoid caste but we find it difficult
to A ignore caste in the present prevailing conditions.
We wish it were easy to dissociate from social
backwardness at the present juncture. In modern times
anybody can take to any profession. The Brahman taking
to tailoring, does not become a tailor by caste, nor is
his social status lowered as a Brahman. A Brahman may
be a seller of boots and shoes, and yet his social
status is not lowered thereby. Social backwardness,
therefore, is not today due to the particular
profession of a person, but we cannot escape caste in
considering the social backwardness in India"
Paragraph 11 of that Report it is stated:
"It is not wrong to assume that social
backwardness has largely contributed to the educational
backwardness of a large number of social groups."
Finally in Paragraph 13, the Committee concludes with
following observations:
"All this goes to prove that social backwardness
is mainly based on racial, tribal, caste and
denominationals differences."
The learned Judge then proceeded to state at page
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444:
"There is no gainsaying the fact that there are
numerous castes in this country which are socially and
educationally backward. To ignore their existence is to
ignore the facts of life. Hence we are enable to uphold
the contention that impugned reservation is not in
accordance with Art. 15(4). But all the same the
Government should not proceed on the basis that once a
class is considered as a backward class it should
continue to be backward class for all times. Such an
approach would defeat the very purpose of the
reservation because once a class reaches a stage of
progress which some modern writers call as take off
stage then competition is necessary for their future
progress. The Government should always keep under
review the question of reservation of seats and only
the classes which
471
are really socially and educationally backward should
be allowed to have the benefit of reservation.
Reservation of A seats should not be allowed to become
a vested interest. The fact that candidates of backward
classes have secured about 50 per cent of the seats in
the general pool does show that the time has come for a
de novo comprehensive examination of the question. It
must be remembered that g the Government’s decision in
this regard is open to judical review."
In Balaram’s case (supra) the State was the appellant.
it had come up in appeal against the judgment of the High
Court of Andhra Pradesh which had struck down its order
making reservation of seats of seats under Article 15(4).
This Court allowed the appeal upholding the Government
order, Vaidialingam, J. in the course of his judgment
observed at page 280 thus:-
"Art. 15(4) will have to be given effect to in
order to assist the weaker sections of the citizens, as
the State has been charged with such duty. No doubt, we
are aware that any provision made under this clause
must be within the well defined limits and should not
be on the basis of caste alone. But it should not also
be missed that a caste is also a class of citizens and
that a caste as such may be socially and educationally
backward. If after collecting the necessary date, it is
found that the caste as a whole is socially and
educationally backward, in our opinion, the reservation
made of such persons will have to be upheld
notwithstanding the fact that a few individuals in that
group may be both socially and educationally above the
general average. There ii no gainsaying the fact that
there are numerous castes in the country, which are
socially and educationally backward and therefore a
suitable provision will have to be made by the State as
charged in Art. 15(4) to safeguard their interest."
The learned Judge felt that the Backward Classes
Commission on the basis of whose Report the Government order
had been passed had given good reasons in support of its
recommendations. Accordingly the Government order was
upheld.
472
If we depart from the view that caste or community is
an important relevant factor in determining social and
educational backwardness for purposes of Article 15 (4) and
Article 16 (4) of the Constitution, several distortions are
likely to follow and may take us away from the sole purpose
for which those constitutional provisions were enacted.
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Several factors such as physical disability, poverty, place
of habitation, the fact of belonging to a freedom fighter’s
family, the fact of belonging to the family of a member of
the armed forces might each become a sole factor for the
purpose of Article 15 (4) or Article 16 (4) which were not
at all intended to be resorted to by the State for the
purpose of granting relief in such cases. While relief may
be given in such cases under Article 14, Article 15 (1) and
Article 16 (1) by adopting a rational principle of
classification, Article 15 (4) and Article 16 (4) cannot be
applied to then. Article 15 (4) and Article 16 (4) are
intended for the benefit of those who belong to
castes/communities which are ’traditionally disfavoured and
which have suffered societal discrimination’ in the
past. The other factors mentioned above were never in the
contemplation of the makers of the Constitution while
enacting these clauses.
In D.N. Chanchala v. State of Mysore and Ors. etc.(1) a
classification based on some of these factors was upheld but
not under Article 1 5 (4). The observation made in State of
Kerala v. Kumari T.P. Roshana and Anr.(2) that ’the
principle of reservation with weightage for the geographical
area of Malabar District has our approval in endorsement of
the view of the High Court’ is outside the scope of Article
15 (4) even though it may be sustained under Article 14.
While caste or community is a relevant factor in determining
the social and educational backwardness, it cannot be said
that all members of a caste need be treated as backward and
entitled to reservation under Article 15 (4) or Article 16
(4). Caste-cum means test would be a rational test in
identifying persons who are entitled to the benefit of those
provisions. This principle has received acceptance at the
hands of this Court in Kumari K.S. Jayasree and Anr. v. The
State of Kerala and Anr.,(2) In that case a Commission
appointed by the Government of the State of Kerala to
enquire into the social and economic conditions of the
people of that State and
(1) [1971] Supp. S.C.R. 60
(2) [1979] 2 S.C.R. 974.
(3) [1977] 1 S.C.R. 194.
473
to recommend as to what sections of the people should be
extended the benefits under Article 15 (4) of the
Constitution found that only the rich amongst certain castes
or communities were enjoying the benefit of reservations
made earlier. It, therefore, recommended adoption of a
means-cum-caste/community test for determining the sections
of the people who should be given the benefit under the
relevant constitutional provisions. The State Government
accordingly stipulated that applicants who were members of
certain castes or communities and whose family income was
less than Rs. 1(),000 per year were only entitled to
reservation under Article 15 (4). The petitioner in the
above case who belonged to one such community but whose
family income was above Rs. 10,000 per year questioned the
order before the Kerala High Court on the ground that the
imposition of the ceiling of family income was
unconstitutional. The learned Single Judge who heard the ’
petition allowed it. The Division Bench of the Kerala High
Court, however, reversed the decision of the learned Single
Judge and dismissed the petition. On appeal, the Court while
affirming the decision of the Division Bench in the above
case on the question of social backwardness observed at
pages 199-200 thus:
"In ascertaining social backwardness of a class of
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citizens it may not be irrelevant to consider the caste
of the group of citizens. Caste cannot however be made
the sole or dominant test. Social backwardness is in
the ultimate analysis the result of poverty to a large
extent. Social backwardness which results from poverty
is likely to be aggravated by considerations of their
caste. This shows the relevance of both caste and
poverty in deter- mining the backwardness of citizens.
Poverty by itself is not the determining factor of
social backwardness. Poverty is relevant in the context
of social backwardness. The Commission found that the
lower income group constitutes socially and
educationally backward classes. The basis of the
reservation is not income but social and educational
backwardness determined on the basis of relevant
criteria. If any classification of backward classes of
citizens is based solely on the caste of the citizens
it will perpetuate the vice of caste system. Again, if
the classification is based solely on poverty it will
not be logical. The society is taking steps for uplift
of the people. In such a task groups or classes who are
socially and
474
educationally backward are helped by the society. That A is
the philosophy of our Constitution. It is in this context
that social backwardness which results from poverty is
likely to be magnified by caste considerations. Occupations,
place of habitation may also be relevant factors in
determining who are socially and educationally backward
classes. Social and economic considerations come into
operation in solving the problem and evolving the proper
criteria of determining which classes are socially and
educationally backward. That is why our Constitution
provided for special consideration socially and educa-
tionally backward classes of citizens as also Scheduled
Castes and Tribes. It is only by directing the society and
the State to offer them all facilities for social and
educational uplift that the problem is solved. It is in that
context that the Commission in the present case found that
income of the classes of citizens mentioned in Appendix VIII
was a relevant factor in determining their social and
educational backwardness."
When once the relevance of caste is not adhered to
several difficulties might arise as can be seen from the
decision in the State of Uttar Pradesh v. Pradip Tandon and
Ors.,(1) In that case the Court had to examine the validity
of a Government order which had made reservation of seats
under Article 15 (4) in favour of two classes of students -
(1) those who came from rural areas and (2) those who came
from hill areas and Uttrakhand. The High Court of Allahabad
upheld the said reservations in Subhash Chandra v. The State
of U.P. and ors.(2) but struck them down in a later case in
Dilip Kumar v. The Government of U.P. and Ors.(3) without
noticing its earlier decision in Subash Chandra’s case
(supra) When the same question came before this Court in an
appeal preferred by the State Government, the State
Government attempted to justify the classification of
students for admission into medical colleges as stated above
on the ground that it was a notorious fact that rural, hill
and Uttrakhand areas were socially backward because of
extreme poverty; that those areas were backward
educationally because the
(1) [1975] 2 S.C.R. 761.
(2) A.l.R. 1973 All. 295.
(3) A.I.R. 1973 All. 592.
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475
standard of literacy was poor and there was lack of
educational facilities and that there was dearth of doctors
in the said areas. A The geographical, territorial,
historical and the economic conditions in the said areas
were emphasised to support the classification. In the State
of Uttar Pradesh v. Pradip Tandon’s case (supra) Court first
rejected the plea that party could be a basis of
classification for purposes of Art. I (4) in these terms at
page 7
"In Balaji’s case (supra) the Court said that
social backwardness is on the ultimate analysis the
result of poverty to a large extent and that the
problem of back ward classes is in substance the
problem of rural India. Extracting these observations
the Attorney General contended that poverty is not only
relevant but is one, of the elements in determining the
social backwardness. We are unable to accept the test
of poverty as the determining factor of social
backwardness." D
Then it held that reservation for rural areas on the
ground of poverty was unconstitutional. In doing so it
observed at page 769 thus:
"The reservation for rural areas cannot be
sustained on the ground that the rural areas represent
socially and educationally backward classes of
citizens. This reservation appears to be made for the
majority population of the State. 80 per cent of the
population of the State cannot be a homogeneous class.
Poverty in rural areas cannot be the basis of
classification to support reservation for rural areas.
Poverty is found in all parts of India. In the
instructions for reservation of seats it is provided
that in the application form a candidate for reserved
seats from rural areas must submit a certificate of the
District Magistrate of the District to which he
belonged that he was born in rural area and had a
permanent home there, and is residing there or that he
was born in India and his parents and guardians are
still living there and earn their livelihood there. The
incident of birth in rural areas is made the basic
qualification. No reservation can be made on the basis
of place of birth, as this would offend Article 15. "
476
But it upheld the reservations made in favour of the
hill and A Uttrakhand areas with these observations at page
767:
"The hill and Uttrakhand areas in Uttar Pradesh
are instance of socially and educationally backward
classes for these reasons. Backwardness is judged by
economic basis that each region has its own measurable
possibilities for the maintenance of human numbers,
standards of living and fixed property. From an
economic point of view the classes of citizens are back
ward when they do not make effective use of resources.
When large areas of land maintain a sparse, disorderly
and illiterate population whose property is small and
negligible the element of social backwardness is
observed. When effective territorial specialisation is
not possible in the absence of means of communication
and technical processes as in the hill and Uttrakhand
areas the people are socially backward classes of
citizens. Neglected opportunities and people in remote
places raise walls of social backwardness of people.
Educational backwardness is ascertained with
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reference to these factors. Where people have
traditional apathy for education on account of social
and environ mental conditions or occupational
handicaps, it is an illustration of educational
backwardness. The hill and Uttrakhand areas are
inaccessible. There is lack of educational institutions
and educational aids People in the hill and Uttrakhand
areas illustrate the educationally backward classes of
citizens because lack of educational facilities keep
them stagnant and they have neither meaning and values
nor awareness for education."
The reading of the above passages shows that there is
inherent inconsistency between one part of the decision and
the other. The Court could not have arrived at the two
divergent conclusions set out above since many of the
reasons urged by the State Government were almost identical.
This is due to the earlier approach adopted by the Court to
the question. If caste had been taken into consideration as
a relevant test which could not be ignored in determining
the classes entitled to the benefit of Article 15 (4) and
Art. 16 (4), there would have been no room for the above
inconsistency.
477
Article 14 of the Constitution consists of two parts.
It asks the State not to deny to any person equality before
law. It also asks A the State not to deny the equal
protection of the laws. Equality before law connotes absence
of any discrimination in law. The concept of equal
protection required the State to meet out differential
treatment to persons in different situations in order to
establish an equilibrium amongst all. This is the basis of
the rule that equals should be treated equally and unequals
must be treated unequally if the doctrine of equality which
is one of the corner stones of our Constitution is to be
duly implemented. In order to do justice amongst unequals,
the State has to resort to compensatory or protective
discrimination, Article 15 (4) and Article 16 (4) of the
Constitution were enacted as measures of compensatory or
protective discriminations to grant relief to persons
belonging to socially oppressed castes and minorities. Under
them, it is possible to provide for reservation of seats in
educational institutions and of posts in Government services
to such persons only. But if there are persons who do not
belong to socially oppressed castes and minorities but who
otherwise belong to weaker sections, due to poverty, place
of habitation, want of equal opportunity etc. the question
arises whether such reservation can be made in their favour
under any other provision of the Constitution such as
Article 14, Article 15 (1), Article 16 (1) or Article 46.
The decision in State of Kerala and Anr. v. N.M. Thomas and
Ors.(l) which was rendered by 15 a Bench of seven learned
Judges of this Court attempted to deal with the above
question. The facts of that case were these: Rule 13 (a) of
the Kerala State Subordinate Service Rules, 1958 provided
that no person would be eligible for appointment to any
service or any post unless he possessed such special
qualifications and had passed such special tests as might be
prescribed in that behalf in the Ir Special Rules. For
promotion of a lower division clerk to the next higher post
of upper division clerk, the Government prescribed certain
departmental tests. By Rule 13A which was introduced later
on temporary exemption was given for a period of two years.
That Rule also provided that an employee who did not pass
the unified departmental tests within the period of two
years from the date of introduction of the tests would be
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reverted to the lower post and further stated that he would
not be eligible for appointment under that Rule. Proviso (2)
to this Rule gave temporary exemption for an extended period
of two years in the case of candidates belonging
(1) [1976] I S.C.R 906.
478
to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. When the
Government A found that a large number of candidates
belonging to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes were
facing reversion under that Rule, on a representation made
on their behalf, it gave exemption to them for a further
period of two years by promulgating Rule 13A. As a result of
this Rule, respondent No. I in the above case who had passed
the special test in 1971 was not promoted but some
candidates belonging to Scheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes
who had not passed the tests were promoted. Respondent No. I
there fore challenged the validity of Rule 13A before the
High Court of Kerala on the ground that it violated Article
16 (1) of the Constitution. The High Court struck down the
Rule holding that it was outside the scope of Article 16 (4)
and therefore was violative of Article 16 (1) of the
Constitution The State Government questioned in the above
case before this Court the correctness of the decision of
tho High Court. From the facts narrated above, it is obvious
that the case did not concern itself with reservation of
posts in the higher cadre as such but only involved the
classification of employees of Government into two groups-
those belonging to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and
those who did not belong to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes for purposes of given exemption from possessing one
of the minimum qualifications i.e. from passing the
prescribed tests during a further period of two years 13
Ray, C.J. upheld the Rule by upholding the classification
under Article 14 and Article 16 (1). The learned Chief
Justice observed at page 933 thus:
"All legitimate methods are available for equality
of opportunity in services under Article 16 (1).
Article 16 (4) is affirmative whereas Article 14 is
negative in language. Article 16 (4) indicates one of
the methods of achieving equality embodied in Article
16 (1). Article 16 (1) using the expression "equality"
makes it relatable to all matters of employment from
appointment through promotion and termination to
payment of pension and gratuity. Article 16 (1) permits
classification on the basis of object and purpose of
law or State action except classification involving
discrimination prohibited by Article 16 (2). Equal
protection of laws necessarily involves classification.
The validity of the classification must be adjudged
with reference to the purpose of law. The
classification in the present case is justified because
479
the purpose of classification is to enable members of
Scheduled Castes and Tribes to find representation by A
promotion to a limited extent. From the point of view
of time a differential treatment is given to members of
Scheduled Castes and Tribes for the purpose of giving
them equality consistent with efficiency".
Khanna, J. who upheld the judgment of the High Court
was of the view that since the impugned Rule did not get the
protection of Article 16 (4) which was the only provision
under which preferential treatment could be given to members
belonging to backward classes, Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes, the Rule could not be upheld on the basis
of classification under Article 14 and Article 16 (1) of the
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Constitution. The learned Judge observed at pages 939-940
thus;
"It has been argued on behalf of the appellants
that equality of treatment does not forbid reasonable
classification. Reference in this context is made to
the well accepted principle that Article 14 of the
Constitution forbids class legislation but does not
forbid classification. Permissible classification, it
is equally well established, must be founded on an
intelligible differential which distinguishes persons
or things that arc grouped together from others left
out of the group and the differential must have a
rational relation to the object sought to be achieved
by the statute in question. It is urged that the same
principle should apply when the court is concerned with
the equality of opportunity for all citizens in matters
P relating to employment or appointment to any office
under the State. In this respect I may observe that
this Court has recognised the principle of
classification in the context of clause (1) of article
16 in matters where appointments are from two different
sources, e.g. guards and station masters, promotees and
direct recruits, degree holder and diploma holder
engineers. [See All India Station Masters and Asstt.
station Masters’ Assn. and Ors. v. General Manager,
Central Railway and Ors. [1960) 2 S.C.R. 311, S.G.
Jaisinghani v. Union of India and Ors. [1967] 2 S.C.R.
703 and State of Jammu & Kashmir v. Triloki Nath Khesa
and Ors. [1974] I S.C.R. 771.) The question with which
we are concerned, however, is
480
whether we can extend the above principle of classification
so as to allow preferential treatment to employees on the
ground that they are members of the scheduled castes and
scheduled tribes. So far as this question is concerned I am
of the view that the provision of preferential treatment for
members of backward classes, including scheduled castes and
scheduled tribes, is that contained in clause (4) of article
16 which permits reservation of posts for them. There is no
scope for spelling out such preferential treatment from the
language of clause (1) of article 16 because the language of
that clause does not warrant any preference to any citizen
against another citizen. The opening words of clause (4) of
article 16 that "nothing in this article shall prevent the
State from making any provision for the reservation of
appointments or posts in favour of backward class of
citizens’ indicate that but for clause (4) it would not have
been permissible to make any reservation of appointments or
posts in favour of any backward class of citizens."
Khanna, J. proceeded to observe at page 944 thus:
"The matter can also be locked at from another
angle. If it was permissible to accord favoured
treatment to members of backward classes under clause
(1) of article 16, there would have been no necessity
of inserting clause (4) in article 16. Clause (4) in
Article 16 in such an event would have to be treated as
wholly superfluous and redundant. The normal rule of
interpretation is that no provision of the Constitution
to be treated as redundant and superfluous. The Court
would, therefore, be reluctant to accept a view which
would have the effect of rendering clause (4) of
Article 16 redundant and superfluous".
Mathew, J. more or less agreed with Ray, C.J. He said
at pages 954-955 thus:
"It is said that Article 16 (4) specifically
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provides for reservation of posts in favour of backward
classes which according to the decision of this Court
would include the power of the State to make
reservation at the
481
stage of promotion also and therefore Article 16 (1)
cannot include within its compass the power to give any
adventitious aids by legislation or otherwise to the
back ward classes which would derogate from strict
numerical equality. If reservation is necessary either
at the initial stage or at the stage of promotion or at
both to ensure for the members of the Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes equality of opportunity in the
matter of employment, l see no reason why that is not
permissible under Article 16 (1) as that alone might
put them on a parity with the forward communities in
the matter of achieving the result which equality of
opportunity would produce. Whether there is equality of
opportunity can be gauged only by the equality attained
in the result. Formal equality of opportunity simply
enables people with more education and intelligence to
capture all the posts and to win over the less
fortunate in education and talent even when the
competition is fair. Equality of result is the test of
equality of opportunity".
Beg, J. (as he then was) agreed with the view of
Khanna, J. that the principle of classification could not be
extended to cases of this nature but upheld the Rule as
squarely falling within the scope of Article 16 (4) itself.
He observed at page 959:
"Strictly speaking, the view adopted by my learned
brother Khanna, that the ambit of the special
protection of "equality of opportunity in matters
relating to public service", which can be made
available to members of backward classes of citizens,
is exhausted by Article 16 (4) of the Constitution,
seems inescapable. Article 16 is, after all, a facet of
the grand principles embraced by Article 14 of our
Constitution. It guarantees: "Equality of opportunity
in matters of public appointment". It does so in
absolute terms. It is a necessary consequence and a
special application of Article 14 in an important field
where denial of equality of opportunity cannot be
permit ted. While Article 16 (1) sets out the positive
aspect of equality of opportunity in matters relating
to employment by the State, Article 16 (2) negatively
prohibits discrimination on the grounds given in
Article 16 (2) in the area covered by Article 16 (1) of
the Constitution. If
482
Scheduled Castes do not fall within the ambit of
Article 16 (2), but as a "backward class" of citizens,
escape the direct prohibition it is because the
provisions of Article 16 (4) make such an escape
possible for them. They could also avoid the necessary
consequences of the positive mandate of Article 16 (1)
if they come within the only exception contained in
Article 16 (4) of the Constitution. I respectfully
concur with my learned brother Khanna and Gupta that it
would be dangerous to extend the limits of protection
against the operation of the principle of equality of
opportunity in this field beyond its express
constitutional authorisation by Article 16 (4) ’.
Beg, J. (as he then was) proceeded to hold at page 961
thus:
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"Members of a backward class could be said to be
discriminated against if severer tests were prescribed for
them. But, this is not the position in the case before us.
All promotees, belonging to any class, caste, or creed, are
equally subjected to efficiency tests of the same type and
standard. The impugned rules do not dispense with these
tests for any class or group. Indeed, such tests could not
be dispensed with for employees from Scheduled Castes, even
as a backward class, keeping in view the provisions of
Article 335 of the Constitution. All that happens here is
that the backward class of employees is given a longer
period of time to pass the efficiency tests and prove their
merits as determined by such tests. It has been, therefore,
argued that, in this respect, there is substantial equality.
In other words, the argument is that if Article 16 (1) could
be interpreted a little less rigidly and more liberally the
discrimination involved here will not fall outside it. Even
if this was a tenable view, I would, for all the reasons
given here, prefer to find the justification, if this is
possible, in the express provisions of Article 16 (4)
because this is where such a justification should really
lie."
Krishna Iyer, J. after recording the statement of the
Advocate General for Kerala that the Rule could not be
sustained under Article 16 (4) upheld it under article 14
and Article 16 (1) as it
483
related to members belonging to the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes. Perhaps he would have struck down the Rule
if the benefit A of the Rule had been extended to other
backward classes as can be seen from the following passage
occurring at page 981:
"If Art. 14 admits of reasonable classification,
so does Art. 16(1) and this Court has held so. In the
present case, the economic advancement and promotion of
the claims of the grossly under-represented and
pathetically neglected classes, otherwise described as
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, consistently
with the maintenance of administrative efficiency, is
the object, constitutionally sanctioned by Arts. 46 and
335 and reasonably accommodated in Art. 16(1). The
differentia so loudly obtrusive, is the dismal social
milieu of harijans. Certainly this has a rational
relation to the object set out above. I must repeat the
note of caution earlier struck. Not all caste
backwardness is recognised in this formula. To do so is
subversive of both Art. 16(1) and (2). The social
disparity must be so grim and substantial as to serve
as a foundation for benign discrimination. If we search
for such a class, we cannot find any large segment
other than the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
Any other caste, securing exemption from Art. 16(1) and
(2), by exerting political pressure or other influence,
will run the high risk of unconstitutional
discrimination. If the real basis of classification is
caste masked as backward class, the Court must strike
at such communal manipulation. Secondly, the
Constitution recognizes the claims of only harijans
(Art. 335) and not of every backward class. The profile
of Art. 46 is more or less the same. So, we may readily
hold that casteism cannot come back by the back door
and, except in exceptionally rare cases, no class other
than Harijans can jump the gauntlet of ’equal
opportunity’ guarantee. Their only hope is in Art.
16(4)". (Emphasis supplied).
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Gupta, J. agreed generally with Khanna, J. and upheld
the judgment of the High Court. Gupta, 1. after referring to
Article 335 observed at page 986 thus: H
"This Article does not create any right in the
members of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled
Tribes which
484
they might claim in the matter of appointments to
services A and posts; one has to look elsewhere,
Article 16(4) for instance, to find out the claims
conceded to them. Article 335 says that such claims
shall be considered consistently with administrative
efficiency, thus is a provision which does not enlarge
but qualify such claims as they may have as members of
the Scheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes. Article 335,
it seems clear, cannot furnish any clue to the
understanding of Article 16(1)".
Fazal Ali, J. also upheld the impugned Rule under
Article 16(1). The learned Judge said at page 1001 thus: "
"Article 335 of the Constitution contains a mandate to
the State for considering the claims of the members of
tho Scheduled Castes and the scheduled tribes
consistently with the maintenance of efficiency of
administration. By giving the special concessions to
the promotees this man date is sought to be obeyed by
the Government. Mr. T.S. Krishnamoorthy Iyer, counsel
for the respondent No. I submitted that the mandate
given in Art. 335 is violated because by granting
exemption to the members of the scheduled castes and
tribes the standard of efficiency of the services would
be impaired. We are, however, unable to agree with the
argument. Both the respondent No. I and the promotees
were members of the same service and had been working
as Lower Division Clerks for a pretty long time. The
promotees were members of the scheduled castes and
tribes are admittedly senior to respondent No. I and
have gained more experience. Further the rule does not
grant complete exemption to the promotees from passing
the test; it only provides for grant of extension of
time to enable them to clear the test. In these
circumstances it cannot be held that the State’s action
in incorporating r. 13-AA in any way violates the
mandate contained in Art. 335. In these circumstances,
therefore, I am clearly satisfied that the concesion
given in r. 13-AA amounts to a reasonable
classification which can be made under Art. 16(1) of
the Constitution and does not amount to the selection
of the respondent No. 1 for hostile discrimination so
as to be violative of Art. 16(1) of the Constitution of
India"
485
But Fazal Ali, J. was, however, of the view that
Article 16(4) of the Constitution was a complete code so far
as reservation of posts A was concerned. The learned Judge
observed at page 1002 thus:
"Clause (4) of Art. 16 of the Constitution cannot
be read in isolation but has to be read as part and
parcel of Art. 16(1) & (2). Suppose there are a number
of backward classes who form a sizable section of the
population of the country but are not properly or
adequately represented in the services under the State
the question that arises is that can be done to enable
them to join the services and have a sense of equal
participation. One course is to make a reasonable
classification under Art. 16(1) in the manner to which
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I have already adverted in great detail. The other
method to achieve the end may be to make suitable
reservation for the backward classes in such a way so
that the inadequate representation of the backward
classes in the services is made adequate. This form of
classification which is referred to as reservation, is,
in my opinion, clearly covered by Art. 16(4) of the
Constitution which is completely exhaustive on this
point. That is to say clause (4) of Art. 16 is not an
exception to Art. 14 in the sense that whatever
classification can be made can be done only through
clause (4) of Art. 16. Clause (4) of Art. 16, however,
is an explanation containing an exhaustive and
exclusive provision regarding reservation which is one
of the forms of classification. Thus clause (4) of Art.
16 deals exclusively with reservation and not other
forms of classifiable which can be made under Art.
16(1) itself. Since clause (4) is a special provision
regarding reservation, it can safely be held that it
overrides Art. 16(1) to that extent and no reservation
can be made under Art. 16(1)". (Emphasis added)
The result is that at least according to four learned
Judges - Khanna; Beg, Gupta and Fazal Ali, JJ. no
reservation of posts can be made in Government services for
backward classes including Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes under Article 14 or Article 16(1). According to
Krishna Iyer, J. preferential treatment as was done in this
case on the basis of classification ordinarily could be
given under Article 16(1) to the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes only. Other backward classes could not,
except in exceptionally rare cases be extended the same
benefit and their only hope was Article 16(4) of the
constitution,
486
Now reverting to the power of the Government to make
reservations under Article 15(4) and Article 16(4) of the
Constitution, we may state thus: The determination of the
question whether the members belonging to a caste or a group
or a community are backward for the purpose of Article 15(4)
and Article 16(4) of the Constitution is no doubt left to
the Government. But it is not open to the Government to call
any caste or group or community as backward according to its
sweet will and pleasure and extend the benefits that may be
granted under those provisions to such caste or group or
community. The exercise of uncontrolled power by the
Government in this regard may lead to political favouritism
leading to denial of the just requirements of classes which
are truly backward. The power of the Government to classify
any caste or group or community as backward has to be
exercised in accordance with the guidelines that can be
easily gathered from the Constitution. It is now accepted
that the expressions ’socially and educationally backward
classes of citizens’ and ’the Scheduled Castes and the
Scheduled Tribes’ in Article 15(4) of the Constitution
together are equivalent to backward classes of citizens’ in
Article 16(4). Dealing with the question whether any
particular caste or group or community could be treated as
socially and educationally backward for purposes of Article
15(4), the Court observed in Balaji’s case (supra) at page
465 thus:
"Therefore, we are not satisfied that the State was
justified in taking the view that communities or castes
whose ave rage of student population was the same as,
or just below, the State average, should be treated as
educationally back ward classes of citizens. If the
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test has to be applied be a reference to the State
average of student population, the legitimate view to
take would be that the classes of citizens whose
average is well or substantially below the State
average can be treated as educationally backward."
This was further explained by Shah, J. (as he then was)
in Sagar’s case (supra) when he observed that the criterion
for deter mining the backwardness must not be based solely
on religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth and the
backwardness being social and educational must be similar to
the backwardness from which the Scheduled Castes and the
Scheduled Tribes suffered. A Constitution, Bench of this
Court reiterated the above principle in Janki Prasad Parimoo
& Ors. etc. etc. v. State of Jammu & Kashmir & Ors. in which
it was observed at page 252 thus:
(1) [1973] 3 S.C.R. 236.
487
"That accounts for the raison d ’etre of the principle
explained in Balaji’s case which pointed out that
backward classes for whose improvement special
provision was contemplated by Article 15(4) must be
comparable to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes who
are standing examples of backwardness socially and
educationally".
This view is in conformity with the intention
underlying clause (6) of the resolution regarding the aims
and objects of the Constitution moved by Jawaharlal Nehru on
December 13, 1946 which asked the Constituent Assembly to
frame a Constitution providing adequate safeguards for
minorities, backward and tribal areas and depressed and
other backward classes and also with the provisions of
Article 338 and Article 340 of the Constitution. Unless the
above restriction is imposed on the Government, it would
become possible for the Government to call any caste or
group or community which constitutes a powerful political
lobby in the State as backward even though in fact it may be
an advanced caste or group or community but just below some
other forward community. There is another important reason
why such advanced castes or groups or communities should not
be included in the list of backward classes and that is that
if castes or groups and communities which are fairly well
advanced and castes and groups and communities which are
really backward being at the rock-bottom level are
classified together as backward classes, the benefit of
reservation would invariably be eaten up by the more
advanced sections and the really deserving sections would
practically go without any benefit as more number of
children of the more advanced castes or groups or
communities amongst them would have scored higher marks than
the children of more backward castes or groups or
communities. In that event the whole object of reservation
would become frustrated. It is stated that it was with a
view to avoiding this anomalous situation, the Government of
Devaraj Urs had to appoint the Havanur Commission to make
recommendations for the purpose of effectively implementing
the objects of Article 15(4) and Article 16(4). Hence as far
as possible while preparing the list of backward classes,
the State Government has to bear in mind the above principle
as a guiding factor. The adoption of the above principle
will not unduly reduce the number of persons who will be
eligible for the benefits under Article 15(4) and Article
16(4) of the Constitution since over the years the level of
the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes is also going up
by reason of several remedial
488
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measure taken in regard to them by the State and Central
Government. At the same time, it will also release the
really backward castes, groups and communities from the
strangle-hold of many advanced groups which have had the
advantage of reservation along with the really backward
classes for nearly three decades. It is time that more
attention is given to those castes, and groups communities
who have been at the lowest level suffering from all the
disadvantages and disabilities (except perhaps
untouchability) to which many of the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes have been exposed but without the same or
similar advantages that flow from being included in the list
of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes.
Since economic condition is also a relevant criterion,
it would be appropriate to incorporate a ’means test’ as one
of the tests in determining the backwardness as was done by
the Kerala Government in Jayasree’s case (supra). These two
tests namely, that the conditions of caste or group or
community should be more or less similar to the conditions
in which the Scheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes are
situated and that the income of the family to which the
candidate belongs does not exceed the specified limit would
serve as useful criteria in determining beneficiaries of any
reservation to be made under Article 15(4). For the purpose
of Article 16(4) however, it should also be shown that the
backward class in question is in the opinion of the
Government not adequately represented in the Government
services.
There is one other basis on which a classification made
for purposes of Article 15 (4) or Article 16 (4) of the
Constitution has received the approval of this Court in
Chitralekha’s case (supra). In that case the Court was
concerned with a list of backward classes prepared on the
basis of economic condition and occupation. According to
that Government order, persons whose family income was Rs.
1,200 per annum or less and who were engaged in occupations
such as agriculture. petty business, inferior services,
crafts or other occupations involving manual labour were
treated as belonging to backward classes. The petitioner who
had filed the petition in the High Court did not challenge
the validity of the said classification. But on a submission
made on behalf of the State Government, the Court expressed
its general approval to the method of classification. Even
in the case before us now, there is a reservation of 15 per
cent of seats of posts in favour of members falling under a
classification styled as ’special group’ which is based on
similar
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occupation-cum-income considerations. Even here no serious
objection is taken by any party to the said classification
treating A persons who satisfied the prescribed tests as
being eligible for reservation. It is apparent that this
’special group’ is a creature of social, economic and
political necessity. Since a classification made on the
above said basis has received the approval of a Constitution
Bench of equal strength and its correctness is not
challenged before us, we treat this classification as a
valid one even though a criticism of this kind of
classification was made, not unjustifiably as we now see, by
the Mysore High Court in D.G. Viswanath’s case.(1) This
classification would include persons of all castes, groups
and communities provided the two tests namely, occupation
test and income test are satisfied.
Next comes the vexed question relating to the extent of
reservation that can be made under Art. 15 (4) and Art. 16
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(4) of the Constitution. In Balaji’s case (supra) this Court
took the view that since Article 15 (4) is an exception to
Article 15 (1) and Article 16 (4) is an exception to Article
16 (1) and (2) any reservation made under Article 15 (4) and
Article 16 (4) should not exceed 50 per cent of the total
number of seats or posts, as the case may be. The Court held
that reservation of 68 per cent of seats under Article 15
(4) which was a special provision was invalid. The Court
further held that ’speaking generally and in a broad way a
special ID provision should be less than 50 per cent, how
much less than 50 per cent would depend upon the relevant
prevailing circumstances in each case’. This statement was
understood by a Constitution Bench of this Court in T.
Devadasan v. The Union of India and Anr.(2) as laying down
the rule that reservation under Article 15 (4) or Article 16
(4) could not be more than 50 per cent of seats or posts. In
that case Mudholkar, J. speaking for the majority said at
page 698:
"Even if the Government had provided for the
reservation of posts for Scheduled Castes and Tribes a
cent per cent reservation of vacancies to be filled in
a particular year or reservation of vacancies in excess
of 50 per cent would, according to the decision in
Balaji’s case, not be constitutional".
(1) A.I.R. 1964 Mys. 132.
(2) [1964] 4 S.C.R. 680.
490
But in the State of Kerala and Anr. v. N.M. Thomas and
Ors. (supra) the question relating to the permissible extent
of reservation arose for consideration. Ray, C.J. came to
the conclusion that taking into consideration the entire
Government service, there was no excessive concession shown
to the employees belonging to the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes. Beg, J. (as he then was) was also of the
same view. Fazal Ali, J. Observed at page 1005 thus:
"This means that the reservation should be within
the permissible limits and should not be a cloak to
fill all the posts belonging to a particular class of
citizens and thus violate Art. 16 (1) of the
Constitution indirectly. At the same time clause (4) of
Art. 16 does not fix any limit on the power of the
Government to make reservation. Since clause (4) is a
part of Art. 16 of the Constitution it is manifest that
the State cannot be allowed to indulge in excessive
reservation so as to defeat the policy contained in
Art. 16 (1). As to what would be a suitable reservation
within permissible limits will depend upon the facts
and circumstances of each case and no hard and fast
rule can be laid down, nor can this matter be reduced
to a mathematical formula so as to be adhered to in all
cases. Decided cases of this Court have no doubt laid
down that the percentage of reservation should not
exceed 50 per cent. As I read the authorities, this is,
however, a rule of caution and does not exhaust all
categories. Suppose for instance a State has a large
number of backward classes of citizens which constitute
80 per cent of the population and the Government, in
order to give them proper representation, reserves 80
per cent of the jobs for them, can it be said that the
percent age of reservation is bad and violates the
permissible limits of clause (4) of Art. 16 ? The
answer must necessarily be in the negative. The
dominant object of this provision is to take steps to
make inadequate representation adequate."
Krishna Iyer, J. in the same case observed at page 981
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thus:
"I agree with my learned brother Fazal Ali, J. in
the view that the arithmetical limit of 50 per cent in
any one
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year set by some earlier rulings cannot perhaps be
pressed too far. Overall representation in a department
does not depend on recruitment in a particular year,
but the total strength of a cadre. I agree with his
construction of Art. 16 (4) and his view about the
’carry forward’ rule."
After carefully going through all the seven opinions in
the above case, it is difficult to held that the settled
view of this Court that the reservation under Article 15 (4)
or Article 16 (4) could not be more than 50 per cent has
been unsettled by a majority of the Bench which decided this
case. I do not propose to pursue this point further in this
case because if reservation is made only in favour of those
backward castes or classes which are comparable to the
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, it may not exceed 5()
per cent (including 18 per cent reserved for the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes and 15 per cent reserved for
’special group’) in view of the total population of such
backward classes in the State of Karnataka. The Havanur
Commission has taken the number of students passing at S
S.L.C. examination in the year 1972 as the basis for
determining the backwardness. The average passes per
thousand of the total population of the State of Karnataka
was 1.69 in 1972. The average in the case of the Scheduled
Castes was 0 56 and in the case of Scheduled Tribes was
0.51. Even if we take all the castes, tribes and communities
whose average is below 50 per cent of the State average i.e.
below .85 per cent for classifying them as backward, large
chunks of population which are now treated as backward would
have to go out of the list of backward classes. Consequently
the necessity for reservation which would take the total
reservation under Article 15 (4) and Article 16 (4) beyond
50 per cent of the total number of seats/posts would cases
to exist. The present arrangement has been worked for more
than five years already. It is now necessary to redetermine
the question of backwardness of the various castes, tribes
and communities for purposes of Article 15 (4) and Article
16 (4) in the light of the latest figures to be collected on
the various relevant factors and to refix the extent of
reservation for backward classes. The reservation of 15 per
cent now made under Article 15 (4) and Article 16 (4) but
which may be traced to Article 14 and Article 16 (1) to
’special group’ based on occupation-cum-income can in any
event be availed of by members of all communities and
castes.
At this stage it should be made clear that if on a
fresh determination some castes or communities have to go
out of the list of
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Backward classes prepared for Article 15 (4) and Article 16
(4), the Government may still pursue the policy of
amelioration of weaker sections of the population amongst
them in accordance with the directive principle contained in
Article 46 of the Constitution. There are in all castes and
communities poor people who if they are given adequate
opportunity and training may be able to compete success
fully with persons belonging to richer classes The
Government may provide for them liberal grants of
scholarships, free studentship, free boarding and lodging
facilities, free uniforms, free mid-day meals etc. to make
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the life of poor students comfortable. The Government may
also provide extra tutorial facilities, stationery and books
free of cost and library facilities. These and other steps
should be taken in the lower classes so that by the time a
student appears for the qualifying examination he may be
able to attain a high degree of proficiency in his studies.
The State Government shall now proceed to redetermine
the whole question of reservation of seats/posts under
Article 15 (4) and Article 16 (4) of the Constitution in
this judgment.
S.R.
493