Full Judgment Text
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PETITIONER:
STATE OF MADHYA PRADESH
Vs.
RESPONDENT:
RAMASHANKAR RAGHUVANSHI & ANOTHER
DATE OF JUDGMENT21/02/1983
BENCH:
FAZALALI, SYED MURTAZA
BENCH:
FAZALALI, SYED MURTAZA
REDDY, O. CHINNAPPA (J)
CITATION:
1983 AIR 374 1983 SCR (2) 393
1983 SCC (2) 145 1983 SCALE (1)134
ACT:
Constitution of India, 1950-Art. 311-Seeking police
report on past political activity and faith of a person for
public employment-Whether offends articles 14 and 16 of the
Constitution.
HEADNOTE:
Consequent upon the taking over by the Government of
the municipal school in which the respondent worked as a
teacher, he was absorbed in Government service. The order
stated that his absorption in Government service was subject
to verification of his antecedents. Sometime later, on the
basis of the report of the Superintendent of Police that
before being absorbed in Government service the respondent
had taken part in RSS and Jan Sangh activities his services
were terminated on the ground that he was not a fit person
to be entertained in Government service.
On the view that the order of termination of his
service was of a punitive character, passed without
complying with the provisions of Art. 311 of the
Constitution, the High Court quashed that order.
Dismissing the special leave petition under Art. 136 of
the Constitution,
^
HELD:
per S. Murtaza Fazal Ali, J.
The special leave petition should be dismissed in
limine. [394 H]
per o. Chinnappa Reddy, J.
The respondent cannot be turned back at the very
threshold on the ground of his past political activities.
Once he becomes a Government servant, a he becomes subject
to the various rules regulating his conduct and his
activities must naturally be subject to all rules made in
conformity with the Constitution. [402 E-P]
The determination of the people of this country to
constitute India into a democratic republic and to secure to
all its citizens "liberty of thought, expression. belief,
faith and worship; Equality of status and opportunity" has
been written into the articles of the Constitution in the
shape of fundamental
394
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rights and they are what makes India a democratic republic
and what marks India from authoritarian or police states.
The right to form associations and unions, among other
rights, is declared as a fundamental right; yet the State
Government sought to deny employment to him on the ground
that the report of a police officer stated that he once
belonged to some political organisation.
[395 F-H]
The action sought to be taken against the respondent
was not any disciplinary action on the ground of his present
involvement in political activities contrary to some service
conduct rule nor was there any allegation that he ever
participated in any illegal or subversive activity or that
he was a perpetrator of violent deeds. All that was said was
that before he was absorbed in Government service he had
taken part of RSS and Jan Sangh activities. What those
activities were had never been disclosed. Neither the RSS
nor the Jan Sangh was alleged to be engaged in any
subversive or other illegal activities, nor were they banned
organisations. Most people may not agree with the programme
and philosophy of the Jan Sangh or RSS but that is
irrelevent. Everyone is entitled to his thought and views.
Members of these organisations continue to be members of
Parliament and State legislatures. They are heard often with
respect both inside and outside the Parliament. [395 H; 396
A-D]
The whole idea of seeking a police report on the
political faith and the past political activity of a
candidate for public employment appears to cut at the very
root of the fundamental rights of equality of opportunity in
the matter of employment and freedom of association. It
offends the fundamental rights guaranteed by articles 14 and
16 of the Constitution to deny employment to an individual
because of his past political affinities, unless such
affinities are considered likely to affect the integrity and
efficiency of the individual’s service.
[397 D-E]
Wieman v. Updegraff, 344 U.S. 183 & Speisar v. Randall,
357 U.S. 573, referred to.
JUDGMENT:
CIV1L APPELLATE JURISDICTION: Petition for Special
Leave to Appeal (Civil) No. 4679 of 1980,.
From the Judgment and order dated the 24th July, 1979
of the High Court of Madhya Pradesh at Jabalpur in Misc.
Petition No. 119 of 1975.
Gopal Subramaniam and D. P. Mohanty for the Petitioner.
The Judgment of the Court was delivered by
FAZAL ALI. J., Since we are clearly of the view that
the special leave petition should be dismissed in 1975 on
merits, I would not like to go any further into the details
of the facts of the case. r would, therefore, refrain from
expressing any opinion on the observations made by my
learned brother Chinnappa Reddy, J.
395
CHINNAPPA REDDY, J. This special leave petition has to
be dismissed. There is no merit in it. The respondent was a
teacher employed in a municipal school. The school was taken
over by the Government in June 1971. The respondent was
absorbed in Government service by an order dated February
28, 1972. The order recited that the absorption was subject
to ’verification of antecedents’ and medical fitness The
services of the respondent were terminated on November S,
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1974. Though the order terminating the services of the
respondent did not purport to stigmatise him in any manner,
it was not disputed before the High Court and it is no
longer disputed before us that the order was founded on a
report made by the Superintendent of Police, Raigarh on
October 31, 1974, to the effect that the respondent was not
a fit person to be entertained in Government service, as he
had taken part in ’RSS and Jan Sangh activities’. The High
Court held that the order of termination of service was of a
punitive character and quashed it on the ground that the
provisions of Art. 311 of the Constitution had not been
complied with. The State of Madhya Pradesh has sought leave
to appeal to this court under Art. 136 of the Constitution.
India is not a police state. India Is a democratic
republic. More than 30 years ago, on January 26, 1950, the
people of India resolved to constitute India into a
democratic republic and to secure to all its citizens
"Liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship;
Equality of status and opportunity", and to promote
"Fraternity, assuring the dignity of the individual". This
determination of the people, let us hope, is not a forgotten
chapter of history. The determination has been written into
the articles of the Constitution in the shape of Fundamental
Rights and they are what makes India a democratic republic
and what marks India from authoritarian or police States.
The right to freedom of speech and expression, the right to
form associations and unions, the right to assemble
peaceably and without arms. the right to equality before the
law and the equal protection of the right laws, the right to
equality of opportunity in matters relating to employment or
appointment to any office under the State are declared
Fundamental Rights. Yet the Government of Madhya Pradesh
seeks to deny employment to the respondent on the ground
that the report of a Police officer stated that he once
belonged to some political organisation. It is important to
note that the action sought to be taken against the
respondent is not any disciplinary action on the ground of
his present involvement in
396
political activity after entering the service of the
Government, contrary to some Service Conduct Rule. It is
further to be noted that it is not alleged that the
respondent ever participated in any illegal, vicious or
subversive activity. There is no hint that the respondent
was or is a perpetrator of violent deeds or that he exhorted
anyone to commit violent deeds. There is no reference to any
addition to violence or vice or any incident involving
violence, vice or other crime. All that is said is that
before he was absorbed in Government service, he had taken
part in some ’RSS or Jan Sangh activities.’ What those
activities were has never been disclosed. Neither the RSS
nor tho Jan Sangh is alleged to be engaged in any ,
subversive or other illegal activity; nor are the
organisations banned. Most people, including intellectuals,
may not agree with the program me and philosophy of the Jan
Sangh and the RSS or, for that matter of many other
political parties and organisations of an altogether
different hue. But that is irrelevant. Everyone is entitled
to his thoughts and views. There are no barriers. Our
Constitution guarantees that. In fact members of these
organisations continue to be members of Parliament and State
Legislatures. They are heard, often with respect inside and
outside the Parliament. What then was the sin that the
respondent committed in participating in some political
activity before his absorption into Government service. What
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was wrong in his being a member of an organisation which is
not even alleged to be devoted to subversive or illegal
activities. The whole idea of seeking a Police report on the
political faith and the past political activity of a
candidate for public employment appears to our mind to cut
at the very root of the Fundamental Rights of equality of
opportunity in the matter of employment, freedom of
expression and freedom of association. It is a different
matter altogether if a police report is sought on the
question of the involvement of the candidate in any criminal
or subversive activity in order to find out his suitability
for public employment. But why seek a police report on the
political faith of a candidate and act upon it. Politics is
no crime. Does it mean that only True Believers in the
political faith of the party in power for the time being are
entitled to public employment ? Would it not lead to
devastating results, if such a policy is pursued by each of
the Governments of the constituent States of India where
different political parties may happen to wield power, for
the time being ? Is public employment reserved for "the
cringing and the craven" in the words of Mr. Justice Black
of the United States Supreme Court ? Is it not destructive
of the dignity of the
397
individual mentioned in the preamble of the Constitution ?
Is it to be put against a youngman that before the cold
climate of age and office freezes him into immobility, he
takes part in some political activity in a mild manner. Most
students and most youngmen are exhorted by national leaders
to take part in political activities and if they do get
involved in some form of agitation or the other, is it to be
to their ever-lasting discredit i Sometimes they get
involved because they feel strongly and badly about
injustice, because they are possessed of integrity and
because they are fired by idealism. They get involved
because they are pushed into the forefront by elderly
leaders who lead and occasionally mislead them. Should all
these youngmen be debarred from public employment ? Is
Government service such a heaven that only angels should
seek entry into it ? a We. do not have the slightest doubt
that the whole business of seeking police reports, about the
political faith, belief and association and the past
political activity of a candidate for public employment is
repugnant to the basic rights guaranteed by the Constitution
and entirely misplaced in a democratic republic dedicated to
the ideals set forth in the preamble of the Constitution. We
think it offends the Fundamental Rights guaranteed by Arts.
14 and 16 of the Constitution to deny employment to an
individual because of his past political affinities, unless
such affinities are considered likely to affect the
integrity and efficiency of the individual’s service. To
hold otherwise would be to introduce ’McCarthysim’ into
India. ’McCarthyism’ is obnoxious to the whole philosophy
of our constitution. We do not want it.
In the fifties the practice of baiting and crucifying
teachers, public servants and a host of others in the United
States, as Communists came to be known as ’McCarthyism. Its
baleful effects were described by late President Eisenhower,
himself an anticommunist as follows :-
’McCarthyism took its toll on many individuals and
on the Nation. No one was safe from charges recklessly
made from inside the walls of congressional immunity.
Teachers, Government employees, and even ministers
became vulnerable. Innocent people accused of Communist
associations or party membership have not to this day
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been able to clear their names fully. For a few, of
course, the cost was little-where the accused was a
figure who stood high in public trust and respect,
personal damage, if any could be ignored or laughed
away. But where, without
398
proof cf guilt, or because of some accidental or early-
in life association with suspected persons, a man or
woman had lost a job or the confidence and trust of
superiors and associates, the cost was often tragic,
both emotionally and occupationally" .
The late President also said,
"They...fear other people’s ideas-every new idea.
They... talk about censoring tho sources and the
communication of ideas... without exhaustive debate-
even heated debate-of ideas and programmes, free
Government would weaken and wither. But if we allow
ourselves to be persuaded that every individual, or
party, that takes issue with our own convictions is
necessarily wicked or treasonous-then we are
approaching the end of freedom’s road..."
In Wieman V. Updegraff (1), Black J. said, in one of
the notorious loyalty oath cases and, it is worth quoting in
full.
"History indicates that individual liberty is
intermittently subjected to extraordinary perils. Even
Countries dedicated to government by the people are not
free from such cyclical dangers. The first years of our
Republic marked such a period. Enforcement of the Alien
- and Sedition Laws by zealous patriots who feared
ideas made it highly dangerous for people to think,
speak, or write critically about government, its
agents, or its policies, either foreign or domestic our
Constitutional liberties survived the ordeal of this
regrettable period because there were influential men
and powerful organized groups bold enough to champion
the undiluted right of individuals to publish and argue
for their beliefs however unorthodox or loathsome.
Today however, few individuals and organizations of
power and influence argue that unpopular advocacy has
this same wholly unqualified immunity from governmental
interference. For this and other reasons the present
period of-fear sees more ominously dangerous to speech
and press than was that of the Alien and Sedition Laws,
Suppressive laws and practices are the fashion. The
Oklahoma
399
oath statute is but one manifestation of a national
network A of laws aimed at coercing and controlling the
minds of men. Test oaths are notorious tools of
tyranny. When used to shackle the mind they are, or at
least they should be, unspeakably odious to a free
people. Test oaths are made still more dangerous when
combined with bills of attainder which like this
Oklahoma statute impose pains and penalties for past
lawful associations and utterances.
"Governments need and have ample power to punish
treasonable acts But it does not follow that they must
have a further power to punish thought and speech as
distinguished from acts. Our own free society should
never forget that laws which stigmatize and penalize
thought and speech of the unorthodox have a way of
reaching, ensnaring and silencing many more people than
at first intended. We must have freedom of speech for
all or we will in the long run have it for none but the
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cringing and the craven. And I cannot too often repeat
my belief that the right to speak on matters of public
concern must be wholly lost.
"It seems self-evident that all speech criticizing
government rulers and challenging current beliefs may
be dangerous to the status quo. With full knowledge of
this danger the Framers rested our First Amendment on
the premise that the slightest suppression of thought,
speech, press, or public assembly is still more
dangerous. This means that individuals are guaranteed
an undiluted and unequivocal P right to express
themselves on questions of current public interest. It
means that Americans discuss such questions as of right
and not on sufferance of legislatures, courts or any
other governmental agencies. It means that courts are
without power to appraise and penalize utterances upon
their notion that these utterances are G dangerous. In
my view this uncompromising interpretation of the Bill
of Rights is the one that must prevail if its freedoms
are to be saved. Tyrannical totalitarian governments
cannot safely allow their people to speak with complete
400
freedom. I believe with the Framers that our free
Government can".
In another loyalty oath case, Garner v. Board of Public
Works, (l) Douglas, J had this to say:
"Here the past conduct for which punishment is
exacted is single-advocacy within the past five years
of the overthrow of the Government by force and
violence. In the other cases the acts for which
Cummings and Garland stood condemned covered a wider
range and involved some conduct which might be vague
and uncertain. But those differences, seized on here in
hostility to the constitutional provisions, are wholly
irrelevant. Deprivation of a man’s means of livelihood
by reason of past conduct, not subject to this penalty
when committed, is punishment whether he is a
professional man, a day labourer who works for private
industry, or a Government employee. The deprivation is
nonetheless unconstitutional whether it be for one
single past act or a series of past acts ... ... ...
"Petitioners were disqualified from office not for
what they are today, not because of any program they
currently espouse (cf. Grende v. Board of Supervisors
341 U. S. 56) not because of standards related to
fitness for the office, cf: Dcnt v. West Virginia 129
U.S. 114; Hawker v. New York, 170 U.S. 189, but for
what they once advocated...............
In the same case, Frankfurter, J. Observed:
"The needs of security do not require such curbs
on what may well be innocuous feelings and
associations. Such curbs are indeed self-defeating.
They are not merely unjustifiable restraints on
individuals. They are not merely productive of an
atmosphere of repression uncongenial to the spiritual
vitality of a democratic society. The inhibitions which
they engender are hostile to the best conditions for
securing a high-minded and high-spirited public
service."
In Lerner v. Casey, (a) Douglas, J. said:
401
"We deal here only with a matter of belief. We
have no evidence in either case that the employee in
question ever committed a crime, ever moved in
treasonable opposition against this country. The only
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mark against them-if it can be called such-is a refusal
to answer questions concerning Communist Party
membership. This is said to give rise to doubts
concerning the competence of the teacher in the Beilan
case and doubts as to the trustworthiness and
reliability of the subway conductor in the Lerner
case..."
"There are areas where government may not probe
But government has no business penalizing a citizen
merely for-his beliefs or associations. It is
government action that we have here. It is government
action that the Fourteenth and First Amendments protect
against ... ... ... Many join association, societies,
and fraternities with less than full endorsement of all
their aims."
In Speiser v. Randall, (1) Black, J said:
"This case offers just another example of a wide-
scale effort by Government in this country to impose
penalities and disabilities on everyone who is or is
suspected of being a ’Communist’ or who is not ready at
all times and all places to swear his loyalty to State
and Nation. . I am convinced that this whole of
business of penalizing people because of their views
and expressions concerning Government is hopelessly
repugnant to the principles of Freedom upon which this
Nation was founded .. Loyalty oaths, as well as other
contemporary ’security measures,’ tend to stifle all
forms of unorthodox or unpopular thinking or expression
-the kind of thought and expression which has played
such a vital and beneficial role in the History of this
Nation. The result is a stultifying conformity which in
the end may well turn out to be more destructive to our
free society than foreign agents could ever hope to
be."
In the same case, Douglas, J., said:
402
"Advocacy which is in no way brigaded with action
should always be protected by the First Amendment. That
protection should extend even to the ideas we despise.
As Mr. Justice Holmes, wrote in dissent in Gitlow. v.
New York. (l) ’If in the long run the beliefs expressed
in proletarian dictatorship are destined to be accepted
by the dominant forces of the community, the only
meaning of free speech is that they should be given
their chance and have their way’. It is time for
government-state or federal-to become concerned with
the citizen’s advocacy when his ideas and beliefs move
into the realm of action".
We may end our excursion to the United States of
America with a reference to the words of wisdom uttered by
Thomas Jefferson more than two centuries ago:
".. the opinions of men are not the object of
civil government, nor under its jurisdiction;.. it is
time enough for the rightful purposes of civil
government for its officers to interfere when
principles break out into overt acts against peace and
good order."
We are not for a moment suggesting that even after
entry into Government service, a person may engage himself
in political activities. All that we say is that he cannot
be turned back at the very threshold on the ground of his
past political activities. Once he becomes a Government
servant, he becomes subject to the various rules regulating
his conduct and his activities must naturally be subject to
all rules made in conformity with the Constitution.
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Let us once more remained ourselves of what Gurudev
Rabindranath Tagore said:
"Where the mind is without fear and the head is
held high: where knowledge is free,......
403
Where the clear stream of reason has not lost its
way into the dreary desert sand of dead habit:
Where the mind is led forward by thee into ever
widening thought and action
let my country awake".
The application is dismissed.
P.B.R Petition dismissed.
404