Full Judgment Text
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PETITIONER:
KANWAR LAL GUPTA
Vs.
RESPONDENT:
AMAR NATH CHAWLA & ORS.
DATE OF JUDGMENT03/10/1974
BENCH:
BHAGWATI, P.N.
BENCH:
BHAGWATI, P.N.
SARKARIA, RANJIT SINGH
CITATION:
1975 AIR 308 1975 SCR (2) 269
1975 SCC (3) 646
CITATOR INFO :
RF 1975 SC 349 (32)
O 1975 SC2299 (113,119,120,249,490,493,495,4
RF 1981 SC1068 (9)
D 1985 SC1133 (2,3,6,8,14,17,21)
RF 1987 SC1577 (21)
ACT:
Representation of the People Act (43 of 1951) ss. 77(1) and
123(6)-Expenses incurred by party sponsoring candidate in
excess of the prescribed limit-If and when a corrupt
Practice-Reform of election law suggested.
HEADNOTE:
Section 77(1) of the Representation of the People Act, 1951,
provides that every candidate at an election shall, either
by himself or by his election agent, keep a separate and
correct account of all expenditure, in connection with the
election, incurred or authorised by him or by his election
agent between the date of the publication of the
notification calling the election and the date of
declaration of result thereof, both dates inclusive; and s.
77(3) gays that the total of the said expenditure shall not
exceed such amount as may be prescribed.
The objects of enacting a ceiling on the expenditure which
may legitimately be incurred in connection with an election
are :
(a)It should be open to any individual or to any political
party, however small, to be able to contest an election on a
footing of equality with any other individual or political
party, however rich and well financed it may be, and no
individual or political party should be able to secure an
advantage over others by reason of its superior financial
strength. The democratic process can function efficiently
and effectively, for the benefit of the common good and
reach out the benefits of self-government to the common man
only if it brings about a participatory democracy in which
every man, howsoever lowly or humble he may be, should be
able to participate on a footing of equality with others.
Now money. plays an important part in the successful
prosecution of an election campaign by buying advertisement
and canvassing facilities, by providing the means for quick
and speedy communications and movements and sophisticated
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campaign techniques, and also by the employment of paid
workers where volunteers are found to be insufficient.
Therefore, if one political party or individual has larger
resources available to it than another the former would
certainly, under the present system of conducting elections,
have an advantage over the latter in the electoral process.
[265C-F]
(b)The other objective of limiting expenditure is to
eliminate, as far as possible, the influence of big money in
electoral process. If there were no limit on expenditure
political parties would go all out for collecting
contributions and obviously the largest contributions would
be from the rich and the affluent who constitute but a
fraction of the electorate. It is likely that some elected
representatives would tend to share the views of the wealthy
supporters of their political party, either because of
shared background and association, increased access or
subtle influenceswhich condition their thinking. In such
an event, the result would be that thouostensibly the
political parties which receive such contributions may
profess an ideology acceptable to the common man, they
would in effect and substance be the representatives of a
certain economic class, and their policies and decisions
would be shaped by the interests of that economic class.
Persons of a particular class who have exclusive
governmental power, even if they tried to act objectively,
would tend to overlook the interests of other classes or
view those interests differently. To this natural tendency
may be added the fact that office bearers and elected
representatives may quite possibly be inclined, though
unconsciously and imperceptibly, to espouse the policies and
decisions that will attract campaign contributions from
affluent individuals and groups. Preelection donations
would be Rely to operate as post-election promises resulting
ultimately in the casualty of the interest of the common
man. The small man’s chance is the essence of Indian
democracy and that would be stultified if large
contributions from rich and affluent individuals or groups
are not divorced from the electoral process.
[266E-F, 267C-D, E-F, G-H]
2-M255SupCII75
260
Under s, 123(6) not only is the incurring of expenditure in
excess of the prescribed limit a corrupt practice but also
the authorising of such expenditure. Authorising may be
implied or express, and whether a particular expenditure wag
impliedly authorised by the candidate would depend upon the
facts and circumstances of each case as appearing from the
evidence adduced before the court. [264H-265B]
The reasonable interpretation of the provision, which would
carry out its object and intendment and suppress the
mischief and advance the remedy by purifying the election
process and ridding it of the pernicious and baneful
influence of big money, is, that the legislature could never
have intended that what the individual candidate cannot do
the political parties sponsoring him, or his friends and
supporters, should be free to do. When a political party
sponsoring a candidate incurs expenditure specifically in
connection with his election, as distinguished from expen-
diture on general party propaganda, and the candidate
knowingly takes advantage of it or participates in the
programme or activity or consents to it or acquiesces in it,
it would be reasonable to infer, save in special
circumstances, that he impliedly authorised the political
party to incur such expenditure; and he cannot escape the
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rigors of the ceiling by saying that he has not incurred
expenditure but big political party has done so. The party
candidate does not stand apart from his political party and
if the political party does not want its candidate to incur
the disqualification it must exercise control over the
expenditure which may be incurred by it directly to promote
the poll prospects of the candidate. The same proposition
must hold good in case of expenditure incurred by friends
and supporters directly in connection with the election of
the candidate. If a candidate were to be subject to the
limitation of the ceiling but the political party sponsoring
him or his friends’ and supporters were to be free to spend
as much as they like in connection with his election, the
object of imposing a ceiling would be completely frustrated
and the beneficent provision enacted in the interest of
purity and genuineness of the democratic process would be
wholly emasculated. [268A-F]
Ranajaya Singh v. Baijnath Singh & Ors. [1955] 1 S.C.R. 671,
Ram Dayal v. Brijraj Singh & Ors. [1970] 1 S.C.R. 530,
Magraj Patodia v. R. K. Birla & Ors. [1971] 2 S.C.R. 118 and
B. Rajagopala Rao v. N. G. Ranga, A.I.R. 1971 S.C. 266,
referred to.
In the present case, the first respondent’s election to the
Lok Sabha was challenged by the petitioner on various
grounds, one of which wag that the first respondent incurred
or authorised expenditure in excess of the prescribed limit
of Rs. 10,000 in contravention of s. 77 and committed
corrupt practice under s. 123(6). The High Court dismissed
the election petition.
Allowing the appeal to this Court,
Held : (1) The total expenditure proved to have been
incurred or authorised by the first respondent exceeded the
prescribed limit and therefore his election should be set
aside on the ground of corrupt practice defined in s. 123(6)
[316F]
(a)A chart was furnished to the petitioner giving
information as to the dates and places of the public
meetings held in connection with the election of the first
respondent and the names of the speakers who spoke at those
public meetings. This chart was prepared in compliance with
the directions of the trial court from the official records
in the possession of the I.G. of Police. Therefore it is
relevant and admissible in evidence under the first part of
s. 35 of the Evidence Act. Though it is a weak type of
evidence, and standing by itself cannot be regarded
sufficient to establish the holding of a public meeting by
the first respondent, it can be relied upon as a
corroborative piece of evidence which may be considered
along with other evidence in the case. The oral evidence
thug corroborated, disclosed that in addition to the 23
public meetings admitted by the first respondent, 9 further
public meetings were held on big behalf at various places.
The first respondent not only suppressed the expenditure on
these nine additional public meetings, but, also he
suppressed the real expenditure on the admitted 23 public
meetings. [281G-282C, G-283A, 293A-C, 301A-B]
(b)If the Court comes to the conclusion that’ an item of
expenditure has been suppressed in the return of election
expenses, the mere fact that there is no sufficient evidence
about the amount that must have been spent is no ground for
ignoring the matter. It is the duty of the Court to asses
all expenses as best as it
26 1
can though the court should not enter into the region of
speculation or merely try to guess the amount that must have
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been spent. Generally it would be possible to arrive at an
amount of expenditure on a conservative basis, and where it
is possible to arrive at such an estimate, such estimated
amount should be held as not shown by the candidate in his
election account. [300E-G]
Magraj Patodia v. R. K. Birla & Ors. [1971] 2 S.C.R. 11 8
and P. C. P. Reddiar v. S. Perumal, [1972] 2 S.C.R. 646
referred to.
(c)The first respondent owned the responsibility for
expenses in respect of the 23 public meetings admitted by
him. He also admitted in his evidence that he "bore the
expenses of all the election meetings in my constituency".
Therefore, there is no scope for the argument that the
expenses of any of these additional 9 public meetings were
met by any Organisation or individual other than the first
respondent. Even if the expenses of some of these nine
public meetings were incurred by the District Pradesh
Congress Committee or any other branch of the Congress orga-
nisation which sponsored his candidature, or by any other
friend or supporter, such expenses must be held to have been
authorised by the first respondent because, he knowingly
took advantage of such public meetings by participating in
them and consented to, or at any rate, acquiesced in such
expenses. [292E-H]
(2)It is not uncommon to find that during elections,
posters and handbills are printed without complying with the
requirement of section 127A, and sometimes containing
scandalous material about rival candidates. There should
therefore be some independent semi-judicial instrumentality
set up by law, which would immediately investigate, even
while the election fever is on and propaganda and canvassing
are in progress and the evidence is raw and fresh, how the
offending handbills and posters have come into existence.
[314A-D]
Rahim Khan v. Khurshid Ahmed & Ors. C.A. 816 of 1973,
decided on August 8, 1974, followed.
JUDGMENT:
CIVIL APPELLATE JURISDICTION : Civil. Appeal No. 1549 of
1972.
Appeal from the Judgment & Order dated the 19th May, 1972 of
the Delhi High Court in E.P. No. 2 of 1971.
S. N. Marwaha, A. K Marwaha and K. C. Dua, for the
appellant.
M. N. Phadke, V. P. Nanda, N. S. Dass Bahl and D. N.
Mishra, for respondent No. 1.
The Judgment of the Court was delivered by
BHAGWATI, J.-The controversy in this appeal relates to the
validity of election to the Lok Sabha from the Sadar
Parliamentary Constituency in the Union Territory of Delhi.
Eleven candidates originally offered themselves for election
from this constituency but out of them six withdrew their
candidature with the result that only five remained in the
field as contesting candidates. They were the petition and
respondents. Nos. 1 to 4. The petitioner was put up as a
candidate by the Jan Sangh, while the candidature of the
first respondent ’Was sponsored by the Congress, which at
that time, on account of the split in the Organisation, was
known as the ruling Congress or the new Congress.
Respondents Nos. 2 to 4 were independent candidates. Though
there were nominally five candidates, the real contest was
between the petitioner and the first respondent. The
polling took place on 5th March, 1971 and the result of the
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poll was declared on 11th March, 1971. The petitioner
secured 55305 votes, while the first
262
respondent polled 98108 votes. The first respondent thus
won by a large majority and was declared elected. The
petitioner thereupon filed an election petition challenging
the validity of the election of the first respondent on
various grounds. The election petition was contested by the
first respondent and, as the voluminous mass of record
shows, it was fought out to a bitter and with great industry
and thoroughness on both sides. Mr. Justice Andley of the
Delhi High Court, who heard the election petition, found in
an elaborate judgment that none of the grounds on which the
election was sought to be invalidated was established and he
accordingly dismissed the election petition with costs. The
present appeal preferred by the petitioner impugns this
judgment of Mr. Justice Andley.
The election petition was based on numerous grounds which
were summarised in paragraphs and subsequently elaborated in
paragraphs 12, 14, 18 to 21 and 24 to 26. The ground set
out in paragraph 12 was that the elector rolls, on the basis
of which the election had been held, were imperfect and
defective, and that vitiated the election. Paragraph 14
alleged the invalidity of the amendment in rule 56 of the
Conduct of Election Rules 1961 and paragraphs 18 and 19
challenged the validity of the election on the ground that
about a Jac or more ballot papers, which had been chemically
treated, were fraudulently introduced and that had
materially affected the result of the election. The charge
in paragraphs 20 and 21 was that the first respondent was
guilty of corrupt practice, in that the first respondent,
his election agent and other persons with his consent,
including the first respondent, had printed and published a
handbill and a poster containing statements in relation to
the personal character or conduct of the petitioner which
ware false and which the first respondent did not believe to
be true, and which were reasonably calculated to prejudice
the prospects of the petitioner’s election. Paragraph 24
also charged a similar corrupt practice on the allegation
that these statements were repeated by the first and the
fifth respondents in public meetings as also during the
course of canvassing. And lastly, it was alleged in
paragraphs 25 and 26 that the first respondent had incurred
or authorised expenditure in excess of the prescribed limit
of Rs. 10,000 in contravention of section 77 of the
Representation of the People Act, 1951. These were broadly
the grounds on which the election of the first respondent
was sought to be declared void by the petitioner.
Though the first, second and fifth respondents filed their
respective written statements, the contest was only on
behalf of the first and fifth respondents. The second
respondent supported the petitioner : his support was
however not of much value since he did not take any active
part in the petition. Respondents 3 and 4 were obviously
not interested in the petition and they did not even care to
appear or file any written statement. The first and fifth
respondents raised in their written statements certain
preliminary objections and also denied the various
allegations made in the petition and contested the grounds
on which the petitioner claimed to set aside the election of
the first respondent. We shall deal with the contents of
these written statements a little later when we examine the
specific charges leveled against
26 3
the first respondent. Suffice it to state for the present
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that on the basis of the preliminary objections raised in
the written statements, the learned Trial Judge framed four
preliminary issues and they were decided by an order dated
6th August, 1971. So far as the first preliminary issue is
concerned, the learned Trial Judge held that paragraphs 9,
12, 18 to 21 and 24 to 26 did not suffer from lack of
concise statement of material facts, but they did not give
full particulars of the allegations and he accordingly
directed the petitioner to furnish further particulars with
respect to paragraphs 18 to 21, 24 and 25 as specified in
the schedule to the order. The second and the fourth
preliminary issues do not survive for consideration : they
were decided against the petitioner and the petitioner does
not challenge the decision in appeal. The third preliminary
issue was decided in favour of the petitioner but it is now
meaningless to discuss it because the petitioner is not
pressing the ground set out in paragraphs 18 and 19 in
support of the appeal.
Pursuant to the aforesaid order dated 6th August, 1971, the
petitioner furnished particulars of the allegations
contained in paragraphs 18 to 21, 24 and 25 by an affidavit
dated 19th August, 1971. A reply to these particulars was
given by the first respondent on 26th August, 1971. We
shall have occasion to refer to these particulars and the
reply made to them when we examine the arguments advanced on
behalf of the parties.
The learned Trial Judge then framed issues on the merits by
an order dated 3rd September, 1971. Issues 1 to 7 of these
issues relate to the ground set out in paragraphs 18 and 19.
It is not necessary to refer to them since they were decided
against the petitioner by the learned Trial Judge and the
correctness of this decision is not assailed on behalf of
the petitioner in the present appeal. Issue 8 raised the
question whether the first respondent, his election agent
and other persons with the consent of the first respondent
or his election agent committed the corrupt practices
charged in paragraphs 20 and 21 and Issue 9 raised a similar
question in regard to the corrupt practices set out in
paragraph 24. The question whether the first respondent in-
curred or authorised expenditure in excess of the prescribed
limit of Rs. 10,000/- in contravention of section 77 as
alleged in paragraph 25, was put in issue in Issue 10.
Issues 11, 12 and 13 raised certain subsidiary questions but
it appears from the judgment of the learned Trial Judge that
they were not pressed by the learned Advocate appearing on
behalf of the petitioner before the Trial Court. We need
not, therefore, spend any time on these issues. The last
issue was issue 14 which was directed against the fifth
respondent who was alleged to have committed corrupt
practices.
There was enormous oral as well as documentary evidence led
on behalf of both sides. This evidence discloses certain
curious and unusual features to which we shall advert in
course of time, but there can be no doubt that it evidences
very careful and thorough preparation of the case on either
side. Not an inch of ground appears to have been conceded
by one side to the other and every move in this long and
bitter contest, from one side or the other, seems to have
been well thought
264
out and relentlessly pursued. The learned Trial Judge, on a
consideration of the evidence presented before him, came to
the conclusion that issues 8, 9 and 10 were not established
by the petitioner and there was also no satisfactory proof
in regard to issue 14 and accordingly, by a judgment dated
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19th May, 1972 he rejected the charges of corrupt practice
against the first and fifth respondents and dismissed the
election petition with costs. The petitioner being
aggrieved by the judgment of the learned Trial Judge
preferred the present appeal under section 116 A of the
Representation of the People Act, 1951.
The petitioner assailed the correctness of the judgment of
the learned Trial Judge only on issues 8, 9, 10 and 14. The
judgment, in so far as it related to issues 1 to 7 and 11 to
13 was accepted by the petitioner and it is, therefore, not
necessary to refer to the facts in so far as they bear on,
those issues. We shall confine ourselves only to such of
the facts as are relevant to issues 8, 9, 10 and 14 and
instead of setting them out in a narrative form before
commencing discussion of the arguments, what we propose to
do is to refer to the relevant facts while discussing each
particular issue. We shall.proceed in the order in which
these issues were argued before us.
We first take up issue 10. The charge against the first
respondent under this issue was that be incurred or
authorised expenditure in excess of the prescribed limit of
Rs. 10,000 in contravention of section 77 and thereby
committed the corrupt practice defined in section 123(6) of
the Act. Section 123 sets out various corrupt practices
which have the effect of invalidating an election and one of
them is the incurring or authorising the expenditure in
contravention of section 77 : vide sub-section (6). Sub-
section (1) of section 77 provides that "every candidate at
an election shall, either by himself or by his election
agent, keep a separate and correct account of all
expenditure in connection with the election incurred or
authorised by him or by his. election agent, between the
date of publication of the notification calling the election
and the date of declaration of the result thereof, both
dates inclusive", while sub-section (3) says that "the total
of the said expenditure shall not exceed such amount as may
be prescribed." It was common ground between the parties
that the expenditure prescribed for a parliamentary
constituency in the Union Territory of Delhi was Rs. 10,000.
The first respondent and his election agent were, therefore,
prohibited by section 77 from incurring or authorising
expenditure in connection with his election exceeding Rs.
10,000, and if the first respondent or his election agent
incurred or authorised such expenditure in excess of Rs.
10,000, it would be a corrupt practice voiding his election
under section 123(6). The question which, therefore, arises
for consideration is whether the first respondent or his
election agent incurred or authorised expenditure in
connection with his election exceeding Rs. 10,000.
Now, before we proceed to discuss the evidence bearing on
this question, we must clear the ground by pointing out that
not only is the incurring of excessive expenditure a corrupt
practice, but also the authorising of such expenditure, and
authorising may be implied as well as express. Where the
authorising is express, there is no difficulty
265
in bringing home the charge of corrupt practice against the
candidate But a somewhat difficult question on facts may
arise where the charge is sought to be proved against the
candidate on the basis that the impliedly authorised
excessive expenditure. Whether a particular expenditure was
impliedly authorised by the candidate must depend on the
facts and circumstances of each case as appearing from the
evidence adduced before the Court. This question Would
arise in a challenging form where expenditure in connection
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with the election is incurred, not by the candidate, but by
the political party which has sponsored him or his friends
and supporters. Can the limit on the expenditure be evaded
by the candidate by not spending any moneys of his own but
leaving it to the political party or his friends and
supporters to spend an amount far in excess of tHe limit ?
The object of the prevision limiting the expenditure is two-
fold. In the first place, it should be open to individual
or any political party, howsoever small, to be able to
contest an election on a footing of equality with any other
individual or political party, howsoever rich and well
financed it may be, and no individual or political party
should be able to secure an advantage over others by reason
of its superior financial strength. It can hardly be
disputed that the way elections are held in our country,
money is bound to play an important part in the successful
prosecution of an election campaign. Money supplies "assets
for advertising and other forms of political solicitation
that increases the candidate’s exposure to the public." Not
only can money buy advertising and canvassing facilities
such as hoardings, posters, handbills, brochures etc. and
all the other paraphernalia of an election campaign, but it
can also provide the means for quick and speedy
communications and movements and sophisticated campaign
techniques and is also "a substitute for energy" in that
paid workers can be employed where volunteers are found to
be insufficient. The availability of large funds does
ordinarily tend to increase the number of votes a candidate
will receive. If, therefore, one political party or
individual has larger resources available to it than another
individual or political party, the former would certainly,
under the present system of conducting elections, have an
advantage over the latter in the electoral process. The
former would have a significantly greater opportunity for
the propagation of its programme while the latter may not be
able to make even an effective presentation of its views.
The availability of disproportionately larger resources is
also likely to lend itself to misuse or abuse for securing
to the political party or individual possessed of such
resources, undue advantage over other political parties or
individuals. Douglas points out in his book called Ethics
in Government at page 72, "if one party ever attains
overwhelming superiority in money, newspaper support, and
(government) patronage, it will be almost impossible,
barring an economic collapse, for it ever to be defeated."
This produces anti-democratic effects in that a political
party or individual backed by the affluent and wealthy would
be able to secure a greater representation than a political
party or individual who is without any links with affluence
or wealth. This would result in serious discrimination
between one political party or individual and another on
the basis of money power and that in its turn would mean
that "some voters are denied an ’equal’
266
voice and some candidates are denied an "equal chance". It
is elementary that each and every citizen has an inalienable
right to full and effective participation in the political
process of the legislatures and this requires that each
citizen should have equally effective voice in the election
of the members of the legislatures. That is the basic
requirement of the Constitution. This equal effective
voice--equal opportunity of participation in the electoral
process-would be denied if affluence and wealth are to tilt
the scales in favour of one political party or individual as
against another. The democratic process can function
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efficiently and effectively for the benefit of the common
good and reach out the benefits of self-government to the
common man only if it brings about a participatory democracy
in which every man, howsoever lowly or humble he may be,
should be able to participate on a footing of equality with
others. Individuals with grievances, men and women with
ideas and vision are the sources of any society’s power to
improve itself. Government by consent means that such
individuals must eventually be able to find groups that will
work with them and must be able to make their voices heard
in these groups and no group should be insulated from
competition and criticism. It is only by the maintenance of
such conditions that democracy can thrive and prosper and
this can be ensured only by limiting the expenditure which
may be incurred in connection with elections, so that, as
far as possible, no one single political party or individual
can have unfair advantage over the other by reason of its
larger resources and the resources available for being
utilised in the electoral process are within reasonable
bounds and not unduly disparate and the electoral contest
becomes evenly matched. Then alone the small man will come
into his own and will be able to secure proper
representation in our legislative bodies.
The other objective of limiting expenditure is to eliminate
as far as possible, the influence of big money in the
electoral process. If there were no limit on expenditure,
political parties would go all out for collecting
contributions and obviously the largest contributions would
be from the rich and affluent who constitute but a fraction
of the electorate. The pernicious influence of big money
would then play a decisive role in controlling the
democratic process in the country. This would inevitably
lead to the worst form of political corruption and that in
its wake is bound to produce other vices at all levels.
This danger has been pointed out in telling words in the
following passage from the notes in Harvard Law Review, Vol.
66, p. 1260:
"A less debatable objective of regulating
campaign funds is the elimination of dangerous
financial pressures on elected officials.
Even if contributions are not motivated by an
expected return in political favours, the
legislator cannot overlook the effects of his
decisions on the sources of campaign funds."
It is difficult to generalise about the degree of influence
which the large contributors may wield in shaping the
policies and decisions of the political party which they
finance. It is-widely acknowledged, however, that, at the
very least, they would have easy access to the leaders and
representatives of the political party. But it would be
naive to suggest
267
that the influence ends with mere access. It may safely be
assumed that hardly any politicians "would consciously sell
their votes" ; the result may be nearly the same, if one
accepts Herbert Alexander’s analysis of the subtle factors
that influence a political party’s actions :
"Many politicians-who do what they
honestly think is
right, never realize that they are mere
spokesmen for their financial supporters. A
legislator can avoid a Conflict of interest by
investing in government bonds, but he cannot
chance the conditioning that leads him to
believe that what is good for his former
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company or present backers is good for the
country."
It is likely that some elected representatives would tend to
share the views of the wealthy supporters of their political
party, either because of shared background and associations,
increased access or subtle influences which condition their
thinking. In such event the result would be that though
ostensibly the political Parties which receive such
contributions may profess an ideology acceptable to the com-
mon man, they would in effect and substance be
representative of a certain economic class and their
policies and decisions would be shaped by the interests of
that economic class. It was over a hundred years ago that
John Stuart Mill observed that persons of a particular class
who have exclusive governmental power, even if they try to
act objectively, will tend to overlook the interests of
other classes, or view those interests differently. And to
this natural tendency may be added the fact that office
bearers and elected representatives may quite possibly be
inclined, though unconsciously and imperceptibly, to espouse
policies and decisions-that will attract campaign
contributions from affluent individuals and groups. It was
said if the electoral process in the United States of
America : "Members of the Rockefeller and Du Pont families
invest in the election of a Republican President because
they sense that if that party takes over the White House,
their interests will gain more sympathetic attention-" "The
central objective of contributions is access to the power of
the elected official-" "For a gift of a few hundred dollars
an individual may gain, in return, the intercession of a
Congressman that will get him a government contract or a
tariff provision that will ultimately net him or his busi-
ness tens of thousands of dollars." It is obvious that pre-
election donations would be likely to operate as post-
election promises resulting ultimately in the casualty of
the interest of the common man, not so much ostensibly in
the legislative process as in the implementation of laws and
administrative or policy decisions. The small man’s chance
is the essence of Indian democracy and that would be
stultified if large contributions from rich and affluent
individuals or groups are not divorced from the electoral
process. It is for this reason that our Legislators, in
their wisdom, enacted a coiling on the expenditure which may
legitimately be incurred in connection with an election.
This background must inform the court in the interpretation
of this vital and significant provision in the election law
of our country.
268
Now, if a candidate were to be subject to the limitation of
the ceiling, but the political party sponsoring him or his
friends and supporters were to be free to spend as much as
they like in connection with his election, the object of
imposing the coiling would be completely frustrated and the
beneficent provision enacted in the interest of purity and
genuineness of the democratic process would be wholly
emasculated. The mischief sought to be remedied and the
evil sought to be suppressed would enter the political arena
with redoubled force and vitiate the political life of the
country. The great democratic ideal of social, economic and
political justice and equality of status and opportunity
enshrined in the Preamble of our constitution would remain
merely a distant dream eluding our grasp. The legislators
could never have intended that what the individual candidate
cannot do, the political party sponsoring him or his friends
and supporters should be free to do. That is why the
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legislature wisely interdicted not only the incurring but
also the authorising of excessive expenditure by a candi-
date. When the political party sponsoring a candidate
incurs expenditure in connection with his election, as
distinguished from expenditure on general party propaganda,
and the candidate knowingly takes advantage of it or
participates in the programme or activity or fails to dis-
avow the expenditure or consents to it or acquiesces in. it,
would be reasonable to infer, save, in special
circumstances, that he impliedly authorised the political
party to incur such expenditure and he cannot escape the
rigour of the ceiling by saying that he has not incurred the
expenditure, but his political party has done so. A party
candidate does not stand apart from his political party and
if the political party does not want the candidate to incur
the disqualification, it must exercise control over the
expenditure which may be incurred by it directly to promote
the poll prospects of the candidate. The same proposition
must also hold good in case of expenditure incurred by
friends and supporters directly in connection with the
election of the candidate. This is the only reasonable
interpretation of the provision which would carry out its
object and intendment and suppress the mischief and advance
the remedy by purifying our election process and ridding it
of the pernicious and baneful influence of big money. This
is in fact what the law in England has achieved. There,
every person, on pain of criminal penalty, is, required to
obtain authority from the candidate before incurring any
political expenditure on his behalf. The candidate is given
complete discretion in authorising expenditure upto his
limit. If expenditure made with the knowledge and approval
of the candidate exceeds the limit or if the candidate makes
a false report of the expenditure after the election, he is
subject not only to criminal penalties, but also to having
his election voided. It may be contended that this would
considerably inhibit the electoral campaign of political
parties. But we do not think so. in the first place, a
political party is free to incur any expenditure it likes on
its general party propaganda though, of course, in this area
also some limitative ceiling is eminently desirable coupled
with filing of return of expenses and an independent
machinery to investigate and take action. It is only where
expenditure is incurred which can be identified with the
election of a given candidate that it would be liable to be
added to the expenditure of that candidate as being
impliedly authorised by him. Secondly,
269
if there is continuous community involvement in political
administration punctuated by activated phases of well-
discussed choice of candidates by popular participation in
the process of nomination, much of unnecessary expenditure
which is incurred today could be avoided. Considerable
distance may not have to be traveled by candidates and
supports nor hidden skeletons in political cupboards
tactically uncovered, propagandist marijuana ’ skillfully
administered, temptations of office strategically held out
nor violent demonstrations disruptiveness attempted. The
dawn-to-dawn multiple speeches and monster rallies, the
flood of posters and leaflets and the organising of
transport and other arrangements for large numbers would
become otiose. Large campaign funds would not be able to
influence the decision of the electors if the selection and
election of candidates becomes people’s decision by
discussion and not a Hobson’s choice offered by Political
parties. Limiting election expenses must be part of the
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political process.
This view, which we are taking, does not run counter to any
earlier decisions of this Court. The first decision to
which we must refer in this connection is Rananjaya Singh v.
Baijnath Singh & Ors.(1). There the corrupt practice charged
against the elected candidate was that certain persons who
were in employment of his father worked for him in
connection with the election and their number exceeded the
maximum number of persons who could be employed in
connection with the election as specified in Sch. VI read
with section 77. This charge was negatived by a Bench of
five judges of this Court. The Bench held that in order to
attract the inhibition of the relevant sections it was
necessary that the employment of persons other than or in
addition to those specified in Sch. VI should be by a
candidate or his agent and since in that case, the persons
who worked in connection with the election were neither
employed nor paid by the elected candidate or his agent, the
prohibitory requirement of section 77 read with section
123(7) was not breached. It will be seen that this decision
was concerned primarily with the question whether servants
of the father of the elected candidate, who worked for the
elected candidate in connection with the election, were
liable to be taken into account in determining whether the
maximum number of persons who may be employed for payment in
connection with the election were exceeded. It is no doubt
true that this Court observed that no expenditure was
incurred by the elected candidate over and above what was
shown in his return of expenses and he could not, therefore,
be said to have concealed such expenditure, but that was
obviously because those persons who worked in connection
with the election wore not paid by him. This Court had no
occasion to consider whether the elected candidate should be
said to have authorised any expenditure by knowingly taking
advantage of the services of these persons, because no such
argument was advanced before this Court. In fact such an
argument could not plausibly be advanced because the
salaries paid by the father to these persons were not for
the purpose of working in connection with the election. The
(1) [1955] 1 S.C.R. 671.
270
salaries were paid because they were servants in the regular
employment of the father and it was merely at the request of
the father that "they assisted the son in connection with
the election which strictly speaking they were not obliged
to do". This decision does not, therefore, run contrary to
what we have said.
We may then refer to the decision of this Court ill Ram
Dayal v. Brijraj Singh & Ors.(1) The question which arose
for consideration in that case was whether certain
expenditure incurred by the Maharaja of Gwalior and the
Rajmata in connection with the election of Brijraj ’Singh
was liable to be included in his election expenses. Shah,
J., <as he then was) speaking on behalf of a )Division Bench
of two judges, pointed out that in the absence of any
connection between the canvassing activities carried on by
the Maharaja and the Rajmata with the candidature of Brijraj
Singh, it is impossible to hold that any expenditure was
incurred for Briraj Singh which was liable to be included in
his election expenses. The learned Judge then proceeded to
add
" We agree with the High Court that under s.
77(1) only the expenditure incurred or
authorised by the candidate himself or by his
election agent is required to be included in
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the account or return of election expenses and
thus expenses incurred by any other agent or
person without any thing more need not be
included in the account or return; as such
incurring of expenditure would be purely
voluntary." (Emphasis supplied)
These observations would show that mere incurring or
expenditure by any other person in connection with the
election of a candidate, without something more, would not
make it an expenditure authorised by the candidate. But if
there is something more which can reasonably lend itself to
the inference of implied authorisation, particularly having
regard to the object and intendment of the provision
limiting expenditure, the Court would readily draw such an
inference because the paramount object of this provision is
to bring about, as far as possible, equality in availability
of resources and eliminate the corrupting influence of big
money. If- is significant to note that in this case the
Court proceeded to examine whether the evidence was
sufficient to establish that Brijraj Singh traveled with the
Maharaja in his helicopter and visited several villages for
his election campaign ,and held that the evidence in this
connection was not reliable. This inquiry would have been
wholly unnecessary unless the Court was of the view that if
Brijraj Singh could be shown to have travelled ’With the
Maharaja in his helicopter and visited several villages in
connection with his election campaign, that would be
sufficient to invest the expenditure incurred by the
Maharaja with the character of expenditure impliedly
authorised by Brijraj Singh. This decision, therefore far
from contradicting the view taken by us, actually supports.
We find the same view taken by this Court in the subsequent
decision in Magraj Patodia v. R. K. Birla & Ors.(2) There
also Hegde, J.,
(1) [1970] 1 S.C.R. 530.
(2) [1971] 2 S.C.R. 11 8.
271
speaking on behalf of a Division Bench of two judges;
observed;, after referring to the decisions in Rananjaya
Singh v. Baijnath Singh, & Ors. (supra) and Ram Dayal v.
Brijraj Singh & Ors. (supra)
"This Court as well as the High Courts have
taken the view that the expenses incurred by a
political party to advance the prospects of
the candidates put up by it, without more do
not fall within s. 77." (emphasis supplied).
The same view was reiterated again by a Division Bench of
two judges of this Court in B. Rayagopala Rao v. N. C.
Ranga.(1) The question, therefore, in cases of this kind
always is whether there is someting more which may
legitimately give rise to an inference of implied
authorisation by a candidate. What could be that something
more is indicated by us in the proposition formulated above,
though we must confess that by its very nature it is not
possible to Jay down the exhaustive enumeration of the
circumstances in which that something more may be inferred.
With these observations in regard to the scope and ambit of
the provision limiting expenditure, we may now proceed to
examine the facts and see whether the first respondent
incurred or authorised expenditure exceeding Rs. 10,000/- in
connection with his election.
The first item of expenditure which we must consider in this
connection relates to expenses incurred in holding public
meetings in connection with the election of the first
respondent. The first respondent in the return of expenses
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filed by him with the District Election Officer showed three
amounts as having been spent by him in connection with his
public meetings. One was an amount of Rs. 188/- paid to
Tandon Tent & Furniture House for furnishings supplied for
twelve public meetings held between 20th February, 1971 and
2nd March,, 1971. This expenditure was supported by the
bill of Tandon Tent & Furniture House, R-25 which showed
that for each of the twelve public meetings, Tandon Tent &
Furniture House had supplied twenty durris, six takhats and
two chaddars at an aggregate charge of Rs. 15/- per meeting.
The other was an amount of Rs. 180/-, which according to the
first respondent, was paid to Saini Electric Works for
microphone, loudspeakers and lighting arrangements made at
the same twelve public meetings. The payment of this amount
was sought to be supported by the receipt of Saini Electric
Works,. R-27 which showed a consolidated charge of Rs.
180/- "on account of loudspeaker and lighting arrangements
for the period from 20th February, 1971 to 2nd March, 1971".
The third was an amount of Rs. 440/- paid to Aggarwal Tent
House for furnishings and electric equipment supplied at
eleven public meetings and the bill of Aggarwal, Tent House
R-26 for this amount showed that Aggarwal Tent House had
supplied for each public meeting one takhat, four durries,
two chandanis, one microphone and four floodlights for a
total
(1) A.I.R. 1971 S.C. 266.
272
amount of Rs. 440/- inclusive of Rs. 100/- for cartage and
Rs. 40/for labour charges. The first respondent thus
admitted a total number of twenty-three public meetings and
according to him, the total ,expenditure at each of these
public meetings was about Rs. 30/- for furnishings as well
as electric equipment, the aggregate expenditure being only
Rs.800/-. The petitioner challenged this figure of expendi-
ture given by the first respondent and contended that in
addition to twenty-three public meetings admitted by the
first respondent, many more public meetings were held in
connection with the election of the first respondent and
much larger expenditure was incurred in each of these public
meetings than what was shown by the first respondent in the
bills of Tandon Tent & Furniture House and Aggarwal Tent
House and the receipt of Saini Electric Works. The argument
of the petitioner was that in fact the first respondent had
held more than fifty public meetings and at each of these
public meetings he had incurred expenditure of not less than
Rs. 200/- and the expenditure incurred in these public
meetings itself exceeded the prescribed limit of Rs.
10,000/-. The petitioner also urged that a huge meeting was
organised by the first respondent in connection with the
election of the first respondent at Idgah Road which was
addressed by the Prime Minister and this meeting alone cost
about Rs. 50,000/- and the ceiling of Rs. 10,000/was clearly
exceeded. These contentions require a close look at the
evidence led on behalf of the parties.
We will first turn to consider the number of meetings
organised in connection with the election of the first
respondent. The first respondent, no doubt, admitted twenty
three public meetings, as indeed he was bound to do in view
of the return of expenses filed by him, but he did not state
at any time, until he came in the witness box after the
closure of the evidence of the petitioner, as to which were
these twenty three public meetings and when and where they
were held. The petitioner set out in the particulars
regarding paragraphs 20(2) and 24 of the petition, furnished
by him pursuant to the order of the learned Trial Judge
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dated 6th August, 1971, the dates and places of the public
meetings where the allegations contained in the poster
annexure ’A’ were orally repeated by the first and fifth
respondents and these particulars included reference to
several public meetings which did not form part of the
twenty three public meetings ultimately admitted by the
first respondent, and yet the first respondent did not in
his reply to the particulars deny that any of these public
meetings were hold by the respondent, but merely contented
himself by stating vaguely and evasively that "the
correctness of the statements made against paragraph
20(2)(ii)" was denied. It is apparent that though more than
twenty three public meetings were held by the first
respondent the first respondent had not yet made up his mind
as to which twenty three out of these public meetings he
should admit. If in fact only twenty three public meetings
were held and the particulars furnished by the petitioner
included other public meetings, the first respondent would
have promptly come out with an assertion that such and such
public meetings alleged by the petitioner were not held.
But he could not and did not particularise any such public
meetings and deny them.
273
It is also significant to note that when the petitioner in a
rather curious menoeuvre summoned the first respondent to
produce certain documents, the first respondent stated that
he did not have any list of public meetings held in
connection with his election and he did not have any record
showing "the places where they were held including dates,
names of the speakers who addressed or were to address" such
public meetings. The first respondent also stated in cross-
examination that he had no record with him in support of his
statement that there were twenty three public meetings. It
is rather strange and difficult to believe that the first
respondent should not have any record of the public meetings
held by him in connection with his election. If the first
respondent did not have any such record, how could he in his
evidence give with any definiteness or certitude the dates
and places of the twenty three public meetings admitted by
him. It is apparent that the first respondent refused to
produce the record of the public meetings under the pretext
that he did not have any such record, because he did not at
that stage, before the evidence of the petitioner was fully
disclosed to him, wish to commit himself to any specific
public meetings and the record, if produced, would have gone
against him and showed that many more than twenty three
public meetings were held by him. The non-production of the
record must result in an adverse inference being drawn
against the first respondent.
There is also another circumstance which deserves to be
noted at this stage. The first respondent was summoned by
the petitioner to produce inter alia applications for
permission to hold public meetings made by him or on his
behalf or for his benefit by any of his workers or election
agents or other agents and in answer to this summons he
stated that he did not make any such application nor was any
such application made on his behalf or for his benefit by
any of workers, election agents or other agents. The first
respondent added that Dr. Roshan Lal made "applications for
permission to the authorities as President of the Delhi
Sadar District Congress Committee". it is obvious from these
statements that until this time the first respondent had not
thought out and formulated his defence in regard to the
public meetings. The first respondent wanted to leave open
an exit in case the petitioner was able to show that more
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than twenty three public meetings were held and he,
therefore, deftly and subtly threw out a veiled suggestion
implying that the public meetings were held by the Delhi
Sadar District Congress Committee. This attitude of the
first respondent betrays an anxiety to hold back the true
facts in regard to the public meetings.
It may also be noted that even in the cross-examination of
the petitioner and his witnesses, the first respondent did
not put forward his case as to which were the specific
public meetings held by him in connection with his election
and which were not. It was only after the evidence on
behalf of the petitioner was closed and the first respondent
knew what exactly was the case of the petitioner, that he
for the first time in his evidence particularised twenty
three specific public meetings admitted by him. This
strategy was adopted obviously with the object that
274
the twenty three public meetings named by the first
respondent should fit in with the unimpeachable documentary
evidence which might be produced by the petitioner and his
witnesses and should not be falsified by such evidence.
With these broad general observations we now turn to
consider the oral and documentary evidence in regard to the
public meetings of the first respondent. The first
respondent in his evidence admitted the following twenty
three public meetings and accepted financial responsibility
for them :
1.23-2-71 Malka Ganj 12. 25-2-71Narayan Mark
2.19-2-71 Roshanara Road 13. 15-2-71Chowk Tatu Shah
3.16-2-71 Ghanta Ghar Bagichi Tatu ShahSubzi Mandi
14.18-2-71Kasab Pura
4.2-3-71Clock Tower 15.20-2-71 Chowk Bara Tooti
Subzi Mandi 16.21-2-71Deputy Ganj
5. 24-2-71 Chhe Tooti
in Paharganj. 17.21-2-71Telewara
6.1-3-71Chowk Chhe Tooti 18. 24-2-71 Teliwara
7. 22-2-71 Chuna Mandi 19.13-2-71Chowk Kishan Ganj
8. 19-2-71 Tel Mandl 20.1-3-71P. Block, Andha
9.2-3-71 Chowk Lachman Puri Mughal
10. 25-2-71 Katra Karim 21.16-2-71K. Block, Andba
Ram Nagar Mughal
11.2-3-71Chowk Nimwala 22.23-2-71 Nagia Park Nabi
Karim 23.24-2-71 In front of
Birla Mills.
These were the twenty three public meetings for which,
accordign to the first respondent, furnishings and electric
equipment ware supplied by Tandon Tent & Furniture House,
Saini Electric Works and Aggarwal Tent House. The question
is whether any further meetings were held in connection with
the election of the first respondent. To establish that
many more public meetings than twenty three were held to
promote the election prospects of the ’first respondent, the
petitioner led considerable oral as well as documentary
evidence.
We shall presently examine this evidence, but before we do
so. it would be convenient to dispose of two objections of a
preliminary nature raised on behalf of the first respondent.
The first respondent urged that though the petitioner at one
time contended that about forty to fifty public meetings
were held in connection with the election of the first
respondent, he did not adhere to this claim in the course of
the arguments before the learned Trial Judge and confined
his claim only to nine public meetings in addition to the
twenty three public meetings admitted by the first
respondent, and therefore, it was not now open to him in the
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present appeal to contend that any further public meetings
were held by the first respondent over and above the nine
claimed before the learned Trial Judge. This objection is,
however, untenable
275
because it is clear from the judgment itself that the
petitioner could not have confined his claim to the nine
public meetings referred to by the learned Trial Judge and
the learned Trial Judge was obviously under some
misapprehension when he made observation to that effect in
the judgment. Out of these nine public meetings, there were
six which were included in the twenty three public meetings
admitted by the first respondent and if that be so, it is
difficult to imagine how the petitioner could have claimed
them as being in addition to these twenty three public
meetings. The petitioner could not possibly have confined
his claim to these nine public meetings, when out of them,
six were those which were admitted by the first respondent,
and could not, therefore, be "in addition to the admitted
public meetings". In fact,as the subsequent discussion in
the judgment shows, the learned Trial Judge actually
proceeded to consider the evidence of the police officers
and the officers belonging to the CID which was led on
behalf of the petitioner for the purpose of proving various
other public meetings in addition to the nine referred to by
the learned Trial Judge and held, on a consideration of this
evidence, that none of ’these public meetings claimed by the
petitioner was established. This exercise would have been
wholly unnecessary if the petitioner had given up his claim
in regard to these public meetings and confined his argument
only to the nine public meetings referred to by the learned
Trial Judge.
It was then contended by the first respondent in a last
desperate attempt to thwart an inquiry by this Court into
the number of public meetings, that the petitioner had given
particulars of only thirty three public meetings in
compliance with the order made by the learned Trial Judge
dated 6th August, 1971 and it was, therefore, not open to
him to claim that any further public meetings were held by
the first respondent and his argument should be confined
only to the thirty three public meetings specified in the
particulars. This argument of the first respondent is also
futile. It is clear from the particulars furnished by the
petitioner pursuant to the order dated 6th August, 1971 that
the particulars of thirty three public meetings were given
by the petitioner under paragraphs 20(2) (ii) and 24 and not
under paragraph 25 of the petition, The petitioner had
alleged in paragraphs 20(2) and 24 that the allegations
contained in the poster annexure ’A’ were orally repeated by
the first and fifth respondents at various public meetings
and the petitioner was, therefore, required to give
particulars of such public meetings. These particulars were
given by the petitioner specifically in reference to
paragraphs 20(2) and 24 and they had nothing to do with the
allegations in paragraph 25. So far as paragraph 25 is
concerned, the only particulars which the petitioner was
required to furnish were "details of the items or heads of
expenses incurred by respondent No. 1", and the petitioner
accordingly gave items or heads of expenses under the
heading "Paragraph 25(1) of the petition". The petitioner
was not required and did not give particulars of the public
meetings held by the first respondent at which expenses were
incurred or authorised by the first respondent. There is
nothing, therefore, in the particulars which debars the
petitioner from agitating as to what was the actual’ number
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of public meetings held by the first respondent.
-M255 Sup. CI/75
276
The area of Sadar Parliamentary constituency was comprised
within the jurisdiction of four different police stations,
namely, Roshanara Road, Pahargunj, Subzimandi and Sadar
Bazar. The Station House Officers pasted at these four
police stations were summoned by the petitioner to give
evidence as regards the public meetings held within their
respective jurisdictions. Khemraj Dutt (P.W. 1) was the
first witness called on behalf of the petitioner. He was
the Station House Officer at Roshanara Road police station
and he deposed from the records in his possession and filed
a list PW 1/1 showing that two public meetings were held by
the first respondent within the jurisdiction of his police
station, one at Nagia Park on 23rd February, 1971 and the
other near Birla Mills compounds on 24th February, 1971.
Both these public meetings are included in the twenty three
public meetings admitted by the first respondent and we need
not, therefore, dwell on the evidence of this witness.
The next witness who gave evidence on behalf of the
petitioner was Ramesh Chand, Station House Officer from
Sadar Bazar Police Station (P.W. 6). He prepared from the
records in his possession a list showing the public meetings
held with in the jurisdiction of his police station and
filed it in court as Ex. PW 615. The entries in this list
have been the subject matter of controversy between the
parties and we ,shall, therefore, refer to these entries in
some detail. The list was broadly in three parts. One part
expressly referred to public meetings held by the New
Congress, the second part to public meetings held by
Jansangh and the third part which was headed "Others", to
certain other public meetings. There wore nine public
meetings set out in the first part as having been organised
by the New Congress. The first eight were those included
in the twenty three public meetings admitted by the first
respondent. The ninth was a public meeting at Idgah Road
which was addressed by the Prime Minister. We shall deal
with the Idgah Road meeting separately as it stands in a
different category by itself. We are not concerned with the
public meetings held by the Jan Sangh and need not,
therefore, refer to the second part. The third part was
headed "Others" and in this part eight public Meetings were
set out as having been held on different dates. The
question which was keenly debated before us was as to what
was the meaning of the heading "Others". The contention of
the first respondent was, and that was a contention which
found favour with the learned Trial Judge and on which large
part of his judgment on this point rested, that the heading
"Others" signified that the public meetings enumerated under
that heading were held by individuals or political parties
other than the Congress and the Jan Sangh. The Petitioner,
on the other hand, urged that the heading "Others" was
intended to indicate only that the public meetings referred
to therein were other public meetings over and above those
set out in the first and second parts and since the records
did not show which were the political parties which held
them, they were shown in a separate category under this
particular heading. The word "Others" was not intended to
convey that these public ’meetings were of others, that is
of individuals or political parties other than the Congress
and the Jan Sangh. We think that the meaning sought
277
to be given by the petitioner is correct and it must be
preferred to that canvassed on behalf of the first
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respondent. The list was admittedly prepared by Ramesh
Chand and he explained in his evidence in so many terms as
to what he meant by the heading "Others". He stated in his
evidence, obviously referring to the public meetings set out
in the third part, that "the name of the party is not
mentioned against Some of the meetings". These public
meetings may have been held by the Conggress or the Jan
Sangh or any other individual or political party. The
records from which the list was prepared did not show which
were the political parties which held these public meetings
and they were, therefore, classified under the heading
"Others". Ramesh Chand did not say that these public
meetings were held by some individuals or political parties
other than the Congress and the’ Jan Sangh and that is why
they were included under the heading "Others" nor was any
such suggestion made to him in cross-examination. The
explanation given by Ramesh Chand that the names of the
political parties which held these public meetings were not
known and hence not mentioned in the list was not challenged
on behalf of the first respondent in cross-examination and
if this explanation is to be accepted, as it must be, it is
apparent that these public meetings were subsumed under the
heading "Others" because the records did not show which were
the political parties which held them. The word "Others",
meant merely "other meetings" and not meetings "of others",
that is of individuals or political parties other than the
Congress and the Jan Sangh. We cannot, therefore, say that
merely because a particular public meeting finds a place in
the third part under the heading "Others", it could not be a
public meeting of the Congress. The third part would show
that the public meetings there referred to were held on the
dates mentioned against them, but whether these public
meetings were held by the Congress or the Jan Sangh or any
other individual or political party could be ascertained
only from other evidence, because the records with the
police did not show the names of the political parties which
held these public meetings.
The third witness from the police force summoned on behalf
of the petitioner was Chaman Lal (P.W. 7) who was the
Station House Officer posted at Pahargunj Police Station.
This witness also prepared from the records in his
possession a list showing the public meetings of the
Congress held within the jurisdiction of his police station
and filed it in court as Ex. PW 7/1. There were twelve
public meetings shown in this list as having been held by
the Congress, but out of them, three public meetings,
namely, one at Chunamandi on 17th February, 1971, the other
at Arakashan Road, Bagichi Alauddin on 27th February, 1971
and the third at Chowk Lachmanpur on 1st March, 1971
appeared to have been cancelled. Thus, according to this
list, nine public meetings were held by the Congress within
the jurisdiction of the Pahargunj Police Station. Out of
these nine public meetings, seven were included in the
twenty three public meetings admitted, by the first res-
pondent and we need not, therefore, refer to them. That
leaves for consideration two public meetings which,
according to the list, were held at Multani Dhandha on 18th
February, 1971 and 22nd February, 1971. So far as the
public meetings at Multani Dhandha on 18th
278
February, 1971 is concerned, the contention of the first
respondent was, and that was the contention which appealed
to the learned Trial Judge, that it was a meeting of T.
Sohan Lal who was a Congress candidate from the adjoining
Karol Bagh Parliamentary constituency and not a meeting of
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the first respondent. We do not think it is possible for us
to hold affirmatively that this public meeting was a meeting
of T. Sohan Lal. The first respondent could have easily
summoned T. Sohan Lal who belonged to the same political
party as he and established through his evidence that this
was public meeting of T. Sohan Lal, but the first respondent
failed to do so. That, however, does not help the
petitioner, because the burden is on the petitioner to show
that this public meeting was a meeting of the first
respondent and the petitioner must discharge that burden on
the evidence on record. How one fact which stands out from
the evidence of Om Prakash Makkan (RI/WI) is that a part of
Multani Dhandha (within the jurisdiction of Pahargunj police
Station) fell within the area of the Karol Bagh
Parliamentary constituency and this fact could not be
controverted on behalf of the petitioner. If a part of
Multani Dhandha fell within the area of the Karol Bagh
Parliamentary constituency, the possibility cannot be ruled
out that the public meeting of 18th February, 1971 might
have been held by T. Sohan Lal in his part of Multani
Dhandha in connection with his election. That in fact was
the suggestion made by Om Parkash Makkan (RI/WI) in his
evidence and it was repeated on behalf of the first
respondent in the course of the arguments. This suggestion
gains strength from the fact that amongst the speakers at
this public meeting, shown in the list Ex. PW 7/ 1, was T.
Sohan Lal. There was no positive evidence led on behalf of
the petitioner showing that this public meeting was held in
that part of Multani Dhandha which fell within the cons-
tituency of the first respondent. The only evidence on
which the petitioner sought to rely in this connection was
that of Madan Lal Kherana (PW 10), but that evidence merely
referred to a meeting of the first respondent in Multani
Dhandha and, as we shall presently show, the first
respondent did hold a public meeting at Multani Dhandha on
22nd February, 1971, and this evidence was obviously
referable to that public meeting. The evidence on record
does not, therefore, exclude the possibility that the public
meeting of 18th February 1971 might have been held by T.
Sohan Lal in his part of Multani Dhandha which also fell
within the jurisdiction of Pahar Gun’ Police Station--and we
cannot hold it proved that this public meeting was a meeting
of the first respondent. The petitioner, however, stands on
a firmer footing in regard to the public meeting at Multani
Dhandha on 22nd February, 1971. This public meeting is
clearly shown in the list as having been held as a meeting
of the Congress and Ex. PW 7/3, which is a copy of the
report intimating permissions granted to the Congress for
holding various public meetings, shows that permission was
granted for holding this public meeting. The only ground on
which the learned Trial Judge rejected this public meeting
was that it was shown as cancelled in the list Ex. PW 7/1.
But this was an obvious error committed by the learned Trial
Judge, because if we look at the list Ex. PW 7/1, it is
clear that, unlike the three public meetings at Chunamandi,
Arakasban Road Bagichi Alauddin and Chowk Lachmanpuri, there
is no endorsement of cancellation against this public
meeting and the
279
list clearly shows that this meeting was held, but the total
number of persons attending it and the names of the speakers
were not known and hence not mentioned in the records. It
was suggested on behalf of the first respondent in the
course of arguments that this public meeting might also be
of T. Sohan Lal but this suggestion is wholly untenable. In
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the first place, out of seven public meetings for which
permissions were granted under Ex. PW 7/3, six were
admittedly public meetings in connection with the election
of the first respondent, and therefore, if would be
reasonable to infer that the seventh public meeting at
Multani Dhandha on 22nd February, 1971 must also be a public
meeting of the first respondent. Secondly, it is difficult
to believe that within four days of the first public meeting
at Multani Dhandha on 18th February, 1971, T. Sohan Lal
should have held another public meeting at the same place.
It is more probable that this public meeting should have
been held by the first respondent for whom this was the
first and the only meeting in this area. Lastly, Madan Lal
Khorana (PW 10) deposed to a public meeting of the first
respondent at Multani Dhandha and this evidence was not
challenged at all in cross-examination and it was not even
suggested to this witness that no meeting was held by the
first respondent in Multani Dhandha. We, therefore, hold,
on the strength of the list PW 7/1 and the permission PW 7/3
supported by the evidence of Madan Lal Khorana (PW 10), that
a public meeting was held at Multani Dhandha on 22nd
February; 1971 in connection with the election of the first
respondent.
Then we come to the evidence of Ram Murti Sharma (PW 8), who
was the Station House Officer at Subzimandi Police Station.
This witness filed a list Ex. PW 8/3 showing the public
meetings held by the Congress within the jurisdiction of his
police station and giving particulars of such public
meetings. There were only six public meetings shown in this
list and they were all included in the twenty three public
meetings admitted by the first respondent. Since no further
public meetings appeared to have been held by the Congress
according to this list, we need not say any thing more about
it. The petitioner, however, relied on a letter dated 12th
February, 1971 Ex. PW 8/2 addressed by the Sub-Divisional
Magistrate to Dr. Roshan Lal according permission to hold
public meetings at certain places on the dates shown against
them. The contention of the petitioner was that since
permission was granted to Dr. Roshan Lal to hold these
public meetings, they must be presumed to have been held and
must be added to the twenty three public meetings admitted
by the first respondent. Now, out of seven public meetings
for which permission was granted by this letters four were
admittedly held as shown in the list Ex. 8/3. The question
is whether the other three public meetings, namely, one at
’K’ Block, Andha Mughal on 18th February, 1971, the other at
Malka Gunj on 22nd February, 1971 and the third at Ghanta
Ghar on 3rd March, 1971 for which permission was granted,
were held. We may straight away dismiss the public meeting
alleged to have been held at Ghanta Ghar on 3rd March, 1971,
for there is no evidence at all to show that this public
meeting was held and Ram Murti Sharma (P.W. 8) actually
stated in this evidence that the permission for this public
meeting was cancelled by
280
the Sub-Divisional Magistrate by his order dated 13th
February, 1971. Indeed, it is difficult to see how this
public meeting could possibly have been held on 3rd March,
1971 within 48 hours before the date of polling. So far as
the other two public meetings, one at ’K’ Block, Andha
Mughal on 18th February, 1971 and other at Malka Gunj on
22nd February, 1971 are concerned, they also stand on the
same footing and cannot be regarded as proved, because there
is no evidence at all to show that these two public meetings
were actually held pursuant to the permission granted by the
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Sub-Divisional Magistrate.
We may then refer to the evidence of the CID officers
summoned by the petitioner to prove the holding of various
public meetings by the first respondent. The first witness
belonging to this group was Mahender Pal Singh (PW 20) who
was an Inspector, CID Special Branch at Tees Hazari. He
stated in his evidence that during the election period his
staff used to cover election meetings held by various
political parties and they included public meetings held by
the first respondent. He further stated that the officers
who were sent to cover the public meetings used to attend
them and then submit, either on the basis of the shorthand
notes taken down by them or from memory, reports of the
speeches made at these public meetings. He was then asked
to state from his records as to what were the public
meetings held in the Sadar Parliamentary constituency which
were covered by his staff. He, however, claimed privilege
in respect of the records brought by him and produced an
affidavit of the Inspector General of Police in support of
his claim of privilege. The affidavit was plainly
inadequate as it merely repeated the language of section 123
of the Evidence Act under which the privilege was claimed,
without informing the Court as to how the records in respect
of which the privilege was claimed fell within the terms of
the section. The learned Trial Judge, therefore rejected
the claim for privilege based on this affidavit but gave a
further, opportunity to the Inspector General of Police to
file a proper affidavit claiming privilege on 4th January,
1972. It appears that the Inspector General of Police was
not ready with his affidavit on 4th January, 1972 and he
asked for further time upto 10th January, 1972. The learned
Trial Judge granted him time but made an order that the
counsel for the Inspector General of Police should give to
the counsel of the petitioner by 5th January, 1972 "a list
of the persons who were deputed to attend the Congress
election meetings in Sadar Parliamentary constituency
together with their present official addresses, the dates of
the meetings attended, the times of the meetings and the
list of the speakers at such meetings". In compliance with
this direction, a chart containing the requisite particulars
prepared from the records was handed over to the counsel for
the petitioner on 5th January, 1972. This chart referred to
twenty two public meetings held in support of the first
respondent in Sadar Parliamentary constituency and gave
dates and places of these public meetings, the names of the
speakers who spoke at these public meetings and the officers
who covered them. The Inspector General of Police
thereafter filed another affidavit dated 6th January, 1972
claiming privilege on the ground that the records contained
"the mental notes and reports of officials which are made by
public officers in the course of the discharge of their
official duties", for the benefit
281
of the CID Special Branch and the practice of keeping such
documents was necessary for the proper information of the
CID Special Branch, and the disclosure of these documents
"would lead to injury to public interest and prejudice the
working of the CID Special Branch. And moreover, these
documents were unpublished official records relating to the
affairs of the State." The learned Trial Judge, by an order
dated 12th January, 1972 upheld the claim of privilege made
on the strength of this affidavit. The result was that the
reports made by the officers comprised inter alia the mental
notes made by them,were shut out from the petitioner and
a very valuable piece of evidence which would have
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established beyond doubtwhat were the public meetings held
by the first respondent was denied to the petitioner. There
can be no doubt that these reports were made by public
servants in discharge of their official duty and they were
relevant under the first part of section 35 of the Evidence
Act since they contained statements showing what were the
public meetings held by the first respondent. Vide P. C. P.
Reddiar v. S. Perumal. (1) But by reason of the order made
by the learned Trial Judge upholding the claim of privilege,
these reports were removed from the ken of the petitioner as
well as the learned Trial Judge. The petitioner contended
before us that the learned Trial Judge was in error in
upholding the claim of privilege and that the reports
should have been made available to the petitioner. There is
great force in this contention of the petitioner because it
is difficult to see-how, barring any observations or
nothings made by the officers by way of comment or opinion,
the rest of the reports containing factual data could
possibly be regarded as privileged. The learned Trial Judge
himself could have looked at the reports for the purpose of
satisfying himself as to what was the nature of the
statements contained in the reports and whether they were
privileged, and if so, to what extent, but the learned Trial
Judge apparently did not choose to do. However, it is not
necessary for us to decide this question of privilege and we
need not express any final opinion upon it, since we find
that the officers who covered these public meetings and made
reports have themselves given evidence on behalf of the
petitioner and though they did suffer from the handicap that
they could not refresh their memory by looking at the
reports, they have given fairly reliable evidence in regard
to the public meetings covered by them and the exclusion of
the reports from the evidence is, therefore, really of not
much consequence. Moreover, the chart furnished by the
counsel for the Inspector General of Police to the
petitioner gives sufficient information as to the dates and
places of the public meetings held in connection with the
election of the first respondent and the names of the
speakers who spoke at these public meetings. The petitioner
made an application to the learned Trial Judge being IA No.
645 of 1972 for taking this chart in evidence and marking it
as an exhibit in the case but the learned Trial Judge, by an
order dated 20th April, 1972, rejected this application. We
do not think the learned Trial Judge was right in rejecting
this chart out of hand as document without
(1) [1972] 2 S.C.R. 646
282
any evidentiary value whatever. It is clear that the
entries in the reports made by the officers stating the
dates and places of the public meetings covered by them and
the names of the speakers at those public meetings could not
possibly be privileged and in fact, as appears clearly from
the affidavit claiming privilege, the Inspector General of
police did not claim privilege in respect of these
particulars entered in the reports.The claim for privilege
made by him was in respect of reports of speeches made at
the public meetings since they were based on mental notes
and were not "verbatim copies of the speeches of the
speakers". It was for this reason that the learned Trial
Judge directed that a chart showing the dates and places of
the public meetings and the names of the speakers should be
compiled by the Inspector General of Police and handed over
to the counsel for the petitioner. This chart was obviously
to be prepared from the official records in the possession
of the Inspector General of Police which would be relevant
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under the first part of section 35 of the Evidence Act.
When this direction was given by the learned Trial Judge,
the first respondent did not raise any objection, though the
furnishing of the chart would be clearly tantamount to
production of the relevant parts of the official records
containing particulars in regard to the dates and places of
the public meetings and the names of the speakers. The
chart furnished by the Inspector General of Police in
compliance with this direction of the learned Trial Judge
was, therefore, clearly admissible in evidence. The
Inspector General of Police, in fact, affirmed this chart in
his affidavit claiming the privilege and said in paragraph 3
of that affidavit that the chart had been supplied to the
counsel of the petitioner "through the witness Inspector
Mohinder Pal Singh." It was suggested on behalf of the first
respondent that there was nothing to show that this chart
produced by the petitioner along with his application IA No.
645 of 1972 was the same as that given by the Inspector
General of police. But this suggestion is wholly untenable.
It is nothing but an afterthought. No such plea was put
forward by the first respondent in reply to IA No. 645 of
1972. The first respondent did not dispute, in the
affidavit filed by him in reply to this application that the
chart produced by the petitioner was not the same as that
handed over to him by the Inspector General of Police. The
first respondent then contended that if this chart were
treated as evidence, he would be deprived of an opportunity
of cross-examining the CID officers who made the reports or
maintained the official records from which the chart was
prepared. But that is no argument, because even if the
reports made by CID officers or the official , records
maintained by them had been produced by the Inspector
General of Police, they would have been admissible in
evidence under the first part of section 35 of the Evidence
Act, without any oral evidence as to their contents being
required to be given by the CID officers who made the
reports or maintained the official records, The petitioner
is, therefore, not unjustified in asking us to treat the
chart as a Piece of evidence with probative value, though it
must be said that it is weak type of evidence and standing
by itself without anything more, it cannot be regarded
sufficient to establish the holding of a public meeting by
the first respondent. It can, however, certainly be relied
upon as a corroborative piece of evidence which may be
considered along with
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other evidence for the purpose of deciding whether a
particular public meeting was held in connection with
election of the first respondent.
We may now turn to consider the oral evidence of the CID
officers in regard to the specific public meetings held in
connection with the election of the first respondent. But
before we do so, we may refer to one general criticism
levelled by the learned Trial Judge for disbelieving the
oral evidence of the CID officers. Whenever a CID officer
deposed to a public meeting hold by the first respondent,
which was not to be found in the lists PW 615, PW 7/1 and PW
8/3, the learned Trial Judge promptly rejected the evidence
and refused to accept the public meeting on the ground that
if such a public meeting had taken place, it would have
certainly found a place in one of these lists and the
absence of mention of it in these lists clearly indicated
that it must not have taken place,. This approach of the
learned Trial Judge is in our opinion erroneous. It is
obvious that the lists Ex. PW 6/5, PW 7/1 and PW 8/3 are
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not exhaustive of all the public meetings held within the
jurisdiction of the respective police stations. They refer
only to those public meetings where the police station staff
was sent for maintenance of law and order. It is quite
possible that there might have been other public meetings of
which the police station officers had no notice and which
might not have been covered by the police station staff and
hence not entered in the registers maintained by the Police
stations. In fact, Umesh Chandra stated in his.evidence
that in February 1971, twenty four election mectingsa were
held within the jurisdiction of his police station on behalf
of various parties and yet the list Ex. PW 6/5 shows only
eighteen public meetings. The absence of mention of a
public meeting in the lists Ex. PW 6/5, PW 7/1 and PW 8/3
cannot, therefore, be a ground for disbelieving the testi-
mony of an independent and disinterested witness like a CID
officer. Moreover, it is difficult to appreciate how the
oral testimony of a witness can be contradicted by a
negative inference to be drawn from the absence of an entry
in the register or list maintained by another witness, when
that other witness has not stated in his evidence that his
register or list was exhaustive and no other public meetings
were held It may also be noted that no question was put to
any of the police station officers on behalf of the first
respondent suggesting that the lists Exs. PW 615, PW 7/1
and PW 8/3 were exhaustive and no public meetings other than
those shown in these lists were hold within the respective
jurisdictions of their police stations. The absence of men-
tion of a particular public meeting in the lists Exs. PW
615, PW 7/1 and PW 8/3 cannot, therefore, be relied upon as
a circumstance for disbelieving the testimony of the CID
officers in regard to the holding of such public meeting.
The learned Trial Judge also relied very much on the
evidence of the first respondent and his witnesses denying
the holding of the public meetings deposed to by the CID
officers but such denial by partisan and interested
witnesses can have no meaning in the face of positive
evidence of the CID officers supported by the chart
furnished by the Inspector General of Police and no weight
can attach to it. As observed by this Court in Rahim Khan
v. Khurshid Ahmed (1):
(1) C.A. 816 of 1973, dec. on August 8, 1974.
284
"Negative evidence is ordinarily no good to disprove the
factum of meetings."
Turning to the oral evidence of the CID officers, the first
CID officer to whom we must refer in this connection is
Umesh Chander (PW 39). This witness stated that he covered
several election meetings in Sadar Parliamentary
constituency during the General Elections of 1971 and
amongst others, he attended the public meetings at Chowk
Chhe Tooti, Ghanta Ghar, Tel Mandi, Amarpuri Colony, Chowk
Azad Market and near Imperial Cinema. He could not give the
dates of these public meetings from memory, but it is clear
from the chart furnished by the Inspector General of Police
to the petitioner that these six public meetings were held
on 24th February, 16th February,’1971, 19th February, 1971,
25th February, 1971, 26th February, 1971 and 22nd February,
1971. Out of these six public meetings, three, namely, one
at Chowk Chhe Tooti on 24th February, 1971, the other at
Ghanta Ghar on 16th February, 1971 and the third at Tel
Mandi on 19th February, 1971 were amongst the twenty three
public meetings admitted by the first respondent. So far as
the public meeting near Imperial Cinema on 22nd February,
1971 is concerned, that was also, according to the first
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respondent included in the admitted twenty three public
meetings. The contention of the first respondent was that
this public meeting was the same as the one at Chuna Mandi
on 22nd February, 1971 admitted by him and was not an
additional meeting. This contention appears to be well
founded. It is clear from the report of permissions Ex. PW
7/3 that Imperial Cinema is in Chuna Mandi and in fact a
permission was granted under Ex. PW 7/3 for holding a
public meeting in Chuna Mandi in front of imperial Cinema on
17th February, 1971, though it was subsequently cancelled as
appearing from the list Ex. PW 7/1. The first respondent
also stated in his evidence that there was a meeting in
Chuna Mandi in front of Imperial Cinema on 22nd February,
1971. The public meeting near imperial Cinema on 22nd
February, 1971 deposed to by Umesh Chandra was, therefore,
the same as the public meeting at Chuna Mandi admitted by
the first respondent. That leaves for consideration two
public meetings, one at Amarpuri Colony on 25th February,
1971 and the other at Chowk Azad Market on 26th February,
1971. Both these public meetings were disputed by the first
respondent. But the evidence given by Umesh Chandra (PW 39)
supported by the relevant entries in the chart shows beyond
doubt that these two public meetings were hold by the first
respondent. There was hardly any cross-examination of Umesh
Chandra (PW 39) on this point. No suggestion was made to
him that he was an interested witness and indeed such a
suggestion could not be made as he was a CID officer. It
was not even put to him that these two public meetings did
not take place as deposed to by him. The only question put
to this witness was as to how he remembered the places of
the public meetings’ deposed to by him and his frank answer
was that the places of these public meetings were stated by
him from memory. There is no reason why this witness should
be disbelieved merely because he gave the places of the
public meetings attended by him from memory. In fact, as
pointed out above, the
285
chart furnished by the Inspector General of Police clearly
supports his oral evidence. The learned Trial Judge
rejected the evidence of this witness on two grounds. One
ground was that this witness did not state that the public
meetings deposed to by him were Congress meetings of the
first respondent. This ground is fallacious, in that it
overlooks- the positive evidence given by this witness that
the first and fifth respondents spoke at these public
meetings, though of course; he could not say whether both of
them spoke in all the public meetings or in only some of
them. Moreover, the chart furnished by the Inspector
General of Police shows the names of the speakers at these
public meetings and it is evident from these names that
those publicmeetings were "Congress meetings of respondent
No. I". The other ground relied on by the learned Trial
Judge was that the claim of the petitioner in regard to the
public meetings at Amarpuri colonyand Chowk Azad Market was
belied by the list Ex. PW 6/5 in which, according to the
learned Trial Judge, the public meetings at these two places
were stated to be of political parties ’other’ than the
Congress or the Jan Sangh. This ground is also untenable
and for two reasons. In the first place, the list Ex. PW
6/5 does not refer to any public meeting at Amarpuri Colony
on 25th February, 1971 or Chowk Azad Market on 26th
February, 1971 under the heading ’Others’, and none of these
two public meetings deposed to by Umesh Chandra (PW 39)
finds a place in list Ex. PW 6/5. Secondly, as already
pointed out above, the heading ’Others’ does not indicate
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that a public meeting under that heading was a meeting of
arty individual or political party other than the Congress
or the Jan Sangh. We must, therefore, hold, on the strength
of the evidence of Umesh Chandra (PW 39), supported by the
chart furnished by the Inspector General of Police, that in
addition to the twenty three public meetings admitted by the
first respondent, two further public meetings were held in
connection with the election of the first respondent, namely
one at Amarpuri Colony on 25th February, 1971 and the other
at Chowk Azad Market on 26th February, 1971.
The next witness whose evidence we must consider is Ranbir
Singh. (PW 49), who was at the material time a Sub-Inspector
in CID Special Branch. He has stated that he covered three
or four election meetings of the first respondent, and
though he could not remember the sequence, he asserted that
these election meetings were at Chowk Chhe Tooti, Clock
Tower, Chowk Tatoo Shah Bagichi and Pahari Dhiraj. He
further said that the first respondent spoke at all these-
public meetings and the fifth respondent also spoke at one
or two of them. He also gave the names of some of the other
speakers at these four public meetings. These four public
meetings also find a place in the chart furnished by the
Inspector General of Police and according to that chart, the
public meeting at Chowk Chhe Tooti was held on 12th
February, 1971, the public meeting at Chowk Tatoo Shah
Bagichi was held on 15th February, 1971, the public meeting
at Clock Tower was held on 2nd March, 1971 and the public
meeting at Pahari Dhiraj was held on 27th February, 1971.
The second and the third of these publise meetings were
included in the twenty three public meetings admitted yb
286
the first respondent and the dispute was only as regards the
first public meeting at Chowk Chhe Tooti on 12th February,
1971 and the fourth public meeting at Pahari Dhiraj on 27th
February, 1971. We will first consider the position in
regard to the public meeting at Pahari Dhiraj on 27th
February, 1971. The learned Trial Judge rejected the
evidence of Ranbir Singh (PW 49) in regard to this public
meeting on the ground that the list Ex. PW 615 showed this
public meeting as " a meeting of political parties other
than the Congress and the Jan Sangh" and the first
respondent had in his evidence denied that any such public
meeting was held by him. We do not think that the learned
Trial Judge was justified in taking this view. In the first
place, if we look at the list Ex. PW 615 it shows a public
meeting at Pahari Dhiraj on 27th February, 1971 under the
heading ’Others’. ’We have already pointed out that the
heading ’Others’ does not mean anything more than other
meetings and merely because a particular public meeting
finds a place under that heading, it does not mean that it
was not a meeting of the Congress. The list Ex. PW 615
does not, therefore, in any way contradict the evidence of
Ranbir Singh (PW 49) on this point. Secondly, the evidence
of Ranbir Singh (PW 49) is supported by the entry at serial
No. 18 in the chart furnished by the Inspector General of
Police which shows that a public meeting was held in support
of the first respondent at Pahari Dhiraj on 27th February,
1971 at which, amongst others, respondents Nos. 1 and 5
were the speakers. Thirdly, there is no reason why an-
independent witness like Ranbir Singh (PW 49), who has
absolutely no interest in the result of the litigation one
way or the other should be disbelieved. It is true that the
places of the four public meetings deposed to by him were
mentioned in the summons served upon him and it was for that
reason that he could give the names of these places in
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his evidence, but that does not detract from the value of
his evidence, because unless these places mentioned in the
summons were correct, he would not have subscribed to them
in his evidence. He would have said "’I do not remember".
But he gave evidence in regard to these public meetings
because he remembered though his memory was prodded by what
was stated in the summons. He even gave the names of some
of the speakers and deposed broadly to the arrangements made
at these public meetings. Not even a suggestion was made to
him that the public meeting at Phari Dhiraj was a meeting of
some other political party or individual. It may also be
noted that apart from Ranbir Singh (PW 49), Kundanlal (PW
27) and Chunnilal (PW 32) also deposed to the public meeting
at Pahari Dhiraj and there is no reason why their evidence
should not be accepted, particularly when Kundanlal (PW 27)
was an independent witness without any political affiliation
and Chunni lal (PW 32) was also a person belonging neither
to the Congress nor to the Jan Sangh. We, therefore, hold
that a public meeting at Pahari Dhiraj was held in
connection with the election of the first respondent on 27th
February, 1971.
So far as the public meeting at Chowk Chhe Tooti on 12th
February, 1971 is concerned, it is clearly established by
the evidence Ranbir Singh (PW 49) supported by the entry at
serial No. 1 in the chart furnished by the Inspector
General of Police. It may be noted
287
that Ranbir Singh (PW 49) stated in his evidence that the
speakers, at the public meeting at Chowk Chhe Tooti were the
first respondent, fifth respondent, Shiv Charan Gupta and
two or three others. This statement tallies completely with
the names of the speakers given in the chart furnished by
the Inspector General of Police against the entry at Serial
No. 1. We do not see any reason why the evidence of Ranbir
Singh (PW 49), who is a wholly independent witness should be
rejected and the denial of the first respondent; who is a
party to the litigation or his supporters should be
preferred. It is true that there is no mention of this
public meeting at Chowk Chhe Tooti in the list Ex. PW 7/1,
but as pointed out above, the absence of mention of this
public meeting in the list Ex. PW 7/1 cannot be a ground
for disbelieving the testimony of an independent and
disinterested witness like Ranbir Singh (PW 49). We must,
consequently, hold that a public meeting of the first
respondent was held at Chowk Chhe Tooti on 12th February,
1971.
We then go on to consider the evidence of Daulat Ram (PW
42), who was also at the material time Sub-Inspector in the
CID Special Branch. He said in his evidence that he covered
two election meetings of the first respondent, one at Chowk
Bara Tooti and the other at Hathikhana, Bahadurgarh Road.
The chart furnished by the Inspector General of Police shows
that the public meeting at Chowk Bara Tooti was held on 20th
February, 1971, while the public meeting at Hathikhanna,
Bahadurgarh Road was held on 26th February, 1971. So far as
the public meeting at Chowk Bara Tooti on 20th February,
1971 is concerned, it was admitted by the first respondent,
but the public meeting at Bahadurgarh Read on 26th February,
1971 was disputed and the first respondent denied that any
such public meeting was held by him. The evidence of Daulat
Ram (PW 42) in regard to this public meeting is, however.
very clear and there is no reason why it should not be
accepted, merely because he has deposed to this public
meeting from memory. In fact the memory of this witness was
severely tested in cross-examination by the first respondent
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but he stood the test firmly and was unshaken. There is
nothing suggested as to why the testimony of this witness
should be rejected. This witness not only deposed to the
holding of the public meeting at Bahadurgarh Road but
actually gave the names of the speakers at this public
meeting, namely, the first respondent, the fifth respondent,
Mir Mushtaq Ahmed and Sardar Wazir Singh. These names tally
completely with the names of the speakers given in the chart
furnished by the Inspector General of Police. We also find
that the list Ex. 6/5 shows that a public meeting at
Bahadurgarh was held on 26th February, 1971. It is
undoubtedly mentioned under the heading ’others’ but, as we
have already explained, this does not mean that it could not
be a meeting of the Congress. It is significant to note
that not even a suggestion was made to this witness that the
public meeting at Bahadurgarh was a meeting of some other
political party or individual. Such a suggestion would
obviously have been futile, because the evidence of this
witness was that the only meetings he covered were those of
the Congress and the Jan Sangh and this public meeting
288
political party or individual. We are, therefore, satisfied
beyond doubt that a public meeting at Hathikhana,
Bahadurgarh Road was held on 26th February, 1971 in
connection with the election of the first respondent.
The next witness in this group is Sukhbir Singh (PW 46) who
was at the material time a Head Constable in CID Special
Branch. He said in his evidence that he covered one meeting
of the first respondent in Sadar Parliamentary constituency
and that was a meeting at Chhoti Masjid, Bara Hindu Rao on
26th February, 1971. The speakers at this meeting,
according to him; were O. P. Jain, Mir Mushtaq Ahmad,
Narendra Kumar and Dada Ataf-ur-Rahman. This evidence
clearly establishes the holding of this public meeting by
the first respondent and there is no reason why it should
not be accepted, particularly when we find that it has not
been challenged at all in cross-examination by the first
respondent. It is no doubt true that Subhash Arya (RIW 35),
stated in his evidence that a public meeting was scheduled
to be held at Bara Hindu Rao on 26th February, 1971, but it
was cancelled because he could not arrange for any speakers
at this public meeting. But we fail to see how this
statement of Subhash Arya (RIW 35), who was admittedly a
partisan witness, could be preferred to the testimony of
Sukhbir Singh (PW 46) who was wholly independent and
disinterested, having no interest in the result of the
’litigation. It may also be noted that an application Ex.
PW 611 for permission to hold this public meeting was made
by Dr. Roshan Lal on 26th February, 1971, that is, on the
same day on which this public meeting was to be held and it
is difficult to believe that such application ,could have
been made by Dr. Roshan Lal in the morning of 26th February,
1971 without making the necessary arrangements for speakers
at this public meeting which was to be held the same
evening, The learned Trial Judge rejected the evidence of
Sukhbir Singh (PW.46) in regard to this public meeting on
the ground that this public meeting was shown in the list
Ex. PW 6/5 as a meeting organised by other political
parties and not by the Congress. But this ground is, with
the greatest respect to the learned Trial Judge, wholly mis-
conceived because we do not find any reference to this
public meeting in the list Ex. 6/5 even under the heading
’Others’. Not only is the evidence of this witness
uncontradicted by any documentary evidence but it actually
finds support from the entry at Serial No. 16 in the chart
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furnished by the Inspector General of Police where it is
shown as a meeting held in support of the first respondent.
The names of the speakers given by this witness also tally
with the names set out against the entry at Serial No. 16 in
the chart furnished by the Inspector General of Police. We
must, therefore, accept the case of the petitioner that a
public meeting at Chhoti Masjid; Bara Hindu Rao was held by
the first respondent on 26th February, 1971.
That takes us to the evidence of Shyam Singh (PW 45), who
Was at the material time posted in the CID Special Branch.
He said in his evidence that he covered two public meetings
of the first respondent, one at Chowk Nabi Karim on 26th
February, 1971 and the
289
other at Chowk Neemwala in Nabi Karim on 2nd March,’1971.
The second public meeting at Chowk Neemwala on 2nd March
1971 was included in the twenty three public meetings
admitted by the first respondent, but the first public
meeting at Chowk Nabi Karim held on 26th February, 1971 was
disputed by him and the case of the first respondent was
that no such public meeting was held. We do not see any
reason why the evidence of Shyam Singh (PW 45) in regard to
the public meeting at Chowk Nabi Karim on 26th February,
1971 should not be accepted. If we look at the cross-
examination of this witness by the first respondent, we do
not find any challenge at all to the statement of this
witness in regard to the holding of this public meeting.
Moreover, the evidence of this witness is supported by the
statement of Chunni Lal (PW 32) in cross-examination that
the Congress held a public meeting inter alia at Nabi Karim
Chowk. But more than this support from the oral evidence of
Chunni Lal (PW 32) is the corroboration to be found in the
chart furnished by the Inspector General of Police. The
entry at Serial No. 14 in this chart clearly supplies
authenticity and veracity to the evidence of Shyam Singh (PW
45) that this public meeting did take place as claimed by
the petitioner. The names of the speakers given by this
witness in his oral evidence find a place amongst the
speakers mentioned in this chart. There can, therefore, be
no doubt despite the denial of the first respondent, that a
public meeting at the Chowk near the Police Post, Nabi Karim
was held by the first respondent on 26th February, 1971.
The petitioner also claimed that two other public meetings
were held by the first respondent in connection with his
election, one at Chowk Singhara on 18th February, 1971 and
the other at Tonga Stand, Pahar Gunj on 2nd March, 1971.
These two public meetings are shown as having been held in
support of the first respondent in the entries at Serial
Nos. 4 and 21 in the chart furnished by the Inspector
General of Police. The CID officer who, according to this
Chart, covered these two public meetings was Umesh Chandra
(PW 39) but since Umesh Chandra (PW 39) was precluded from refer
ring to the reports made by him contemporaneously for
the purpose of refreshing his memory and required to give
evidence only on the basis of what he recalled, he omitted
these two public meetings in the evidence given by him.
There was also no other evidence in support of these two
public meetings. The case of the petitioner, therefore,
rested only on the entries at Serial Nos. 4 and 21 in the
chart supplied by the Inspector General of Police. But as
pointed out above, this chart is definitely weak piece of
evidence and it would not be correct to rely upon it as
substantive evidence for the purpose of holding, on the
strength of its evidentiary value alone without anything
more, that these two public meetings, namely one at Chowk
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Singhara on 18th February, 1971 and the other at Tonga
Stand, Pahar Gunj on 2nd March,1971 were held in support
of the election of the first respondent.
Then there were three other public meetings claimed by the
petitioner to havebeen held by the first respondent,
namely one at
290
Katra Karim on 17th February, 1971, the other at Chuna Mandi
near Imperial Cinema on 17th February, 1971 and the third at
Tel Mandi on 19th February, 1971. There is no evidence at
all to show that these three public meetings were held. The
only piece of evidence on which the petitioner could place
reliance was the copy of the report Ex. PW 7/3 which showed
the permissions granted by the Sub-Divisional Magistrate to
the Congress to hold certain public meetings which included
inter alia these three public meetings. But from the mere
factual of permission, without any further evidence, we
cannot come to the conclusion that these three public
meetings were held in connection with the election of the
first respondent. The same position obtains in regard to
three other public meetings claimed by the petitioner,
namely, one at ’K’ Block, Andha Mughal on 18th February,
1971, the other at Malka Gurj on 22nd February, 1971 and the
third at Ghanta Ghar on 3rd March, 1971. There is no
evidence in support of these three public meetings. What we
have are only the applications for permission to hold these
three public meetings and they are clearly insufficient to
establish that these three public meetings were held. In
fact, the public meeting at Ghanta Ghar on 3rd March, 1971
could never have been held because of the ban on public
meetings within forty eight hours before the date of
polling.
We then proceed to consider the public meeting which,
according to the petitioner, was held in Gulabi Bagh. The
only evidence in support of this public meeting is a
reference to it in the bill of Agarwal Tent House, Ex. R-
26. But, as we shall presently show, this bill of Agarwal
Tent House cannot be regarded as genuine and it would not,
therefore, be correct to base any finding on a statement
contained in it. in the absence of any Positive evidence on
behalf of the petitioner in support of this public meeting,
the denial of the first respondent must be accepted. We,
therefore, reject the case of the petitioner that a public
meeting was hold by the first respondent at Gulabi Bagh.
That takes us to the public meeting at Pulbangash on 26th
February, 1971. Ex. PW 6/1 is the application made by Dr.
Roshan Lal for permission to hold a public meeting at Chowk
Pul Bangash on 26th February, 1971 and, in the absence of
any evidence to the contrary, we must presume that the
permission applied for was granted. The list Ex. PW 615
shows that a public meeting was held at Pul Bangash on 26th
February, 1971. The reference to this public meeting is
under the heading ’Others’, but, as we have already
discussed this circumstance does not militate against this
public meeting being a meeting of the Congress Then there is
the positive evidence of Inder Mohan Bharadwaj (PW 30) that
there was a public meeting of the,, first respondent at Pul
Bangash on 26th February, 1971 and when he was passing
along, he saw pamphlets, like annexure ’A’, being
distributed at this public meeting. It appears that the
statement of this witness in regard to the factum of this
public meeting was not challenged in cross-examination on
behalf
291
of the first respondent. The only challenge was to the
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accuracy of what he saw at this public meeting. When we
turn to the evidence led on behalf of the first respondent
in regard to this public meeting, we find a very interesting
feature which is eloquent of the truth. Om Prakash Makkan
(RIW 1) admitted in his cross-examination on 4th February,
1972 that he went to another meeting of the first respondent
and the place whore this meeting was hold was Pul Bangash.
But his cross-examination was not completed on 4th February,
1972. It was continued on 7th February, 1972 and in the
course of the further cross-examination on that day, he
seized the opportunity to go back on his previous admission
and tried to explain it away by saying: "I did not see any
meeting at Pul Bangash. I had gone there to see Tirlochan
Singh. When I went there I saw 20 or 25 people coming back.
I asked them whether Tirlochan Singh was there and was
informed that Tirlochan Singh was not there. Amongst the
people returning was my brother-in-law Dina Nath and he told
me that there had been a meeting in some house". This was a
crude and clumsy attempt to explain away an admission
unwittingly made and it cannot deceive us. The admission of
the witness stands unimpaired and there can be no doubt that
it represents the truth. When Subhash Arya (RIW 35) was
cross-examined in regard to this public meeting, he admitted
that this public meeting was scheduled to be hold at Chowk
Pul Bangash on 26th February, 1971, but it could not be hold
because he was not able to arrange for any speakers. This
statement of Subhash Arya (RIW35) clearly implies that the
permission for holding this public meeting was obtained, but
the reason for not holding it was different. We, however,
find it difficult to believe that this public meeting could
not be held on account of want of speakers. It is a most
unconvincing explanation given by Subhash Arya (RIW 35) for
the purpose of explaining away this public meeting. In
fact, the list Ex. PW 6/5 clearly shows that a public
meeting was held at Pul Bangash on 26th February, 1971, We
are, therefore, satisfied from evidence on record that this
public meeting was held in connection with the election of
the first respondent.
The claim of the petitioner in regard to the public meeting
said to have been hold by the first respondent at Sadar Nala
Road on 15th February’ 1971 is, however, not well founded.
There is no evidence at all to show that this public meeting
was held. The only piece of evidence on Which the
petitioner could rely was the intimation Ex. PW 6/2 gives.
by the Superintendent of Police, North District, Delhi to
the Deputy Inspector General of Police, Delhi that the
Congress had decided to hold a public meeting at Sadar Nala
Road on 15th February, 1971 and assistance should be
provided to the local police in maintaining Law and order.
But from this piece of evidence alone, without anything
more, it cannot be concluded that the public meeting
referred to in this intimation was in fact hold. Subhash
Arya (RIW 35) stated in his evidence that a public meeting
was undoubtedly scheduled to be hold at Sadar Nala Road on
15th February, 1971, but it had to be cancelled because no
arrangement could be made in regard to speakers. This
statement of Subhash Arya (RIW 35) stands
1255 Sup. CI/75
292
uncontroverted by any positive evidence on behalf of the
petitioner in regard to the holding of this public meeting,
unlike the case in regard to the public meeting at Pul
Bangash on 26th February, 1971. We, therefore, reject the
claim of the petitioner that any such public meeting was
hold at Sadar Nala Road on 15th February, 1971.
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We have discussed the evidence in regard to the number of
public meetings held in connection with the election of the
first respondent in great detail because we are taking a
view different from the one taken by the learned Trial Judge
and, in all fairness to the learned Trial Judge as well as
to the first respondent, we think it necessary that we
should articulate our reasons fully. The above discussion
shows that in addition to the twenty three public meetings
admitted by the first respondent, nine further public
meetings were held at the following places and on the
following dates, namely
1. Amar Puri Colony on 26-2-1971
2. Chowk Azad Market on 26-2-1971
3. Chhoti Masjid, Bara Hindu Rao 26-2-1971
4. Pahari Dhiraj on 27-2-1971
5. Chhe Tooti on 12-2-1971
6. Hathi Khana, Bahadurgarh Road on 26-2-1971
7. Near Police Post, Nabi Karim on 26-2-1971
8. Multani Dhanda on. 22-2-1971
9. Pul Bangash on 26-2-1971
The first respondent owned the responsibility for expenses
in respect of the twenty three public meetings admitted by
him and the only question could be in regard to the expenses
of the additional nine meetings above-mentioned. It was not
the case of the first respondent that any public meetings
were hold in connection with his election which were
financed by the Congress or any other individual. The first
respondent in fact admitted in his cross-examination that he
"bore the expenses of all the election meetings in my
constituency". There can, therefore, be no scope for the
argument that the expenses of any of these nine public
meetings were met by any Organisation or individual other
than the first respondent. In any event, even if the
expenses of some out of these nine public meetings were
incurred by the District Pradesh Congress Committee or any
other branch of the Congress organisation or any other
friend or supporter, such expenses must be held to be
authorised by the first respondent, be. cause the first
respondent knowingly took advantage of such public meetings
by participating in them and consented to or at any rate,
acquiesced in such expenses and, in any view of the matter,
failed to disavow them. The question which we must,
therefore, proceed to consider is as to what were the
expenses incurred or authorised by the first respondent in
connection with these twenty three plus nine public
meetings.
Now, the first respondent disclosed in his return of
expenses only three amounts, namely, Rs. 180/-, paid to
Tandon Tent and
293
Furniture House, Rs. 180/- paid to Saini Electric Works and
Rs. 440/- paid to Agarwal Tent House, and his case was that
these were the only three amounts spent by him in connection
with his public meetings which were twenty three in number.
Since we have held that nine more public meetings were held
in addition to the twenty three-admitted by the first
respondent, it must follow that the first respondent
suppressed the expenditure incurred or authorised by him on
these nine further public meetings. What should be the
approach of the Court when the Court finds that certain
items of expenses are suppressed by a candidate is a matter
which we shall presently discuss. But before we do that, we
must examine the question whether the expenditure shown by
the first respondent in connection with twenty three public
meetings admitted by him is genuine. Did the first
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respondent spend only three amounts of Rs. 180/-, Rs. 180/-
and Rs. 440/- in connection with these public meetings or
these amounts represent a very much lower figure than what
was actually spent by the first respondent. The expenditure
of these amounts was sought to be supported by the bill of
Tandon Tent & Furniture House, the receipt of Saini Electric
Works and the bill of Agarwal Tent House. The case of the
first respondent was that furnishings in connection with
twelve public meetings were supplied by Tandon Tent & Fur-
niture House and electric equipment by Saini Electric Works
and furnishings and electric equipment in connection with
the remaining eleven public meetings were supplied by
Agarwal Tent House. However, strangely enough, when the
first respondent was asked in cross-examination, he could
not say as to which were the public meetings to which Tandon
Tent & Furniture House and Saini Electric Works supplied
furnishings and electric equipment and which were the public
meetings to which furnishings and electric equipment were
supplied by Agarwal Tent House. If in fact, furnishings and
electric equipment were supplied by Tandon Tent & Furniture
House, Saini Electric Works and Agarwal Tent House and the
arrangements with these three firms had been made personally
by the first respondent, as claimed by him in his evidence,
it is difficult to understand why the first respondent could
not specify the public meetings catered by Tandon Tent &
Furniture House and Saini Electric Works and the public
meetings catered by Agarwal Tent House. Surely, the first
respondent must have maintained some records to show to
which public meetings furnishings and electric equipment
were supplied by these three firms; otherwise, how could he
have checked whether the bills submitted by these three
firms were correct. The inability to produce the records
and to particularise the specific public meetings catered by
these three firms is a factor which throws considerable
doubt on the genuineness of the story of the first
respondent that furnishings and electric equipment were
supplied by these three firms. It is also rather strange
that the first respondent could not give particulars of the
furnishings and electric equipment actually supplied by
these three firms.
It may also be noted that the bill of Tandon Tent &
Furniture House was sought to be proved by the first
respondent by examining Bhagmal Tandon (RIW 14), the sole
proprietor of that firm as a
294
witness. But so far as the receipt of Saini Electric Works
and the bill of Agarwal Tent House were concerned, the first
respondent did not call any representatives of these two
firms to give evidence and prove the contents of these
documents. Since the correctness and genuineness of these
documents was challenged on behalf of the petitioner, the.
first respondent ought to have summoned the representatives
of these two firms and led their evidence for the purpose of
establishing that in fact they supplied furnishings and
electric equipment and charged no more than the amounts
shown in these documents. The first respondent, however,
did not choose to do so and preferred to rest his case
marely on his oral testimony which was so vague and evasive
as not to give even the particulars of the specific public
meetings at which furnishings and electric equipment were
supplied by the different firms. It may also be pointed out
that so far as Saini Electric Works is concerned, not even
the bill of this firm was attempted to be produced by the
first respondent. The receipt of this firm which was
produced from the records of the Chief Electoral Officer-
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merely showed a sum of Rs. 180/- as having been received
from the first respondent "on account of loudspeaker and
light arrangements for the period from 20th February, 1971
to 2nd March,1971". It did not show where"loudspeaker and
light arrangements" were supplied, what was the number of
public meetings at which the supply was made, how many
loudspeakers were supplied and what was the nature and
extent of the lighting arrangements made at each public
meeting. The rate at which "loudspeaker and light
arrangements" were supplied was also not mentioned in the
receipt. The receipt also did not refer to supply of
microphones and, therefore, presumably, microphones were not
supplied by Saini Electric Works and the amount of Rs. 180/-
did not cover arty charges oil. that account.
The evidence of Subhash Arya (RIW 35) also exposes the in-
firmities in the case of the first respondent on this point.
Subhash Arya (RIW 35) in his evidence made a distinction
between big public meetings and small public meetings and
stated that "for big public meetings respondent No. I had
instructed him to place an order with Tandon Tent House to
supply furniture etc. other than electricity. Electricity
material was supplied by Saini Electrical Works. For
smaller public meetings the furniture etc. used to be
supplied by Agarwal Tent House". These were, according to
this witness, twelve big public meetings and eight out of
these big public meetings, were held at Clock Tower, Bara
Tooti, Chowk Neemwala, Tel Mandi, Chhe Tooti, Chuna Mandi,
Kasabpura and Deputy Gunj, and the he remaining four, in
Pahar Gunj. It is clear from the particulars of the twenty
three public meetings admitted by the first respondent that
out of the aforesaid eight big public meetings referred to
by this witness, three were held prior to 20th February,
1971, one at Clock Tower on 16th February, 1971, the other
at Tel Mandi on 19th February, 1971 and the third at
Kasabpura on 18th February, 1971. Now, if furnishings at
big public meetings were supplied by Tandon Tent & Furniture
House, as claimed by Subhash Arya (RIW 35), it must follow
that furnishings at these three big public meetings held at
Clock
295
also have been supplied by Tandon Tent & Furniture House.
But the bill of Tandon Tent & Furniture House shows that
furnishings were supplied only at "12 public meetings hold
in the month 20/2/71 to 2/3/71" and no furnishings were
supplied at any public meetings hold prior to 20th February,
1971. If that be so, Tandon Tent & Furniture House could
not possibly have supplied furnishings at the three big
public meetings hold at Clock Tower, Tel Mandi and Kasabpura
prior to 20th February, 1971. This casts grave doubt on the
case of the first respondent that furnishings were supplied
by Tandon Tent & Furniture House at twelve public meetings
held by the first respondent and irresistibly leads to the
conclusion that the. bill of Tandon Tent & Furniture House
is, to say the least, highly suspicious. The case of the
first respondent in regard to furnishings and electrical
equipment supplied by Agarwal Tent House, also suffers from
the same infirmity. Agarwal Tent House, according to
Subhash Arya (RIW 35), supplied furnishings and electrical
equipment at smaller public meetings. The public meeting at
’P’ Block, Andha Mughal on 1st March, 1971 was admittedly a
small public meeting and, therefore, if the case of the
first respondent were true, furnishings and electrical
equipment at this public meetings should have been supplied
by Agarwal Tent House. But the bill of Agarwal Tent House
showed that furnishings and electrical equipment were
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supplied by that firm only at eleven public meetings held in
the month of February, 1971. It is, therefore, obvious
that, according to this bill, furnishings and electric
equipment could not have been supplied by Agarwal Tent House
at this public meeting held on 1st March, 1971. The bill of
Agarwal Tent House thus does not fit in with the evidence
and it is difficult to accept it as genuine. The only way
in which the first respondent tried to get out of this
rather difficult situation was by saying that the
distinction made by Subhash Arya (RIW 35) between big
meetings and small meetings was a distinction without a
difference made under some misapprehension and this
explanation appealed to the learned Trial Judge.
But it is difficult to see how one could explain away this
distinction in such a casual manner, when Subhash Arya (RIW
35) put forward this distinction deliberately and advisedly
as part of the case of the first respondent and there was
nothing in his evidence to suggest that it was made under
any misapprehension.
Then,again, it may be noted that,the bill of Agarwal Tent
House referred to two public meetings one at Gulabi Bagh and
the other at Sadar Bazar and charged for furnishings and
electric equipment said to have been supplied at these two
public meetings. The first respondent, however, denied that
any public meeting was held by him at Sadar Bazar and in the
absence of any positive evidence to the contrary, we must
accept this denial as correct. So far as the public meeting
alleged to have been held at Gulabi Bagh is concerned, the
first respondent at one place in his evidence disclaimed any
knowledge as to where Gulabi Bagh was situate, but
subsequently, in the course of his cross-examination, he
unwittingly blurted out that Gulabi Bagh was
296
at a distance of two or two and a half-miles from the shop
of Agarwal Tend House, which means that he know where Gulabi
Bagh was. Now, according to the list of twenty three public
meetings given by the first respondent, there was no public
meeting at Gulabi Bagh and yet the bill of Agarwal Tent
House referred to a public meeting at Gulabi Bagh. The
first respondent was, therefore, constrained to put forward
a rather ingenious explanation in the course of arguments
that Gulabi Bagh was in the area known as Andha Mughal and
the reference in the bill of Agarwal Tent House was,
therefore, to the public meeting in Andha Mughal. But this
explanation is palpably incorrect, because the only two
public meetings out of those admitted by the first respon-
dent which took place in Andha Mughal were at ’P’ Block,
Andha Mughal and ’IC Block, Andha Mughal, and Gulabi Bagh,
Andha Mughal is clearly and indisputably a different area
from ’P’ Block or ’K’ Block. Andha Mughal. There was,
therefore, no public meeting of the first respondent held at
Gulabi Bagh. The bill of Agarwal Tent House which refers to
the public meetings at Gulabi Bagh and Sadar Bazar cannot,
in the circumstances, be looked upon as a document inspiring
confidence and no reliance can be placed upon it.
There are also certain other infirmities which stare us in
the face if we examine the matter a little more closely.
The bill of Agarwal Tent House showed a lump sum of Rs.
100/-for carnage charges and a lump sum of Rs. 40/- for
labour charges in respect of furnishings and electrical
equipment supplied at eleven public meetings held by the
first respondent. That would mean that an aggregate sum of
Rs. 300/was charged by Agarwal Tent House to the first
respondent by way of hire for furnishings and electrical
equipment and the rate of hire thus came to about Rs. 27/-
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per public meeting. So far as the bill of Tandon Tent &
Furniture House is concerned, it did not make any separate
mention of cartage or labour charges in respect of
furnishings supplied at twelve public meetings of the first
respondent. The explanation of the first respondent as well
as Bhagmal Tandon (RIW 14), the sole proprietor of this
firm, was that the rate of Rs. 15/- per public meeting
mentioned in this bill was inclusive of cartage and labour
charges and that is why these charges were not separately
shown as in the bill of Agarwal Tent House. obviously, some
such explanation had to be given by the first respondent,
because no separate amount in. respect of cartage and labour
charges was shown by him in his return of expenses. But
that exposes completely the dubious character of the bill of
Tandon Tent & Furniture House. The cartage and labour
charges, according to the bill of Agarwal Tent House, were
Rs. 13/- per public meeting. We will assume in favour of
the first respondent that the cartage and labour charges in
respect of furnishings supplied by Tandon Tent & Furniture
House and the electrical equipment supplied by Saini
Electrical Works were the same, namely, Rs. 13/- per public
meeting, even though the furnishings supplied by Tandon Tent
and Furniture House were in much greater quantity than those
supplied by Agarwal Tent House. But even on that minimal
footing, the aggregate charges by way of hire for
furnishings supplied by Tandon Tent & Furniture House and
electric equipment supplied by Saini Electric Works would
come to Rs. 17/- per public meeting. Is it not strange
2 97
and almost incradible that the hire charges for furnishings
and electrical equipment supplied by Agarwal Tent House at
small public meetings should be Rs. 27/- per public meeting
while the hire charges for furnishings supplied by Tandon
Tent & Furniture House arid electrical equipment supplied by
Saini Electric Works at big public meetings should be only
Rs. 17/- per public meeting. The furnishings supplied by
Tandon Tent & Furniture House,were admittedly much more in
quantity then those supplied by Agarwal Tent House and,
therefore, the hire charges of Tandon Tent & Furniture House
and Saini Electric Works should have been higher than those
of Agarwal Tent House. But strangely enough they were lower
by about Rs. 10/- per public meeting. It would be straining
our credulity to the utmost to accept this fantastic theory.
We may also point out that it is rather strange that the
first respondent should have entered into arrangements with
Tandon Tent & Furniture House and Agarwal Tent House to
supply fixed items of furnishings, irrespective of the
nature or size of the public meeting. Would the nature and
quantity of the items of furnishings required at a public
meeting not depend on the place or locality in which the
public meeting is to be held-whether the audience expected
would be large or small ? This is of course riot a
circumstance on which we place much reliance but it cannot
be said to be wholly without significance. Then again it
may be noted that the rate of about Rs. 27/per public
meeting by way of hire for furnishings and electric equip-
ment supplied by Agarwal Tent House as also the rate of Rs.
15/per public meeting for furnishings supplied by Tandon
Tent & Furniture House and the rate of Rs. 15/- per public
meeting for electrical equipment supplied by Saini Electric
Works-both the latter rates being inclusive of labour and
cartage charges-are absurdly low and can hardly be regarded
as genuine. It was not the case of the first respondent
that the rates charged by these three firms were
confessional rates. In fact, Bhagnial Tandon (RIW 14), who
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is the proprietor of Tandon Tent & Furniture House, stated
in his evidence that the rates charged by him from the first
respondent were the usual market rates. If we look at the
bills Exs. PW 15/1-A, PW 15/1-B and PW 15/1-C produced by
Permod Kumar (PW 15), it is clear that the market rates
particularly for the supply of electrical equipment were
very much higher than those shown to have been charged by
these three firms.
We may then examine the evidence of Bhagmal Tandon (RIW 14),
who came as a witness on behalf of the first respondent. He
stated in his evidence that he did not receive any orders
from the first respondent to supply furnishings during the
election but it was Subhash Arya (RIW 35) who placed orders
with him "to arrange for furniture for election meetings of
respondent No. 1". He deposed that the bill in respect of
furnishings supplied by him was submitted by him to the
first respondent and he received payment of the amount of
the bill against the receipt Ex. R-8. He was severely
cross-examined on behalf of the petitioner and in his cross-
examination, he admitted
298
that even during the previous elections he had worked for
the first respondent who had stood as a candidate on behalf
of the Congress. He stated that he maintained only a bill
book, a ledger and a cash book and he produced these books
of account in Court. The bill book contained the carbon
copies of the bills issued by the witness during the period
6th February, 1971 to 21st March, 197 1. The bill for the
furnishings supplied to the first respondent bore the number
8170 and a carbon copy of it found a place in the bill book.
This bill was for Rs. 180 and it was dated 4th March, 1971.
There were carbon copies of bills Nos. 8167, 8168 and 8169
in the bill book which all bore the date 4th March, 1971.
The aggregate amount of these four bills, namely, Bills Nos.
8167, 8168, 8169 and 8170, came to Rs. 189.75 and this
aggregate amount appeared to have been carried to the cash
book and entered on the credit side under the date 4th
March, 1971 at page 93 of the cash book. The particular
soft his entry in the cash book showed that the amount of
Rs. 189 .75 was credited as representing cash received in
respect of bills Nos. 8167 to 8170. This amount of R. 189
-7 5 was then carried to the ledger at page 15 and credited
in the account headed "Cash Hire in respect of Goods" under
the date 4th March, 1971. Now if these entries in the cash
book and the ledger are genuine, they would go a long way to
support the genuineness of the bill No. 8170 said to have
been submitted by Tandon Tent & Furniture House to the first
respondent. But, we do not think we can, with any degree of
confidence, place reliance on these entries. It is well
known in bookkeeping that it is the cash book which is the
primary book and the ledger is only a subsidiary book which
is always prepared from the cash book at periodic intervals.
We must, therefore, first examine whether the entry of Rs.
189 .75 in the cash book can be regarded as genuine. This
entry in the cash book shows that the amount of Rs. 189 .75
was received in cash on 4th March, 1971 in respect of bills
Nos. 8167 to 8170. That would mean that the amount of Rs.
180/- in respect of bill No. 8170 was received by Tandon
Tent & Furniture House from the first respondent in cash on
4th March, 1971. But, if we look at the original bill No.
8170, we find an endorsement at the foot of that bill
showing that the amount of that bill, namely, Rs. 180/-, was
paid to Tandon Tent & Furniture House on 7th April, 1971.
That is also borne out by the receipt R-8 dated 7th April,
1971 said to have been passed by Bhagmal Tandon (RIW 14) on
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behalf of Tandon Tent & Furniture House in favour of the
first respondent. But, if the amount of the bill was paid
by the first respondent to Tandon Tent & Furniture House on
7th April, 1971, it is difficult to see how it could be
shown in the cash book as having been received on 4th March,
1971. In fact, if we look at the cash book, it is apparent,
even to the naked eye, that the whole of it seems to have
been written out in the same ink at one and the same time.
We have in the course of our experience yet to come across a
genuine cash book written with such neatness, uniformly with
the same pen and in the same shade of ink over a hundred
pages. We cannot place any reliance on the entry of Rs.
189.75 under date 4th March, 1971 at page 93 of the cash
book and the corresponding entry at page 15 of the ledger
must also likewise be regarded as unreliable. it is no doubt
true that the bill book produced by Bhagmal Tandon (RIW 14)
contained a carbon copy of bill No. 8170 alleged
299
first respondent. But we are not at all satisfied about the
genuineness of this bill. We have already set out some of
the reasons why we find it difficult to accept this bill as
genuine. We may add two or three more reasons for taking
this view. In the first place, if we look at the bill book,
it is evident that this is the only bill which has been made
out in English. The rest of the bills are all in Urdu.
Secondly, it is apparent from the receipt Ex. R-8-and this
Bhagmal Tandon (RIW 14) was forced to admit in cross-
examination-that the bill number originally written in that
receipt was different and it was struck off and in its place
bill No. 8170 was mentioned. That raises a certain amount
of suspicion as to the genuineness of bill No. 8170. Then
again it is rather strange that Bhagmal Tandon (RIW 14)
should have no record in his possession to show which were
the public meetings at which furnishings were supplied by
his firm and what were the dates on which such public
meetings were held. It is also surprising that bill No.
8170 submitted by him to the first respondent should not
mention the dates and places of the public meetings at which
furnishings were supplied by his firm. Bhagmal Tandon (RIW
14) could not even state from memory as to which were the
places at which the public meetings catered by his firm were
hold. He said it his evidence quite unwittingly that he
used to receive chits or telephone calls "containing
requirements for the election meetings of respondent No. 1".
But immediately realising that he had slipped into a rather
inconvenient statement he corrected himself by saying that
the chits which were received me-rely indicated the places
where the material had to be supplied and it had already
been agreed as to what he was supposed to supply at each
public meeting. When asked to produce these chits, he
stated that they had not been retained by him and were
destroyed as soon as the final account was made up on 4th
March, 1971. It may be noted that the version of Om Prakash
Makkan (RIW 1) in this connection was a little different.
He did not support the story of chits, but stated that "our
volunteers used to go and specify the requirement for each
meeting". Then Bhagmal Tandon (RIW 14) was questioned
whether any receipts Were obtained evidencing delivery of
the furnishings to the representatives of the first
respondent. He first blundered into the statement that he
maintained copies but immediately resiled from it by saying
that he maintained a bound book of printed forms and every
time that a thelewala went to deliver furnishings at a
public meeting, he would tear off a printed form from this
bound book and give it to the thelewala to obtain the
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signature of the person who received the furnishings and the
thelewala would bring back that printed form duly signed by
such person. No copies of these printed forms of receipt
were, however, maintained by him and the originals were torn
off by him after the account was settled with the first
respondent on 4th March, 1971. He was then cross-examined
with regard to payment of carnage charges to the thelewalas.
He stated that he used to pay the thelewalas at the rate of
Re. 1/- or Rs. 1.50 for each one way trip and thus, accord-
ing to him, the cartage charges came to about Rs. 3/- per
each return trip. Since the cartage charges of Rs. 3/- per
each return trip would be, a legitimate business expenditure
incurred by him which he would be entitled to claim by way
of deduction in his income
300
tax assessment, he was asked whether it was recorded in his
account books. But he was not in a position to show any
entries in the account books relating to payment of the
cartage charges and he was, therefore, constrained to say
that he used to make this payment from his pocket and did
not record it anywhere in his books. This is an explanation
which is difficult to swallow. No business man would fail
to show in his account books expenditure incurred by him in
the course of his business which he can claim as a deduction
in his income tax assessment. We are, therefore, not at all
satisfied that furnishings were supplied by Tandem Tent &
Furniture House as claimed by the first respondent and
Bhagmal Tandon (RIW 14) and we cannot accept bill No. 8170
alleged to have been submitted by that firm to the first
respondent as genuine.
Since, in the view taken by us, the bills of Tandon Tent &
Furniture House and Agarwal Tent House and the receipt of
Saini Electric Works do not appear to be genuineness and
they do not correctly show the expenses incurred by the
first respondent in regard to the twenty three public
meetings admitted by him, it becomes necessary for us to
inquire what were the expenses actually incurred by the
first respondent in connection. with the twenty three public
meetings admitted by him as also nine further public
meetings proved to have been held in support of his
election. Now, except in case of two public meetings, one
at Tel Mandi on 19th February, 1971 and the other at Chuna
Mandi on 22nd February 1971 no evidence was led on behalf of
the petitioner to show the actual expenses incurred by the
first respondent in regard to any of these public meetings.
Indeed, the petitioner could not possibly lead any such
evidence, because what expenses were actually incurred would
be a matter within the special knowledge of the first
respondent. But that does not moan that on the material on
record, the Court cannot arrive at a reasonable estimate of
the expenses incurred by the first respondent. It is now
well settled by the decision of this Court in Megraj Patodia
v. B. K. Birla, (1) that "if the court comes to the
conclusion that an item of expenditure has been suppressed
in the return of election expenses, the more fact that there
is no sufficient evidence about the amount that must have
been spent is not ground foreign ignoring the matter. It is
the duty of the court to assess all expenses as best it can
and though the court should not enter into the region of
speculation or merely try to guess the amount that must have
been spent, it would generally be possible to arrive at an
amount of expenditure oil a conservative basis and, where it
is possible to arrive at any such estimate, such estimated
amount should be hold as not shown by the candidate in his
election account". See also P. C. P. Raddiar v. S. Perumal
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(2). The Court cannot fold its hands and surrender in
helplessness because the respondent refuses to cooperate and
assist and holds back the relevant information in his
possession. The Court in such a case is not powerless to
arrive at the truth as best as it can. The Court can and
must, as far as possible, assess the amount of expenditure
on the basis of the material on record when it finds that
there is suppression of some item of expenditure or the item
is deliberately shown as less than what must have actually
been incurred. Here in the present case
(1) [1971] 2 S.C.R.118.
(2) [1972] 2 S.C.R. 646.
301
the first respondent has not only suppressed the items of
expenditure on nine further public meetings but also the
items of expenditure on admitted twenty-three public
meetings are deliberately shown at a much lesser figure than
what must have actually been incurred. We must, therefore,
examine whether there is sufficient material before us on
the basis of which we can arrive at a reasonable estimate of
the expenses incurred by the first respondent in connection
with the admitted twenty-three public meetings and the
further nine public meetings.
Now the material before us for estimating the expenditure
which must reasonably have been incurred by the first
respondent in connection with his public meetings is of two
kinds; one consists of documentary evidence in the shape of
Exs. PW 15/1-A, PW 15/1-B and PW 15/1-C and the other
consists of oral evidence of witnesses. Since documentary
evidence always carries greater weight and assurance than
oral evidence and it is safer to rest a conclusion on
documentary evidence rather than oral evidence which may
sometimes be treacherously deceptive and difficult of
correct evaluation, we would first examine the documentary
evidence and see how far it helps us to determine the
expenditure incurred by the first respondent. The
petitioner called in evidence Permod Kumar (PW 15) and the
documentary evidence in the shape of Exs. PW 15/1-A, PW
15/1-B and PW 15/1-C was produced by this witness. This
witness stated in his evidence that he carried on business
of hiring out furnishings and electrical equipment and in
course of his business he "hired out durries, stage, loud-
speakers etc. to respondent No. I during the election
period". He produced from his bill book carbon copies of
three bills in respect of furnishings and electrical
equipment hired out by him to the first respondent. One was
bill No. 263 dated 20th February, 1971 for Rs. 368/-, the
other was bill No. 270 dated 24th February, 1971 for Rs.
414.50 and the third was bill No. 271 dated 24th February,
1971 for Rs. 360/- He said that one or two days before the
date of the first bill, the first respondent had come to him
accompanied by Sat Prakash Makkan and one other person whose
name he did not remember and placed an order with him "with
respect to all the three bills" and the furnishings and
electric equipment mentioned in these three bills were
supplied by him according to the order placed by the first
respondent and the payment of the amounts of these three
bills was made to him personally by the first respondent.
The copies of these three bills were marked Exs. 15/1-A, PW
15/1-B and PW 15/1-C. The first respondent challenged the
genuineness of these three bills and the learned Trial Judge
felt serious doubt about the authenticity of these three
bills and declined to act upon them. We do not think the
learned Trial Judge was right in casting doubt on the
genuineness of these three bills. There is absolutely no
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reason why these three bills should be regarded as unworthy
of credibility. Permod Kumar (PW 15) who produced and
proved these three bills is a completely independent witness
who has no interest in one side or the other. It was
faintly suggested to him in cross-examination that he was a
member of the Jan Sangh and he worked for Jan Sangh
candidates in the elections but this suggestion was stoutly
denied by him and in fact there is nothing
302
to show that he was in any way interested in the Jan Sangh.
It was then put to him that he was a partner of one
Padamchand Goel who was a member of the Delhi Municipal
Corporation on Jan Sangh ticket. He admitted that there was
a partnership between him and Padamchand Goel entered into
in 1966 but that partnership was dissolved within three or
four months after Padamchand Goel became a member of the
Delhi Municipal Corporation. It does not follow merely
because an erstwhile partner of this witness was a member of
the Jan Sangh, that he too should be having interest in the
Jan Sangh. It would be too much to presume that a person
without any political affiliation cannot have any business
relationship with a member of a political party, and if
there is any business relationship, it must be presumed that
both belong to the same political party. In fact we find
from the carbon copies of bills Nos. 296 and 297 in the bill
book Ex. PW 1511 that this witness supplied material on hire
even to the Youth Congress which is avowedly a Congress
Organisation. There is absolutely no reason suggested why
this witness should have gone to the length of fabricating
false documents for the purpose of supporting the case of
the petitioner. The carbon copies of the bills Exs. PW
15/1-A, PW 1611-B and PW 15/1-C find place in their proper
serial order in a bound bill-book and it is indeed difficult
to appreciate how they could be subsequently introduced in
the bill-book unless of course the suggestion be that the
whole of the bill-book was fabricated for the purpose of
this case. This was, however, not the suggestion made to
the witness in cross-examination. In any event we have
carefully gone through the whole of the bill-book which is
marked Ex. PW 15/1 and we do not find any indication in it
which might betray that it is a subsequently got up bill-
book. Even the bill-book for the immediately preceding
period was produced by this witness and it is marked Ex. PW
15/2. That bill-book contains carbon copies of bills
commencing form No. 201 and ending with No. 250 and the bill
book Ex. PW 1511 starts from carbon copy of bill No. 251
and ends with carbon copy of bill No. 300. The carbon
copies of the bills in both these bill-books appear to be
quite natural and regular and no valid reason has been
suggested as to why we should regard them with suspicion.
It is no doubt true that it was elicited in the cross-
examination of this witness that he did not maintain any
cash-book or ledger or any other account book but that is
not such an unusual circumstance as to lead us to believe
that the carbon copies of the bills produced by him were not
genuine. It is not at all improbable that the only record
which the witness maintained was the bill-book, because by
the very nature of his business, the bill-book would contain
a complete record of the amount of hire received by him.
The carbon copies of the bills not only show the names of
the parties to whom materials are given on hire but also the
dates and the particulars of the items and the hire charges
in respect of the same. The witness also admitted in cross-
examination that he did not maintain any receipt books but
that is also not at all unusual. One does not need to have
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a regular receipt book. A receipt can always be given on
the bill submitted to the customer. Then some minor
discrepancies were sought to be shown in the carbon copies
of one or two other bills in the bill book. One was in
respect of bill No.256.It was pointed out to the witness
that bills Nos. 254 and 255
303
bore date 15th February, 1971, while bill No. 256 bore date
14th February, 1971 and he was asked how a latter bill could
bear an earlier date than the earlier bills. The witness
pointed out that was an obvious mistake and there is no
doubt that it was so. It is apparent from the carbon copies
of bills No. 254, 255 and 256 that bill No. 256, was in
continuation of bills Nos. 264 and 265, forming part of one
single bill in the name of K. K. Bajaj, and since the later
two bills bore date 15th February, 1971, the former should
also have been dated 15th February, 1971, but through some
obvious error the date came to be mentioned as 14th
February, 1971. No point can be made of this obvious
mistake. Then the attention of the witness was drawn to
some bills in the bill books PW 1511 and PW 15/2 which were
shown as cancelled, and there was some cross-examination of
the witness on this point. But we fail to see how this
circumstance is of any help to the first respondent. It is
clear from the bill books Exs. PW 1511 and PW 15/2 that
whenever a bill was cancelled, the original as well as the
carbon copy were marked "cancelled" or crossed out. Now;
there is nothing unusual in cancelling a bill if it is found
that there is some mistake made while writing it out. This
happens sometimes even to the most careful of men and is not
a. circumstance which should Le regarded in any manner as
suspicious. The important thing is that the originals as
well as the carbon copies of the cancelled bills are
retained in the bill books. That would show the regular
manner in which the bill books are maintained by the
witness. There are no blank bills in the bill books PW 1511
and PW 15/2 which could have been utilised subsequently for
the purpose of fabricating a bill as of an earlier date.
The suggestion made in the cross-examination of course was
that there were blank bills in the bill book PW 1511 and
these were utilised for the purpose of making out false
bills in the name of the first respondent. But this
suggestions is wholly’ unwarranted and is not supported ’by
anything in the bill book PW 15/1 or PW 15/2. There are
only three cancelled bills in the bill book PW 15/1. They
are bills Nos. 253, 269 and 296. It will be seen that none
of these three bills is blank. Each one of them has been
made out in the name of some party or the other and then it
has been cancelled. The same position obtains in regard to
bills Nos. 207, 208 and 229 in bill book PW 15/2. It is
apparent in the case of some of these bil’s that they were
cancelled because of’ some mistake and then new bills were
made out in the names of the same parties. Compare, for
example, cancelled bill No. 229 with bill No. 231, cancelled
bill No. 208 with bill No. 209 and cancelled bill’ No. 253
with bill No. 254. There is no reason why any blank unuti-
lised bills should have been allowed to remain in the bill
books. That is not done by people who maintain their
accounts in the regular course of business. Permod Kumar
(PW 16) could not have anticipated on 20th February, 1971
that some blank bills might come in handy at a future point
of time and he should, therefore, leave some blank bills in
the bill books. It is also difficult to believe that there
should have been a blank bill No. 263 and again three
continuous blank bills at Nos. 269, 270 and 271. We find it
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impossible to accept this theory of fabrication of bills
Exs. PW 15/1-A, PW 15/1-B and PW 15/1-C by utilising blank
bills in the bill book Ex. PW 1611. Moreover, there is
inherent evidence in these bills which indicates their
genuine-
304
ness. The charge for a complete stage of 12’ x 10’ size and
5’ height with chadder, durries and carpets is shown in the
bill Ex. PW 15/1-A as Rs. 40/- per day. That appears to be
quite reasonable compared to the ridiculously low figures
given in the bills of Tandon Tent & Furniture House and
Agarwal Tent House. Similarly, the charge for one
"loudspeaker service with five units and double mike with
standby battery arrangements" is shown in the bill Ex. PW
15/1-A as Rs. 90/- and for one loudspeaker service with
eight units and double mike with stand-by battery
arrangements is shown in the bill Ex. PW 15/1-B as Rs.
120/-, while according to the bills of Agarwal Tent House
and the receipt of Saini Electric Works, it would be only
about Rs. 6/-, because out of Rs. 15/- shown by them, a
minimum amount of Rs. 3/to Rs. 4/- would be taken up by
cartage and labour charges and the hire of four flood lights
at the rate of Re. 1. 50 per flood light would come to Rs.
6/-. It is possible to believe that in the year 1971 two
microphones-even one, we may assume with five loudspeakers
and standby battery arrangements coupled with the services
of an attendant to look after the unit could be available
for Rs. 6/- for a period of about four hours in the city of
Delhi ? It is an insult to our intelligence to be told that
the charge would be something as low as Rs. 6/- or for the
matter of that, even Rs. 16/-. Then again, it may be
noticed that the bills Exs. PW 15/1-A and PW 15/1-B were in
respect of hire charges for the material supplied at the
public meetings at Tel Mandi on 19th February, 1971 and
Chuna Mandi on 22nd February, 1971. Both these public
meetings were big public meetings which, according to the
evidence, were attended by more than 2000 people and it is,
therefore, quite reasonable to assume that a large number of
durries must have been required at each of these two public
meetings as mentioned in the bills Exs. PW 16/1-A and PW
15/1-B. The bill Ex. PW 16/1-C showing hire charges for
sets of battery operated loudspeakers for announcing on
scooter for two days is also quite natural because it is in
evidence that announcements of public ’meetings were made
from scooters and battery operated loudspeakers must have
been utilised for the purpose. It is significant that the
first respondent has not shown hiring of battery operated
loudspeakers from any other party. We are, therefore,
satisfied beyond doubt that the three bills Exs. PW 16/1-A,
PW 15/1-B and PW 15/1-C are genuine and they correctly show
the expenses incurred by the first respondent.
Now the bills Exs. PW 15/1-A and PW 16/1-B serve two
purposes. They not only show the actual expenses incurred
by the first respondent in connection with the public
meetings at Tel Mandi on 19th February, 1971 and Chuna Mandi
on 22nd February, 1971, but also provide reliable material
for making a reasonable estimate of the expenses which must
have been incurred by the first respondent in connection
with other public meetings. The actual expense in
connection with the public meeting at Tel Mandi on 19th
February, 1971 was Rs. 350/according to Ex. PW 1611 A and
in connection with the public meeting at Chuna Mandi on
22nd February, 1971 it was Rs. 400/- as appearing from
Ex.PW15/1-B. We may err on the side of conservatism and take
the lesser of these two figures, namely, Rs. 360/-, as a
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basis for making a reasonable estimate of the expenditure in
connection with other public meetings. This would mean that
there must have been expenditure
3 05
of about Rs. 350/- per public meeting in connection with
public meetings of the type which were held at Tel Mandi on
19th February, 1971 and Chuna Mandi; on 22nd February, 1971.
These were obviously bigger meetings and for the smaller
ones, the expenditure would be somewhat less and we may
reasonably estimate it at Rs. 150/- per public meeting on a.
most conservative basis.
This estimation is amply supported by the oral evidence in
the case. We do not propose to refer to the evidence of all
the witnesses examined on behalf of the petitioner on this
point, because a large number of them were openly and
avowedly supporters of Jan Sangh and it would not be safe to
rely on their uncorroborated testimony for the purpose of
founding a charge of corrupt practice against the first
respondent. But there are a few witnesses whose evidence
inspires confidence and we shall discuss their evidence.
The first witness we must refer in this connection is Chunni
Lal (PW 32). He was himself a candidate at the election
sponsored by Congress (0) and figured as respondent No. 3 in
the petition. We have gone through his evidence carefully
and critically and he has impressed us as a witness of
truth. It may be noted that though he was a candidate at
the election, he was not interested either in the Jan Sangh
or in the Congress.Being a member of Congress(O),he was
opposed both to the Congress and the Jan Sangh. The
evidence he gave was quite restrained and he did not indulge
in any exaggerated statements. His frankness and
guilelessness are evident from his admission in cross-
examination that he was "fond of contesting election for
parliament, corporation, or metropolitan council". His
pathetic statement that all his workers abandoned him "on
the eve of the day of polling" is also quite eloquent of his
sincerity and truthfulness. He stated in his evidence that
the public meetings held by the Congress were "shandar".
There used to be stage covered with curries and chandinis,
loudspeakers, carpets and lights. "The stage was made
attractive to attract the people". He frankly admitted that
Jan Sangh meetings had also the same furnishings and
electrical equipment but stated that "the Jan Sangh meetings
were not so shandar" as the Congress meetings. ’He then
deposed to a public meeting held by him in Bara Hindu Rao.
He stated that this public meeting held by him was very
small but even then, it cost him between Rs. 150/- and Rs.
200/-. We are inclined to accept this evidence as it
appears to us to have a ring of truth. Now, there can be no
doubt that if a small public meeting held by Chunni Lal (PW
32) cost him Rs. 150/- to Rs. 200/-, a much more ’shandar’
public meeting held by the Congress would certainly cost
anything more than Rs. 200/-. The estimate of Rs. 150/- per
public meeting can, therefore, safely be regarded as a
reasonable estimate.
We may also refer to the evidence of Dharamvir (PW 66).
This witness was also an independent witness having no
interest either in Jan Sangh or in Congress. When
questioned in regard to his association with Jan Sangh he
stated emphatically and in clear terms that he was neither a
worker nor a member of the Jan Sangh. It was suggested to
him that his brother Jagdish was a Secretary of a Mandal of
Jan Sangh to which he replied that to his knowledge, at any
rate, during the
306
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last Six Or seven years, his brother Jagdish had not been a
Secretary of any Jan Sangh Mandal. He was also questioned
about the political affiliation of his brother Jagdish and
his answer was that he did not know whether his brother
Jagdish was a member of Jan Sangh. There is nothing to show
that this witness had any interest in Jan Sangh or that he
belonged to the political persuasion of’ Jan Sangh. His
evidence cannot, therefore, be assailed on the ground that
he was an interested witness. Now this witness carried on
business of hiring shamyanas, furniture and marriage
accessories. He stated that he attended a public meeting of
the first respondent at Bara Tooti Chowk on 22nd February,
1971- the date 22nd January, 1971 given by him being an
obvious mistake-and at this public meeting, he saw a stage
big enough to accommodate 25 to 30 persons covered by
curries, chandinis and 2 or 3 carpets, 200 durries for
people to sit, two or three microphones, seven or eight
loudspeakers and about 30 or 35 big flood lights. The
stage, according to him-, must have been made of 24 or 30
takhats and there were three tiers, one above the other, in
which these takhats were arranged. He then proceeded to
give the rates of durries, carpets, chandnis, takhats,
microphones and flood lights. He stated that the normal
charges were Re. 1/- per takhat of the size of 6’ x 3’ x
13’, Rs. 2/- per chandni of the size of 12’ x 9’ Rs. 4/- per
carpet of the size of 6’ x 9’ 75 paise per durry of the Size
of 1’ X 9’, Rs. 1 .50 to Rs. 2/- for each flood light and
Rs. 60 or Rs. 70 for the type of make which he saw at this
public meeting. He was cross-examine at length both in
regard to the furnishings which he saw at this public
meeting as also in regard to the rates deposed to by him,
but his evidence could not be shaken in cross-examination.
He of course frankly admitted that the rates he had given
were of a medium class goods which he kept in his shop and
the rates of third class goods could be lower than those
stated by him. But when he was shown the bill of Tandon
Tent & Furniture House, he opined in no uncertain terms that
the rates charged in that bill were low, though it was
always open to a dealer to charge less if he so wanted. it
may, however, be remembered in this connection that the
evidence of Bhagmal Tandon (RIW 14) was that the rates
charged by him were normal market rates. There can,
therefore, be no doubt that the charges shown in the bill of
Tandon Tent & Furniture House were not genuine charges but
were deliberately deflated to suit the convenience of the
first respondent. It may also be noted that the charge of
Rs. 60-/ or Rs. 70-/ for the microphones deposed to by this
witness was not at all challenged on behalf of the first
respondent in cross-examination nor was the charge of Re.
1 .50 or Rs. 2-/ for each flood light. It is, therefore,
apparent from the evidence of this witness that the
expenditure in connection with the public meeting at Bara
Tooti Chowk on 22nd February, 1971 could not have been less
than Rs. 250/- and that justifies the reasonable estimate of
Rs. 150/- per public meeting.
We may also refer to the evidence of O.P. Bharti (RIW 23) in
this connection. This witness was summoned on behalf of the
first respondent and his evidence, therefore assumes some
importance. He was questioned in cross-examination in
regard to what he saw at the public meeting of the first
respondent at Bara Tooti Chowk which
307
he attended. He stated that in this public meeting there
was a stage 20’ in length, 10’ in width and 5’ in height.
The stage was covered by durries and chaddars. There were
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two microphones. There were durries on the ground in front
of the stage. There were four or five flood lights on the
stage and there was electric bulbs hung at three or four
poles. Now, in order to make a stage of the size deposed to
by this witness, it would be necessary to have at least 30
takhats of the size 6’x 3’x 1--3/4’ and that would cost not
less than Rs. 30/-. The cost of two microphones with
loudspeakers would easily be in the neighborhood of Rs. 80/-
or Rs. 90/-. Then the flood lights and electric bulbs would
also cost at least Rs. 15/- even on the basis that there
were only 4 or 5 floodlights and electric bulbs hanging at
only 3 or 4 poles; which appears to us to be quite clearly
an underestimate. There would also be expense in connection
with durries and Chaddars. It is true that according to
this witness; the durries in front of the stage would be at
the most 20 or 25 but we are not inclined to accept this
statement because in a public meeting where there are more
than 2000 people, there must be many more durries than
merely, 20 or 25. In fact, Daulat Ram (PW 42) who was a
Sub-Inspector from the CID Special Branch, clearly stated
that "there were a considerable number of durries" in the
meeting at Chowk Bara Tooti. The expense in this connection
cannot be less than Rs. 26/- to Rs. 30/-. And added to this
would be cartage and labour charges which we may put at not
less than Rs. 13/-. That would easily take the aggregate
expenditure wall above Rs. 160/- even on a most minimal
basis. We do not, therefore, think that we would be
unjustified in accepting a conservative estimate of Rs.
150/- per public meeting.
We, therefore, hold that the petitioner has established that
the first respondent incurred expenditure of Rs. 360/- on
the public meeting at Tel Mandi on 19th February, 1971, Rs.
400/- on the public meeting at Chuna Mandi on 22nd February,
1971 and Rs. 350/- for two sets of battery operated
loudspeakers for announcement on scooter. So far as the
other thirty public meetings in connection with the election
of the first respondent are concerned, we think that on a
very conservative estimate, the first respondent must be
held to have incurred expenditure of Rs. 150/- per public
meeting and that would make a total expenditure of Rs.
4,500/- in connection with these thirty public meetings.
The aggregate expenditure incurred or authorised by the
first respondent in connection with the total number of
thirty two public meetings must, therefore, add up to Rs.
5,600/-. But the first respondent showed only an aggregate
expenditure of Rs. 800/- in the return of expenses filed
by him and that would mean that, over and above the
expenditure of Rs. 800/- shown by him, he incurred or
authorised further expenditure of Rs. 4,800/- on these
thirty-two public meetings held in connection with his
election.
That takes us to a consideration of the public meeting at
Idgah Road which was addressed by the Prime Minister. So
far as this public meeting is concerned, the evidence on
record is not sufficient to establish that the expenses in
connection with it were incurred or authorised by the first
respondent. There is no reliable evidence "on behalf of the
petitioner to show that this public meeting was held by 5-
5--M255Sup.CI/75
308
the first respondent or that it was a public meeting held
specifically in connection with the election of the first
respondent. The evidence does not even go so far as to say
that this public meeting was held in the Sadar Bazar
Parliamentary constituency from where the first respondent
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was a candidate. In fact, Govind Ram Varma (PW 19) admitted
that the place where this public meeting was held was in
Karol Bagh constituency. It also came out in evidence that
this public meeting was attended both by the first
respondent and T. Sohan Lal and it could not, therefore,
possibly have been a public meeting exclusively in
connection with the election of the first respondent. If it
had been exclusively an election meeting of the first res-
pondent, permission for holding it would in the ordinary
course have been obtained by Dr. Roshan Lal, but Dr. Roshan
Lal clearly stated in his evidence that he never applied for
permission to hold this public meeting. It is true that the
first respondent spent a sum of Rs. 35/for patrol for a
scooter which his wife and one Miss Abrol utilised for going
round asking women voters to attend this public meeting
which was going to be addressed by the Prime Minister, but
that does not necessarily mean that this public meeting was
arranged by the first respondent or the expenses in
connection with it were incurred or authorised by the first
respondent. It is quite possible that even if public
meeting was organised by his political party for the purpose
of general party propaganda, the first respondent would make
efforts to persuade persons within the area of his
constituency to attend this public meeting as that would
indirectly help in his election campaign. But on that
account alone, without any positive evidence pointing in
that direction no responsibility for incurring or
authorising expenditure in connection with this public
meeting could be fastened on the first respondent. The
petitioner pointed out that the first respondent had been
shifting his stand from time to time as to who was
responsible for holding this public meeting. When Girdhari
Lal Raval (PW 35) was in the witness box, a suggestion was
made to him in cross-examination on behalf of the first
respondent that this public meeting had been arranged by the
District Congress Committee, Karol Bagh, but later on the
first respondent changed his stand and came forward with the
case that the Delhi Pradesh Congress Committee was
responsible for this public meeting. The petitioner
contended that this equivocation and uncertainty on the part
of the first respondent in regard to a matter on which he,
as the then Secretary of the Delhi Pradesh Congress Com-
mittee, was bound to have definite information and
knowledge, cast a grave doubt on the truthfulness and
veracity of the first respondent when he denied his
responsibility for this public meeting. There is
considerable force in this criticism levelled on behalf of
the petitioner. It is difficult to understand how the first
respondent found himself unable to assert definitely whether
this public meeting was arranged by the District Congress
Committee, Karol Bagh or the Delhi Pradesh Congress
Committee. He was the secretary of the Delhi Pradesh
Congress Committee and he must surely have known as to who
arranged this public meeting. whether it was the District
Congress Committee, Karol Bagh or the Delhi Pradesh Congress
Committee. Then why did the first respondent not come out
with a positive case right from the begining? This does
give rise to suspicion that perhaps the
30 9
first respondent had something to hide from the Court. If
in fact this public meeting was arranged by the District
Congress Committee, Karol Bagh, the first respondent could
have easily called the Secretary of that Committee to prove
this fact. Equally, if the Delhi Pradesh Congress Committee
were responsible for this public meeting, the first
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respondent, who was the then Secretary, could have easily
produced the records of the Delhi Pradesh Congress Committee
to show that the expenditure in connection with this public
meeting was incurredby thatorgani- sation.In fact, the
petitioner summonedC. L.Parvana,Permanent Secretary of the
Delhi Pradesh Congress Committee, to produce the records in
connection with this public meeting; but this witness stated
that the Delhi Pradesh Congress Committee did not maintain
any record of the meetings addressed by the Prime Minister.
if this public meeting was arranged by the Delhi Pradesh
Congress Committee and the expenditure in connection with it
was incurred by that Organisation; it is difficult to
believe that no record was maintained by it. We cannot
escape the feeling that the record was being deliberately
kept back from the court by C.L. Parvana who came on behalf
of the Delhi Pradesh Congress Committee. It may also be
noted that though C. L. Parvana was cited as a witness on
behalf of the first respondent at serial No. 28 in the
supplementary list of witnesses filed on 4th February, 1972
and he was summoned to come "with record relating to
election meetings addressed by Smt. Indira Gandhi,
including the meeting addressed in Idgah, Delhi", the first
respondent did not call him in evidence and bring the record
of the Delhi Pradesh Congress Committee relating to this
public meeting before the Court. The first respondent,
thus, failed to show that expenditure in connection with
this public meeting was incurred by the Delhi Pradesh
Congress Committee or the District Congress Committee, Karol
Bagh. That, however, cannot help the petitioner because the
burden is on the petitioner to establish that the
expenditure in connection with this public meeting was
incurred or authorised by the first respondent and of that,
unfortunately for the petitioner, there is no evidence. The
expenditure in connection with this public meeting at Idgah
Road cannot, therefore, be attributed to the first respon-
dent.
We may now consider the item of expenditure representing
printing charges of hand-bills and posters paid to Sood
Litho Press and the cost of paper required for the purpose
of printing these hand-bills and posters. The first
respondent admitted that an expenditure of Rs. 100/- was
incurred by him in connection with printing of 5000 hand-
bills containing appeal of the Prime Minister, by Sood Litho
Press and this expenditure was shown by him in his return of
expenses. The controversy, however, was whether this amount
of, Rs. 100/- paid to Sood Litho Press related only to the
charges for printing the handbills or it covered also the
cost of paper required for the purpose. There was a ’Bill
of Sood Litho Press bearing No. 798 dated 27th February,
1971 in respect of this amount of Rs. 100/- and that was
filed by the first respondent with the Returning Officer
along with his return of expenses. This bill was produced
in Court by D. B. Bhardwaj, (PW 5)
310
from the office of the Returning Officer in obedience to a
summons obtained by the petitioner. When this bill was
produced, it bore an endorsement "complete Prtg. etc." and
immediately below that, another endorsement "Printing
charges only", but this second endorsement appeared scored
out. The first respondent did not offer any explanation in
his examination-in-chief as to how and in what circumstances
the second endorsement "Printing charges only" was scored
out. In fact, he did not say anything in his
examination-in-chief in regard to this bill of Sood Litho
Press. It was only in cross-examination that he stated for
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the first time that the charges mentioned in this bill
included the cost of apaper. He was, however, constrained
to admit that it was not stated in this bill in so many
words that the charges included the cost of paper. But he
relied on the word "etc". in the first endorsement "
complete prtg. etc." and contended that this word suggested
that the charges not only related to printing but also
covered the cost of paper and it was for this reason that
the second endorsement ’.Printing charges only" was scored
off as inappropriate. When it was put to him in cross-
examination that the second endorsement "Printing charges
only" was scored off by him after he had received the bill;
he denied the suggestion and stated that the bill came with
this endorsement scored off. The case of the first
respondent, therefore, was that the second endorsement
"Printing charges only" was scored off at the time when the
bill was issued by Sood Litho Press. But this case was put
forward for the first time in the cross-examination of the
first respondent. When Taurus Farber (PW2), the Manager of
Sood Lithe Press, was in the witness box, no suggestion was
made to him that when he issued this bill; he scored out the
second endorsement "Printing charges only". Taufiq Farooqi
had brought the Bill Book of Sood Litho Press for the
relevant period and he stated in his evidence that he found
from a copy of this bill which was in the Bill Book that the
bill was "in respect of 500 hand-bills-appeal of Smt.
Indira Gandhi, Complete prtg. charges only at the rate of
Rs. 20/- per 1000 for Rs. 100/-." This statement of Taufiq
Farooqi was not challenged on behalf of the first respondent
in cross-examination and it must, therefore, be accepted
that the copy of this bill in the Bill Book contained the
second endorsement ’Printing charges only" and it was not
scored off. Now it is difficult to believe that when Taufiq
Farooqi issued this bill, he should have cancelled the
second endorsement Printing charges only" on the original of
this bill, but left it unscarred off in the carbon copy. In
fact no such suggestion was made to Taufiq Farooqi. It was
not so stated even by a single witness of the first
respondent. No explanation was offered in the evidence led
on behalf of the first respondent unrevealing the mystery
surrounding the scoring off of the second endorsement
"Printing charges only". On this state of the evidence, the
conclusion is irresistible that when this bill was issued by
Sood Litho Press; it bore the second endorsement "Printing
charges only" as did the carbon COPY produced by Taufiq
Farooqi and this second endorsement was scored off at some
subsequent stage. This conclusion is strengthened and
fortified by the fact-that the link of the line scoring the
second endorsement "Printing charges only" is of a different
shade than the ink of the words in the second endorsement.
Then again, there is a
311
very important circumstance which shows beyond doubt that
the second endorsement "Printing charges only" was scored
off at some subsequent stage after the issue of the bill.
This circumstance constitutes a rather disturbing and
disquieting feature of the case. The original bill was
admittedly filed by the first respondent with the Returning
Officer along with his return of expenses. Before it was
produced by D.B. Bhardwaj (PW 5), the petitioner applied
inter alia for a certified copy of this bill and he got a
certified copy of 16th June, 1971 which showed the second
endorsement "Printing charges only" intact without any
scoring. The inference is, therefore, inevitable that on
16th June 1971 when a certified copy was issued by the
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office of the Returning Officer. the original bill contained
the second endorsement "Printing charges only" and this
second endorsement was not scored off. But when the first
respondent obtained a certified copy on 3rd August, 1971,
this certified copy did not contain the second endorsement
at all, which would mean that in the original bill it was
scored off. There can, therefore, be no doubt that the
second endorsement "Printing charges only" in the original
bill was scored off sometime between 16th June, 1971 and 3rd
August, 1971 when the original bill was in the office of the
Returning Officer. We are not concerned to inquire as to
who was responsible for this un-authorised scoring off of
the second endorsement. That would be a matter for the
Returning officer or other appropriate election authorities
to investigate and determine. But we cannot help mentioning
that the scoring off of the second endorsement was certainly
advantageous to the first respondent. The first respondent
contended that the second endorsement limiting the amount of
the bill to printing charges only was inappropriate, since
the word ‘ etc’. in the first endorsement suggested that the
amount of the bill covered not only printing charges but
also the cost of paper, but this contention is also futile.
it is difficult to see how the first endorsement complete
printing etc."can possibly be construedas including the cost
of paper.. It was precisely in order to stave off such an
argument as this that the second endorsement "Printing
charges only" was made in the bill when it was issued by
Sood Litho Press. It may denoted and this is a very
important circumstance-that when Taufiq Forooqi was in the
witness box, no question was put to him on behalf of the
first respondent requiring him to explain what he meant by
the word ,etc’ and suggesting that this word was intended to
include the cost of paper. There is also another
circumstance which strongly militates against the contention
of the first respondent. If the cost of paper were included
in the bill, it would have been shown as a separate item and
sales tax would have been charged on it as in the case of
the bill of Kapur Printing Press R18 and the estimate given
by Premchand Grover R6. The absence of sales tax in the bill
is a clear indication that the cost of paper was not
included in the amount of the bill. We are, therefore, of
the view that the amount of Rs. 100/- shown in the bill
represented only printing charges and did not include the
cost of paper. The cost of paper utilised in printing 5000
hand-bills containing the appeal of the Prime Minister
would, therefore, have to be added to the election expenses
of the first respondent.
312
Now this item of cost of paper was suppressed by the first
respondent and we would, therefore, have to make a
reasonable estimate of the expenditure incurred on it on the
basis of the material on record. There is, fortunately for
the petitioner, evidence on this point which enables us to
make a reasonable estimate of the cost of paper which must
have been utilised in printing these 5000 hand-bills. Babu
Ram Sharma (PWl 1) stated in his evidence that Sarvadeshik
Press, of which he was in employee, printed 8000 hand-bills
containing the appeal of the Prime Minister for the first
respondent and these hard-bills were like the document
marked A/13 which, as deposed to by Taufiq Farooqi, was
similar to the hand-bills printed by Sood Litho Press.
According to Babu Ram Sharma, four reams were utilised by
Sarvadeshik Press for printing 8000 hand-bills like A/ 1 3
and the cost of paper utilised for this purpose was Rs. 30/-
per ream. Now, if four reams were utilised for printing
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8000 pamphlets; it must follow a fortiorari that the
printing of 5000 pamphlets must have required at least two
and a half reams and, according to the price given,by Babu
Ram Sharma, the cost of these two and a half reams of paper
would be Rs. 75/-. It is true that Babu Ram Sharma was a
witness who was summoned primarily to depose to the printing
of various pamphlets and hand bills by Sarvadeshik Press for
the first respondent and his evidence on that point was ser-
iously challenged on behalf of the first respondent, but so
far as the quantity of paper required for the purpose of
printing hand bills like A/13 and the price of such paper
were concerned, his evidence was not at all challenged in
cross-examination. We can, therefore, safely estimate the
cost of paper utilised in printing 5000 hand-bills by Sood
Litho Press at Rs. 75/-, being the price of two and a half
reams of parer at the rate of Rs. 30/- per ream.
We must now refer to the second bill of Sood Litho Press
which was disputed by the first respondent. Taufiq Farooqi
produced in his examination-in-chicf a copy of bill No. 785
dated 18th February, 1971 in the name of "Shri Amar Nath
Chawla through Shri J.P. Gool" for Rs-54/- in respect of
printing charges of posters, hand bill and kitabat. The
copy of this bill, which was marked Ex. PW 2/1, carried at
the foot of it an endorsement, namely, "Printing charges
only" and according to the evidence given by Taufiq Farooqi,
it bore his initial-S. Taufiq Farooqi admitted that the
printing work covered by this bill was undertaken by Sood
Litho Press on behalf of the first respondent, but, in an
attempt to support the first respondent, he started by
saying, almost at the commencement of his examination-in-
chief, that he did not know the first respondent, though
there was no provocation to him to do so. We are not
prepared to accept his statement that he did not know the
first respondent. It is apparent from his evidence that he
was out to favour the first respondent. The petitioner in
fact apprehended this situation and he, therefore, obtained
from this witness an affidavit dated 17th August, 1971 and
in this affidavit the witness stated on oath that "the
originals of Annexures ’A’ and ’B’ mentioned in the election
petition and attached to the same were printed through us
with our print line Shri Amar Nath Chawla accompanied by
Shri J. P. Goel had given me the orders for printing the
said annexures and the manuscript/subject-matter was handed
over to me by the said
313
Amar Nath Chawla". When confronted with this affidavit,. he
had to% admit that it bore his signatures on both pages but
came out with art explanation that his affidavit had been
brought to him by some Aryasamaji boys headed by Mahinder
Kumar Shastri and they forced him to sign this affidavit and
he accordingly signed it and gave it to Mahinder Kumar
Shastri. This explanation is, to say the least, puerile.
It is difficult to believe that this witness should have
been forced to, sign this affidavit by some Arya Samaji boys
headed by Mahinder Kumar Shastri. He does not say what was
the force used by these persons and why he could not resist
the use of this force and succumbed to it. He was,
according to his statement in evidence, forced to put his
signature on this affidavit in his press. But if that were
true, he would have surely shouted for help because the shop
of Sood Litho Press is situate on the main road and there
are quite a few other shops adjoining to it. Moreover, he
would have immediately complained to his employer Krishan
Avtar Agarwal, the proprietor of Sood Litho Press, and also
lodged a complaint with the police, or at any rate addressed
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a notice to Mahinder Kumar Shastri, but admittedly he "did
not take any action or make any report to my proprietor or
anybody else that I have been forced to sign this
affidavit". This is most unnatural and clearly exposes the
hollowness of the explanation given by the witness. We have
no doubt that this affidavit was made by the witness
voluntarily and he knew the first respondent as well as the
fifth respondent but deliberately feigned ignorance in order
to support the case of the first respondent. it is,
therefore, clear from the evidence of this witness that Sood
Litho Press carried out printing work for the first ,
respondent as shown in the Bill Ex. PW 2/1. There is no
reason to doubt his testimony on this point. If at all he
could, he would have tried to help the first respondent,
but, obviously. there being documentary evidence in the
shape of Ex. PW 2/1, in his Bill Book, he was helpless and
he had to depose to it. The learned Trial Judge refused to
rely on the copy of bill Ex. PW 2/1 on the ground that
Taufiq Farooqi, who produced it, was an unreliable witness.
But he was clearly in error in adopting this approach
because, in the first place, the copy of the bill Ex. PW
2/1 was, documentary evidence which did not depend for its,
validity and authenticity on the oral evidence of Taufiq
Farooqi, and secondly, Taufiq Farooqi turned against the
petitioner and tried to help the first respondent, and
therefore,. any evidence given by him against the first
respondent could not be regarded with-suspicion, but was, on
the contrary, more credible. It may be noted-and this is
almost a conclusive, circumstances -that there was no
cross-examination of Taufiq Farooqi in regard to the copy of
the Bill Ex. PW 2/1. His evidence on this point was not at
all challenged in cross-examination on behalf of the first
respondent. It was not even suggested to him that the first
respondent did not got printing work done by Sood Litho
Press as shown in the copy of the bill Ex. PW 2/1 or that
the copy of the bill Ex. PW 2/1 was false and fabricated.
The only question put to Taufiq Parooqi was whether any
declaration was taken by him from any one in connection with
the printing of the hand-bills and posters forming the.
subject-matter of the copy of the bill Ex. PW 2/1 and his
answer was in the negative. But that is far from a
314
challenge to the printing work shown in the copy of the bill
Ex PW 2/1. Merely because no declaration was taken by good
Litho Press from any one in connection with this printing
work, it does not necessarily follow that no printing work
was done by them. It is riot uncommon to find that during
elections posters and hand bills are printed without
complying with the requirement of section 127A. The reason
is, as pointed out by this Court in Rahim Khan v. Khurshid
Ahmed & Ors. (1), that "there is no agency of the law which
takes prompt action after due investigation, with the result
that no printer or candidate or other propagandist ’during
elections bothers about the law and he is able successfully
to spread scandal without a trace of the source, knowing
that nothing will happen until long after the election, when
in a burden-some litigation this question is raised". We
may emphasise once agair that there should be some
independent semi-judicial instrumentality set up by law,
which would immediately investigate, even while the election
fever is on and propaganda and canvassing are in progress
and the evidence is raw and fresh how the offending hand
bills and posters have come into existence, who has printed
them and who is responsible for getting them printed for
"violations thrive where prompt check is unavailable". As
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the evidence, goes, there being no challenge to the
authenticity of the copy of the bill Ex. PW 2/1 and to the
testimony of Taufiq Farooqi on this point, we must accept
the case of the petitioner that the first respondent got
printing work done as shown in the copy of the bill Ex PW
2/1 and incurred an expenditure of Rs. 54/- for that
purpose.
But as the endorsement on the copy of the bill Ex. PW 2/1
shows, this expenditure of Rs. 54/- was only in connection
with the printing charges. The cost of the paper utilised
for the purpose of printing would also have to be added in
determining the expenditure incurred or authorised by the
first respondent. Now it is evident from the copy of the
bill Ex. PW 2/1 that the total number of posters printed
was 3700. Taufiq Farooqi did not state in his evidence as
to what were these posters printed by his firm and denied
that they were the same as the poster Annexure ’B’ to the
petition. But the poster Annexure ’B’ to the petition
clearly ,bears the print-line of Sood Litho Press and since
the first respondent refused to disclose to the Court what
were the posters which were got printed by him from Sood
Litho Press, we would not be unjustified in holding that the
posters which were printed by Sood Litho Press for the first
respondent were the same as Annexure ’B’ to the petition.
Babu Ram Sharma (PW II) stated in his evidence that for
printing posters of the size of Annexure B’ to the petition,
two reams of paper 1000 would be required and the price of
paper utilised in the poster Annexure ’B’ to the petition
was Rs. 50/- per ream at the relevant time. To the same
effect was also the evidence of Chater Sain (PW 55). There
was no cross-examination of either of these two witnesses on
this point as regards quantity and price of paper. We must,
therefore,
(1) C. A. No. 816 of 1973-dec. on August 8, 1974.
315
accept this evidence and on the basis of this evidence, we
can safely conclude that the total cost of paper utilised in
printing 3700 Posters was Rs. 375/- The hand bills shown to
have been printed in the copy of the bill Ex. PW 2/1 were
2000 and again, for the same reasons, we do not think we
would be wrong in taking the view that they were the same as
the hand bill Annexure ’A’ to the petition, because Annexure
’A’ to the petition bears the print-line of Sood Litho Press
and the first respondent suppressed from the Court
information as to what were the hand bills printed by Sood
Litho Press for him. Babu Ram Sharma (PW 11) stated that
half ream would be required for printing 1000 hand bills of
the size of Annexure ’A’ to the petition and the price of
paper used for Annexure ’A was Rs. 30/- per ream at the
relevant time and this statement was supported by the
evidence of Chater Sain (PW 22). The cost of paper utilised
in printing 2000 hand bills would, therefore, be Rs. 30/-.
Thus, the aggregate cost of paper utilised in printing
poster and hand bills as shown in the copy of the bill Ex.
PW 2/1 would come to Rs. 405/- but we may take it at Rs.
300/- on a very conservative basis.
We must, therefore, add to the expenditure incurred by the
first respondent, Rs. 75/- being the cost of paper utilised
in printing 5000 hand bills shown in the admitted bill of
Sood Litho Press, Rs. 54/being the amount of the bill of
Sood Litho Press of which the copy is exhibited as PW 2/1
and Rs. 300/- being the cost of paper utilised for printing
3700 posters and 2000 hand bills shown in the copy of the
bill Ex. PW 2/1.
It would thus be seen that the total expenditure proved to
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have been incurred or authorised by the first respondent, in
addition to that shown by him in his return of expenses,
adds up to Rs. 4,800/-+ Rs. 75+Rs. 54+Rs. 300/-, making in
the aggregate Rs. 5,229. Now
admittedly the expenditure shown by the first respondent in
his return of expenses was Rs. 5,415 .62. If the further
expenditure of Rs. 5229/- is added to this admitted
expenditure of Rs. 5,415. 62, the total expenditure proved
to have been incurred or authorised by the first respondent
comes to Rs. 10,644. 62, and that would be clearly in excess
of Rs. 10,000/- which is the prescribed limit. That would
be sufficient to invalidate the election of the first
respondent on the ground of corrupt practice defined in
section 123(6) of the Act.
On this view it is unnecessary for us to consider the other
items of expenditure alleged to have been incurred or
authorised by the first respondent and we do not, therefore,
propose to discuss them, particularly as they are of a
debatable character. We also do not think it necessary to
discuss issues 8 and 9 relating to publication of Annexures
’A’ and ’B’ to the petition and oral repetitions of the
allegations contained in Annexure’A’ and’B’to the petition
at various public meetings set out in the particulars
supplied by the petitioner. There can be no doubt that the
allegations contained in Annexure ’A’ and ’B’ to the De-
tition related to the personal character of the petitioner
and they were reasonably calculated to prejudice the
prospects of his election, but it is a highly controversial
question whether they were published by the
316
first respondent or his election agent by bringing out
Annexure A’ and ’B’ to the petition or orally at the public
meetings and we do not propose to express any opinion on it.
It may be noted that the learned Trial Judge found, on a
consideration of the evidence, that the allegations
contained in Annexure ’A’and ’B’to the petition were true
but this finding was seriously attacked on behalf of the
petitioner and it was contended that there was no evidence
at all on the basis of which the learned Trial Judge could
arrive at such a finding. There is prima facie considerable
force in this contention of the petitioner, because the
finding of the learned Trial Judge that these allegations
were true appears to be based primarily on the reports of
the proceedings in the Parliament which are no proof of the
contents of the allegations made in the course of such
proceedings and it does seem to be a little difficult to
sustain it. However, as pointed out above, it is not
necessary to examine the correctness of this finding and to
pronounce upon it.
Since we are of the view that the first respondent is guilty
of the corrupt practice set out in section 123(6) of the
Act, we allow the appeal and set aside the election of the
first respondent. The first respondent will pay to the
petitioner costs throughout.
V.P.S,
Appeal A11owed.
317