Full Judgment Text
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PETITIONER:
NARENDRA MADIVALAPA KHENI
Vs.
RESPONDENT:
MANIKRAO PATIL & ORS.
DATE OF JUDGMENT28/07/1977
BENCH:
GOSWAMI, P.K.
BENCH:
GOSWAMI, P.K.
KRISHNAIYER, V.R.
CITATION:
1977 AIR 1992 1978 SCR (1) 208
1977 SCC (4) 153
ACT:
Representation of the People Act, 1950 s. 23(3) and
Representation of the people Act, 1951-Ss. 33(4) and
123(7)-Inclusion of names in the electoral roll after 3 p.m.
of the last date for filing nominations-Effect of-Collusion
with electoral officer alleged but not proved-If amounts to
corrupt practice.
HEADNOTE:
Article 171(3) of the Constitution of India provides that of
the total number of members of the Legislative Council of a
State one-third shall be elected by electorates consisting
of members, among others, of local authorities in the State
as Parliament may by law specify. Part IV of the
Representation of the People Act, 1950 which deals with
electoral rolls for council constituencies provides in s.
23(3) that no amendment, transposition or deletion of any
entry shall be made under s. 22 and no direction for the
inclusion of a name in the electoral roll of a constituency
shall be given under this section after the last date for
making nominations for election in that constituency.
Section 33(1) of the Representation of the People Act, 1951
requires that each candidate shall deliver to the Returning
Officer a nomination paper "between 11 o’clock in the
forenoon and 3 o’clock in the afternoon."
By a notification issued under s. 30 of the Representation
of the People Act, 1951 the Electoral Registration Officer
appointed April 17, 1974 as the last date for presenting
nomination papers from the local authorities constituency.
In the election that ensued the appellant was declared
elected with 64 votes polled by him as against 54 polled by
respondent No. 1.
In his election petition the respondent alleged that the
appellant, in collusion with the electoral officer,
surreptitiously introduced names of 16 persons representing
a taluk board after 3 p.m. on April 17, 1974 and that this
act of his constituted a corrupt practice within the meaning
of s. 123 of the 1951 Act and that the election was void.-
The High Court set aside the election on the ground that any
inclusion of additional names in the electoral roll of a
constituency after 3 p.m. on the last date for making
nominations fixed under s. 30(a) was illegal, and after
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deducting the 16 votes cast by those persons from the total
votes polled by the appellant, declared the respondent duly
elected.
Allowing the appeal in part and remitting the case to the
High Court.
HELD : (1) There was no telling material other than
speculation or weak suggestion that there was corrupt
participation on the part of the officers. The material
link to make out invalidation of the election on account of
corrupt practice under s. 123(7) was missing because it had
not been made out in the evidence that there was collusion
between the second respondent and the appellant. [201A]
2. (a) The expression ’last date for making nominations’
must mean the last hour of the last date during which
presentation of nomination papers is permitted under s. 33
of the 1951 Act. In short s. 23(3) of the 1950 Act and
s. 33(1), (4) and (5) of the 1951 Act interact, fertilise
and operate as a duplex of clauses. So viewed the
inclusion of the names in the electoral roll after 3 p.m. on
April 17, 1974 is illegitimate and illegal. [204F]
The sixteen names brought into the electoral register
subsequent to 3 p.m. of April 17, 1974 must be excluded
from the reckoning to determine the returned candidate.
[205E]
194
Baidyanath [1970] 1 S.C.R. 839 and Ramji Prasad Singh [1977]
1 S.C.R. 741 referred to.
(b)The prohibition contained in s. 23(3) of the 1950 Act
is based on public policy and serves a public purpose. Any
violation of such a mandatory provision conceived to pre-
empt scrambles to thrust into the rolls, after the appointed
time, fancied voters by anxious candidates or parties spells
invalidity and there can be no doubt that if, in flagrant
violation of s. 23(3), names have been included in the
electoral roll, (he bonus of such illegitimate votes shall
not accrue, since the vice of viodance must attach to such
names. [202F]
(c)In our electoral scheme as unfolded in the 1951 Act
every elector ordinarily can be a candidate. Therefore, his
name must be included in the list on or before the date
fixed for nomination. Otherwise he loses his valuable right
to run for the elective office. It is thus vital that the
electoral registration officer should bring in the names of
all the electors into the electoral roll before the date and
hour fixed for presenting the nomination paper. [202G-H]
(d)Section 33(1) specifies that the nomination paper shall
be presented "between the hours of 11 o’clock in the
forenoon and 3 o’clock in the afternoon". That means that
the duration of the day for presentation of nomination
papers terminates at 3 o’clock in the afternoon. If an
elector is to be able to file his nomination paper, his name
must be on the electoral roll at 3 p.m. on the last day for
filing nominations. So the temporal terminus ad quem is
also the day for finalisation of the electoral register and
by the same token, that day terminates at just that hour
when the returning officer shuts the door. [204C]
(e)The inference that could be drawn from s. 33(4) is that
there must be a completed electoral roll when the time for
filing the nomination paper expires. Therefore, the final
electoral roll must be with, the returning officer when the
last minute for delivering the nomination paper ticks off.
Subsequent additions to the electoral register will inject
confusion and uncertainty about the constituents or
electors, introduce a disability for such subsequently
included electors to be candidates for the election. [203D]
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(f)The cumulative effect of the various strands of
reasoning and the rigour of the language of s.23(3) of the
1950 Act leaves no doubt that inclusion of the names in the
electoral roll of a constituency after the last date for
making nominations for an election in that constituency,
must be visited with fatality. [203E]
[The case had been sent to the High Court for
scrutinising the 16 ballots for the limited
purpose of discovering for whom, bow many of
the invalid sixteen had been cast.]
JUDGMENT:
CIVIL APPELLATE JURISDICTION: Civil Appeal No. 11 14 of
1976.
From the Judgment and Order dated 22nd September 1976 of the
Kamataka High Court in Election Petition No. 1 of 1974.
L. N. Sinha, K. R. Karanah & B. P. Singh for the
Appellant.
K. N. Bhat and (Miss) S. Pramila for the Respondent No. 1
Y. S. Chitley and Narayan Nettar for Respondent No. 2
The Judgment of the Court was delivered by
KRISHNA IYER, J.-Four heavy volumes of case records confron-
ted us in this appeal, as counsel opened the arguments, but
some, Socratic processing seemed to condense the controversy
and forensic prolixity so much so we first thought the case
had shrunk to such small dimensions as to be disposed of in
a short judgment. But what we initially felt, when the
brief narration of facts was given, proved a
195
snare. For, when we read out in court our opinion on the
only crucial aspect of the case, counsel for the 1st
respondent hopefully insisted that the factual grounds,
requiring our ploughing through ponderous tomes of
testimonial collection, pleadings and what not, should be
investigated as he expected to sustain the invalidation of
the election by the High Court on the score of corrupt
practice and the consequential disqualification of the rival
candidate i.e., the appellant before us. He was entitled to
press that part of his case and so we agreed to hear both
sides extensively thereon.
However, hours of argument after, we were back to square
one. At this stage, some relevant facts and circumstances
need narration. The Karnataka Legislative Council has, in
its composition, some members elected from the local
authorities constituencies. One such member is elected by
the local bodies of Bidar district and the specific election
that falls for decision was held on May 12, 1974. According
to the calendar for the poll contemplated in s.30 of the
Representation of the People Act, 1951 (hereinafter called
the 1951 Act), the last date for presenting the nominations
was appointed as April 17, 1974. Section 33(1) requires
that each candidate shall deliver to the returning officer a
nomination paper as set out in the section ’between II
o’clock in the forenoon and 3 o’clock in the after noon’.
The appellant and the first respondent did file their nomi-
nations in conformity with the law; their scrutiny over,
they entered the fray and, after the poll was over, the
appellant was declared elected, having secured 64 votes as
against the 1st respondent’s 54 votes. The frustrated 1st
respondent found 16 illegitimate votes having been cast in
favour of the successful candidate and further discovered
that these 16 electors were ineligible to figure on the
electoral roll but had been surreptitiously introduced
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therein by collusion, fraud and other improper machinations
in which the returned candidate and the returning officer
were collaborative actors. The purity of the election was
polluted. The result of the poll was materially affected.
The electoral process was vitiated by ’corrupt practice’ in
which the appellant and the 2nd respondent were particeps
criminis. He ventured on an election petition with the
prayer to set aside the poll verdict inter alia under s.
123(7) of the 1951 Act and also sought a declaration ’that
he was duly elected on the score that the exclusion of the
invalid votes, very probably cast in favour of the
appellant, led inevitably to his arithmetical success as the
one who had secured the larger number of valid votes. Such
was his case.
The petitioner had made somewhat vague, sweeping and
speculative allegations about government, higher and lower
echelons of officialdom and the rival candidate but, if an
apology for specificity is partially present in the
petition, it is about the charge of corrupt practice roping
in the returning officer-cum-electoral registering officer
(2nd respondent) and the successful candidate (appellant).
No issue was originally framed on the critical question of
corrupt practice but the learned judge permitted evidence
thereon to be adduced a procedure difficult to appreciate.
After the trial was virtually closed and the arguments
finished, the Court discovered the need for framing this
decisive issue. On objection as to the absence of material
facts and
196
or material particulars, the learned Judge framed an issue
also on the actual vagueness and legal flawsomeness of
pleadings on corrupt practice. Naturally, this latter
question demanded prior decision but, curiously, the Court
delivered all its findings, on the day of judgment, a faux
pas which we must point out. Processual proprieties are
designed to ensure fair play in adjudications and while such
prescriptions are not rigid punctilios, their observance
serves to help the judge do, effective justice between
parties and the disputants have faith in the intelligent
impartiality and full opportunity so necessary for the
success of the rule of law. In election proceedings where
the whole community is silently present and the controversy
is sensitive and feelings suspicious, the principles of
procedural rectitude apply a fortiori. The judge is the
guardian of processual justice and must remember that
judgment on judgment belongs, in the long run, to the
people. We state this stern proposition here not merely
because a forensic stitch in time saves cassational nine but
because courts are on continuous trial in a democracy. In
this case we are not satisfied that either party has
suffered in substance and procedural breaches, unless they
spell unmerited prejudice, may be brushed aside at the
appellate level.
Having said this, we hasten to add that had not the learned
judge uncovered the suspect happenings sinisterly hovering
around the last day for finalising the electoral roll, the
dubious doings of the political government in a seat-hungry
setting might not have been ventilated for public
edification. The electoral events brought out in evidence
are ’power’ portents ’to be prevented preemptively by law
and this prompts us to deal with the testimonial
circumstances surrounding the inviolable roll of voters
having been adulterated after the final hour, zealous
officers frantically exerting themselves in what seems at
first sight to be a series of belated circus operations
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geared to inclusion of additional names in the rolls before
17th mid-night drew the curtain. Caesar’s wife must be
above suspicion and wielders of public power must fill this
bill. A moral matrix and administrative culture must
nurture the power process if democracy is not to commit
suicide.
We will make good the relevance of these critical statements
with reference to the incontrovertible facts of this case.
However, we do not delve into the minutiae of evidence or
span the entire factual range, that being otiose. A
catalogue of circumstances, fair to both sides, will tell
its own moral tale and so we set it out.
The last date for completing the electoral roll was April
17, 1974. The rival candidates (the appellant and the 1st
respondent) belonged to opposing political parties but the
appellant"s party was in power. Both the candidates had
semi-V.I.P. status in their respective parties. One member
more in the Legislative Council would, pro tanto, strengthen
the Ministry. This political backdrop be lights some of the
things which occurred on the, dates proximate to the
completion of the electoral roll. The administrative
locomotion and the human motivation behind what the trial
judge had described as ’manouvres’ is simple to understand,
although, as will be shown below, we do not agree
197
wholly with all the deductions of the High Court. A
particular party is in office. The strength of its members
in both Houses is therefore of political significance,
especially if fluid Politics turns out to be the field of
all possibilities. Karnataka has a bicameral legislature,
and it is reasonable to suppose that the political
government has an understandable concern in the election of
a member of the Legislative Council, who will be of their
party. Bidar district in Karnataka has a local authorities
constituency seat, to be elected by the members of the local
bodies there. It follows that the potential electors who
are likely to favour their candidate must be brought on the
rolls to ensure his victory. Inevitably there was therefore
keen interest in incorporating in the electoral roll the
members of the Taluk Development Board, Bidar (for short,
the Bidar Board). The election to the Bidar Board had taken
place years ago, 11 of them having been elected way back in
1968 and 8 later. The election of the 11 members had been
duly notified in 1968 but the Board itself stood suspended,
an Administrator having been appointed to run its affairs. 8
members who had been later elected to the Board landed up in
the High Court on account of writ petitions filed by their
rivals. Stay had been granted by the High Court and this
led to an absence of 2/3 of the total members being able to
function, statutorily necessitating the appointment of an
Administrator. Long later the High Court disposed of the
writ petitions whereby 3 returns were set aside and 5
upheld. The arithmetical upshot of these happenings was
that there were 16 members duly elected to the Bidar Board,
and the High Court having disposed of the writ petitions in
June 1972, the local body could have been liberated from the
bureaucratic management of an Administrator and allowed to
function through elected representatives. All that was
needed to vivify this body of local self-government was a
notification under the Mysore Village Panchayats Act X of
1959, terminating the Administrator’s term, and perhaps
another extending the terms of some members.
Elections to local bodies and vesting of powers in units of
self government are part of the Directive Principles of
State Policy (Art. 40 of the Constitution) and, in a sense,
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homage to the Father of the Nation, standing as he did for
participative democracy through decentralisation of power.
Unfortunately, after holding elections to the Bidar Board
and making people believe that they have elected their
administrative representatives at the lowest levels, the
State Government did not bring to life the local board even
long after the High Court had disposed of the challenges to
the elections in June 1972. A government, under our
Constitution, must scrupulously and energetically implement
the principles fundamental to the governance of the country
as mandated by Art. 37 and, if even after holding elections
Development Boards are allowed to remain moribund for
failure to notify the curtailment of the Administrator’s
term, this neglect almost amounts to dereliction of the
constitutional duty. We are unhappy to make this
observation but power to the people, which is the soul of a
republic, stands subverted if decentralisation and devolu-
tion desiderated in Art. 40 of the Constitution is ignored
by executive inaction even after holding election to the
floor-level administrative
198
bodies. The devolutionary distance to ideological Rajghat
from power-jealous State capitals is unwillingly long
indeed, especially in view of the familiar spectacle of long
years of failure to hold elections, to local bodies,
supersession aplenty of local self-government units, and
gross inaction even in issuing simple notifications without
which elected bodies remain still-born. ’We, the people’ is
not constitutional mantra but are the power-holders of India
from the panchayat upward.
Back to the main trend of the argument. It became now
compulsive for the party-in-power to de-notify the
Administrator and revive the elected body if they wanted the
members of the Bidar Board to vote perhaps in favour of
their candidate. The 11 members elected long back in 1968
could not vote, on account of the expiry of the 4year term
unless in view of s. 108 of Act 10 of 1959, the government
issued another notification extending the term of office of
these members. So the elective interest of the candidate of
the party-in-power could be promoted only if three or four
quick administrative steps were taken. Firstly, there was
to be a notification ending the Administrator’s term over
the Bidar Board. Secondly, there was to be a notification
extending the term of the 11 members elected in 1968.
Thirdly, there was to be a notification of the election of
the 5 members whose return had been upheld in the High Court
in June 1972. Fourthly, the electoral roll had to be
amended by inclusion of these 16 names. If these steps were
duly taken, 16 additional members would become electors and
the party-in-power (if these electors be-longed to that
party or were under its influence) could probably expect
their votes. The poll results show that the contest was
keen and these 16 votes would have been of great moment. In
this high-risk predicament, long bureaucratic indolence in
issuing notifications and political indifference to the
functioning of local bodies produced a situation where the
elected roll did not contain the names of the 16 members of
the Bidar Board.
Only a few days prior to April 17, 1974-the D-day-the
affected candidate, i.e., the appellant, moved the
government for initiation of the steps mentioned above’ but
nothing happened. On April 16, the day before the crucial
date for closing the electoral roll, i.e., the last date for
making nominations, the appellant moved the Minister
concerned who was in Bidar to get the necessary
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administrative steps taken quickly. He also moved the
returning officer, RW 2. We find the Minister making an
endorsement on the petition. We notice the returning
officer seeking telegraphic instructions from government.
We see government sending an Under Secretary, PW 3, by air
from Bangalore to Hyderabad and onward by car to Bidar with
some orders. This PW 3 probably apprised the returning
officer RW 2 about orders having been passed raving the way
for inclusion of the 16 names in the electoral roll. PW 3,
the Under Secretary, for reasons not known, makes a bee-line
the same evening to Gulbarga where be meets the Minister.
The returning officer does not have with him any gazette’
notifications. as we see that under s. 2(20) of Act X of
1959, a notification must possess the inalienable attribute
of publication in the official gazette. Admittedly, the
returning officer did not come by any
199
of the necessary notifications before the evening of the
17th. Admittedly, he did not have any gazette notifications
before April 25th. Under s. 27 of the Representation of the
People Act, 1950, the electoral registration officer who, in
this case, is also the returning officer, had to have before
him gazette notifications which clearly he did not have till
the 25th, i.e., 8 days after the relevant date.
Nevertheless he, obligingly enough including the 16 names
which was in breach of the legal provisions.
Frenzied official movements on and after April 16 are
visible in this case. The scenario excites suspicion. The
candidate meets the Minister of his party on the 16th. The
returning officer takes the unusual steps of sending a
telegram for instructions from government for inclusion of
names in the electoral roll. The Secretariat despatches an
Under Secretary to reach Bidar by air dash and long car
drive. A meeting between the Under Secretary and the
electoral registration officer follows and then the Under
Secretary winds up the day by meeting the Minister,
presumably to report things done, and the registration
officer supplements the electoral roll by including 16 more
names, without getting the gazette notification. We have no
doubt, as we will presently explain, that this inclusion is
invalid, but what we are presently concerned with is the
protracted inaction for years of the State government in
issuing simple notifications to resuscitate the Bidar Board
and the sudden celerity by which a quick chase and spurt of
action resulting in a Minister’s endorsement, the regis-
tration officer’s telegram, Secretariat hyper busyness, the
unusual step of an Under Secretary himself journeying with
government orders to be delivered to the registration
officer, the electoral registration officer hastening to
amend the, electoral roll slurring over the legal require-
ment of a gazette notification and making it appear that
everything was done on the 17th before mid-night, and a few
other circumstances, make up a complex of dubious doings
designed to help a certain candidate belonging to the party-
in-power.
The officers had no, personal interest as such and, in
fairness, we must state the High Court has exonerated them
of any oblique conduct to further their own interests. We
wish to state clearly that having taken a close look at the
developments we are not inclined to implicate any of the
officers-and there are quite a few involved with mala fide
conduct or collusion with the returned candidate. Legal
peccadilloes are not fraud or collusion without more.
However, the performance of the political government and the
pressurization implicit in the hectic activities we have
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adverted to, read in the light of the likely political gains
accruing to the party-in-power, generate apprehensions in
our minds about the peril to the electoral process if poli-
tical bosses in office rubberise the public services to
carry out behests which are contrary to the law but non-
compliance with which might be visited with crypto-punitive
consequences. We would have taken a harsher view against
the public servants bad we something more than what may even
be a rather strong suspicion of obliging deviance.
Sometimes they are transfixed between Scylla and Charybdis.
Even
200
strong suspicion is no substitute, for proof. It has often
been said that suspicion is the Upas tree under whose shade
reason fails and justice dies. There is, a core of truth in
this caveat.
Shri Bhat, counsel for the 1st respondent, argued his case
strenuously but could not make out that vital nexus between
the candidate who stood to gain and the officers whose
action he impugned. More. over, the movements of the
Minister at about that time raises doubts and- the huge
expenditure involving in rushing an Under Secretary from
Bangalore by air and road to Bidar were a drain on the
public exchequer which could have been avoided if action had
been taken in time by a few postal communications. But the
trial judge erred in substituting suspicion for certitude
and drawing untenable inferences where paucity of evidence
snapped the nexus needed for collusion. A court must, as
usual, ask for proof beyond reasonable doubt from the party
setting up corrupt practice even when there is a veneer of
power politics stooping to conquer and officers thereby
becoming vulnerable to ’higher displeasure.
The faith of the people in the good faith of government is
basic to a republic. The administrative syndrome that harms
the citizens’ hopes in the State often manifests itself in
callously slow action or gravely suspicious instant action
and the features of this case demonstrate both. Pi
Admittedly, the Bidar Board elections were substantially
over in 1968 and were more or less complete in 1972 and yet
the necessary notifications in the gazette, which are the
statutory precondition for the local body to be legally
viable, were, for years, not published and, when the
critical hour for the electroal list to be finalised fell at
3 p.m. on April 17, 1974, the government and its officer,,,
went through exciting exercises unmindful of legal
prescriptions and managed the illegitimate inclusion of 16
names in the electoral roll. We hope that the civil
services in charge of electoral processes which are of grave
concern for the survival of our democracy will remember that
their masters in statutory matters are the law and law
alone, not political superiors if they direct deviance from
the dictates of the law. It is never to be forgotten that
our country is committed to the rule of law and therefore
functionaries working under statutes, even though they be
government servants, must be defiantly dedicated to the law
and the Constitution and, subject to them, to policies,
projects and directions of the political government.
"Be you ever so high, the law is above you"-this applies to
our Constitutional order.
Shri Bhat, counsel for the 1st respondent ultimately argued
these aspects of the case. But, when we were more than
half-way through, it became clear that the material link to
make out invalidation of the election on account of ’corrupt
practice under S. 123(7) of the 1951 Act was missing because
it had not been made out in the evidence that there was
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collusion between the 2nd respondent and the appellant. At
that stage, taking a realistic stance, counsel acceded to
our view that while there was sufficient room for the 1st
respondent to be
201
disturbed about the electoral verdict on the score of the
inclusion of 16 names there was not any telling material,
other than speculation or weak suggestion, that there was
corrupt participation on the part ,,of the officers. If
this position were right-and we hold it is-what remains to
be done is to ascertain the legal effect of the inclusion in
the electoral roll of the new names after the expiry of the
appointed ,hour and date.
According to the calendar for the poll contemplated in s. 30
of the 1951, Act the last date for making the nominations
was appointed as April 17, 1974. Section 33(1) of the 1951
Act requires that each , candidate shall deliver to the
Returning officer a nomination paper as set out in the
section : "between 11 o’clock in the forenoon and 3 o’clock
in the afternoon". The appellant and the 1st respondent did
,file their nominations in conformity with ss. 30 and 33 of
the 1951 Act but the electoral registration officer 2nd
respondent in the appeal), included the names of 16 persons
representing the Bidar Board after 3 p.m. of April 17, 1974.
There is a dispute between the parties as to whether such
inclusion was directed on the 17th (after 3 p.m.) or on the
18th, the former being the case of the appellant as well as
the 2nd respondent, the latter being the case of the 1st
respondent and upheld by the High Court. The Court held
that, in law, any inclusion of additional names in the
electoral roll of a constituency after 3 p.m. on the last
date for making nomination fixed under s. 30(a) of the 1951
Act was illegal. Consequently. it arrived at the follow-up
decision that the 16 votes which had been cast by those
objectionably added, had to be ignored. On a further study
of the evidence, the Court concluded that these 16 votes had
been cast in favour of the elected candidate and should
therefore be deducted from his total tally. The appellant,
who had secured 64 votes as against respondent no.. 1’s 54,
had only a lead of 10 votes. He slumped below the 1st
respondent when 16 votes were deducted from his total. The
necessary result, in the view of the High Court, was that
not only had the appellant’s election to be set aside but
the 1st respondent deserved to be declared duly elected.
This was done.
An appreciation of the evidence bearing on the question as
to whether the 2nd respondent i.e., the Registration officer
bad acted under the appellant’s oblique influence in
including the additional names after the last date for such
inclusion, has led us to overturn the affirmative answer
from the learned trial judge. The holding that a ’corrupt
practice’, within the ambit of s. 123, had been committed by
the appellant who was therefore disqualified under s. 8A led
to two consequences. The appellant, who had won the
election at the polls, lost the election in the court and,
worse still, suffered a six-year disqualification. The
doubly aggrieved appellant has challenged the adverse
verdict and the wounded 2nd respondent (electoral
registration officer) has separately appeared to wipe out
the damaging effect of the obliging inclusion of names of
electors after the time set by the law was over. We have
already set aside the finding under s. 123(7) of the 1951
Act, of corrupt practice and with it falls the
disqualification.
2-768 SCI/77
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202
The short point, whose impact may be lethal to the result of
the election, is as to whether s. 23 of the 1950 Act should
be read down in conformity with ss. 30 and 33 of the 1951
Act. The proposition,, which has appealed to the High
Court, has the approval of the ruling in Baidyanath(1). The
Court, there, observed:
"in our opinion cl. 23(a) takes away the power
of the electoral registration officer or the
chief electoral officer to correct the entries
in the electoral rolls or to include new names
in the electoral rolls of a constituency after
the last date before the completion of that
election.
It interdicts the concerned officers from
interfering with the electoral rolls under the
prescribed circumstances. It puts a stop to
the power conferred on them. Therefore it is
not a question of irregular exercise of power
but a lack of power.
(p.842
We have earlier come to the conclusion that
the electoral registration officer had no
power to include new names in the electoral
roll on April 27, 1968. Therefore votes of
the electors whose names were included in the
roll on that date must be held to, be void
votes." (p. 843)
There is a blanket ban in s. 23(3) on any amendment,
transposition or deletion of any entry or, the issuance of
any direction for the inclusion of a name in the electoral
roll of a constituency ’after the last date for making
nominations for an election in that constituency...... This
prohibition is based on public policy and serves a public
purpose as we will presently bring out. Any violation of
such a mandatory provision conceived to preempt scrambles to
thrust into the rolls, after the appointed time, fancied
voters by anxious candidates or parties spells invalidity
and we have, therefore, no doubt that if in flagrant
violation of s. 23(3), names have been included in the
electoral roll, the bonus of such illegitimate votes shall
not accrue, since the vice of avoidance must attach to such
names. Such void votes cannot help a candidate win the
contest.
Why do we say that there is an underlying public policy and
a paramount public purpose served by s. 23(3) ? In our
electoral scheme as unfolded in the 1951 Act, every elector
ordinarily can be a candidate. Therefore, his name must be
included in the list on or before the date fixed for
nomination. Otherwise he losses his valuable right to run
for the elective office. It is thus vital that the
electoral registration officer should bring in the names of
all the electors into the electoral roll before the date and
hour fixed for presenting the nomination paper. There is
another equally valid reason for stressing the inclusion of
the names of all electors before
(1) [1970] 1.S.C.R. 839.
203
the hour for delivering to the returning officer the
nomination paper. Section 33(4) of the 1951 Act reads
"(4) On the presentation of a nomination
paper, the returning officer shall satisfy
himself that the names and electoral roll
numbers of the Candidate and his proposer as
entered in the nomination paper are the same
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as those entered in the electoral rolls :
x x x
x"
In the light of this provision the returning officer, on
receipt of the nomination paper, satisfies himself that the
candidate’s name and electoral roll number are correctly
entered. Necessarily, this is possible only if the
electoral roll contains the names of all the electors.
Likewise, s. 33(5), which deals with a candidate who is an
elector from a different constituency, requires of the
candidate the production of a certified copy of the relevant
entry showing his name in such a roll. The inference is
inevitable that there must be a completed electoral roll
when the time for filing the nomination paper expires. The
argument is therefore incontrovertible that the final
electoral roll must be with the returning officer when the
last minutes for delivering the nomination paper ticks off.
Subsequent additions to the electoral register will inject
confusion and uncertainty about the constituents or
electors, introduce a disability for such subsequently
included electors to be candidates for the election and run
counter to, the basic idea running through the scheme of the
Act that in the preponderant pattern of elections, viz., for
the legislative assemblies and parliament, the electors
shall have the concomitant right of being candidates. The
cumulative effect of these various strands of reasoning and
the rigour of the language of s. 23(3) of the 1950 Act
leaves no doubt in our minds that inclusion of the names in
the electoral roll of a constituency after the last date for
making nominations for an election in that constituency,
must be visited with fatality. Such belated arrivals are
excluded by the talons of the law, and must be ignored in
the poll. It is appropriate to quote from Baidyanath(1)
here :
"The object of the aforesaid provision is to
see that to the extent possible, all persons
qualified to be registered as voters in any
particular constituency should be duly
registered and to remove from the rolls all
those who are not qualified to be registered.
Sub-s. (3) of s. 23 is not an important
exception to the rules noted earlier. It
gives a mandate to the electoral registration
officers not to amend, transpose, or delete
any entry in the electoral roll of a
constituency after the last date for making
nominations for election in that constituency
and before the completion of that election.
If there was no such provision, there would
have been room for considerable manipulations,
particularly when there are only limited
number of electors in a constituency. But for
that
(1) [1970] 1 S.C.R. 839,842.
204
provision, it would have been possible for the
concerned authorities to so manipulate the
electoral rolls as to advanced the prospects
of a particular candidate."
A more trickly issue now arises, Assuming April 17, 1974 to
be the last date for filing nominations (and it is so in the
case), can the electoral roll be amended on that date to
include additional names, but after the- hour set for
presenting the nomination paper ?
Section 33(1) specifies inflexibly that the nomination paper
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shall be presented between the hours of 11 o’clock in the
forenoon and 3 o’clock in the afternoon’. That means that
the duration of the day for presentation of nomination
papers terminates at 3 o’clock in the afternoon. If an
elector is to be able to file his nomination paper, his name
must be on the electoral roll at 3 p.m., on the last day for
filing nominations. So the temporal terminus adquem is also
the day for finalisation ofthe electoral register and by
the same token, that day terminates atjust that hour when
the returning officer shuts the door. The day is truncated
to terminate with the time when reception of nominations
closed.
Section 23 of the 1950 Act does state that the inclusion of
the names in the electoral roll can be carried out till the
last date for making nominations for an election in the
concerned constituency. What, then, is the last date? When
does the last date cease to be? If the purpose of the
provision were to illumine its sense, if the literality of
the text is to be invigorated by a sense of rationality, if
conscionable commonsense were an- attribute of ’statutory
construction, there can hardly be any doubt that the
expression ’last date for making nominations’ must mean the
last hour of the last date during which presentation of
nomination papers is permitted under S. 33 of the 1951 Act.
In short, S. 23 (3) of the 1950 Act and s. 33(1), (4) and
(5) of the 1951 Act interact, fertilise and operate as a
duplex of clauses. So viewed, the inclusion of the names in
the electoral roll after 3 p.m., on April 17, 1974, is
illegitimate and illegal.
At this stage, it may be appropriate to make reference to
Ramji Prasad Singh(1) to which one of us was a party.
Indeed, attention of counsel was invited to this decision by
the Court. That case turned on the inclusion of 40 voters
in contravention of S. 23(3) of. the 1950 Act. By
incorporating in the electoral roll new names after the last
date for filing nomination, this Court held that such
inclusion of new names would be clearly in breach of the
mandate contained in S. 23(3) of the 1950 Act and,
therefore, beyond the jurisdiction of the electoral
registration officer. This view is precisely what we have
taken in the present case.
In that case this Court, on fact, took the view that the
communication from the Chief Executive Officer of the local
authority to substitute certain new names in the electoral
roll could not have been acted upon
(1) [1977] 1 S.C.R. 741.
205
before April 6, 1972, the last date of nomination being
April 5, 1972.This is clear from the following observation
in the judgment :
"In fact the letter was ’diarised’ by Shri
Bose’s office on the 6th. . . The fact of the
matter seems to be that the notifications of
the 4th April came too late for being acted
upon before the dead-line, which was the 5th.
The red tape moved slowly, the due date
expired and then every one awoke to the
necessity of curing the infirmity by hurrying
with the implementation of the notifications.
But it was too late and the law had already
put in seal on the electoral roLL as it
existed on the 5th April. It could not be
touched thereafter, until the completion of
the election."
This Court, in that case, observed that it was ’impossible
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to accept the half-hearted claim of Shri Bose that he passed
orders for inclusion of the new names on the 5th itself’.
This Court was not called upon to go into the question as to
what would be the legal position if the electoral rolls were
actually amended at 11.30 p.m. on 5th April after the last
hour for the nomination, viz., 3 p.m. on that day. This
finer facet which falls for consideration in the present
appeal viz., whether the ’last day’ contemplated in s. 23(3)
of the 1950 Act ends at 3 p.m. on that day for the purpose,
or continues until mid-night did not actually arise for
judicial investigation in Ramji Prasad’s Case(supra).
The upshot of the above interpretation is that the 16 names
which have been brought into the electoral register
subsequent to 3 p.m. of April 17, 1974 must be excluded from
the reckoning to determine the returned candidate.
The learned Judge has declared the 2nd respondent duly
elected on the strength, mainly, of inference drawn from the
oral evidence of the rival candidates. The ballots are
alive, and available and speak best. Why, then, hazard a
verdict on the flimsy foundation of oral evidence rendered
by interested parties ? The vanquished candidate’s apse
digits or the victor’s vague expectations of voters’
loyalty-the grounds relied on-are shifting sands to build a
firm finding upon, knowing how notorious is the cute art of
double-crossing and defection in electoral politics and how
undependable the testimonial lips of partisans can be unless
authenticated by surer corroboration. Chancy credulity must
be tempered by critical appraisal, especially when the
return by the electoral process is to be overturned by
unsafe forensic guesses., And where the ground for recount
has been fairly laid by testimony, and the ballot papers,
which bear clinching proof on their bosoms, are at hand,
they are the best evidence to be looked into. No party can
run away from their indelible truth and we wonder why the
learned judge avoided the obvious and resorted to the risky.
May be thought reopening and recount of ballots may undo the
secrecy of the poll. We are sure that the correct course in
the circumstances of this case is to send for and scrutinize
the 16 ballots for the limited purpose of discovering for
whom, how many of the invalid sixteen have been cast.
Secrecy of ballot shall be maintained when scrutiny is
conducted and only that part which reveals the vote (not the
persons who voted) shall be open for inspection.
206
What, then, is the result of the reasonings which have
prevailed with us ? It is simply this, viz., that the 16
votes of the members of the Bidar Board should be excluded
and the consequential tilting of the result re-discovered.
We are, therefore, constrained to direct the High Court to
send for the ballot papers and pick out the 16 ballots
relating to the Bidar Board members, examine them without
exposing the identity of the persons who have voted and to
whom they have voted and record a rectally excluding these
16 tainted votes from the respective candidates. It the
resultant-balance-sheet shows that the appellant has polled
less valid votes than the 1st respondent, his election will
be set aside and the 1st respondent declared duly elected.
If, on the other hand, despite these deletions the appellant
scores over the 1st respondent, his return will be
maintained. Any way, counsel on both sides agree that the
best course will be to call for a report from the High Court
in the light of the operations above indicated. The learned
Single Judge who heard the case will examine the 16 ballots
as directed above consistently with natural justice, record
the number of votes out of the 16 each has got and forward
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to this Court a comprehensive and correct statement with the
necessary particulars. This report shall be made within 3
weeks from the receipt of the records from this Court and
the appeal shall be posted for disposal immediately the
report reaches. With these-directions we dispose of the
appeal pro tempore.
By way of post-script, we may state that counsel for the
1st respondent submitted, after we crystallized the
directions indicated above, that he was not too sure whether
the 16 ballot papers could be identified. The appellant’s
counsel, however, asserted that there were numbers indelibly
imprinted on the reverse of the ballot papers and, as such,
the identification of 16 impugned votes may not present a
problem. In the event of impossibility of fixing identity,
a report to. that effect will be forthcoming from the High
Court and we may, notwithstanding the observations about the
oral evidence made above, rehear the case with a view to
record our finding as to which way the voting went, out of
the offending 16, so that we may determine whether the
result of the election has been materially affected. If it
is not possible, further suitable directions will be
considered.
We may also mention that at one stage of the arguments Shri
L.N. Sinha drew our attention to a designedly wide amendment
to the Act of 1951 made in the wake of the election case of
Smt. Indira Gandhi. Its validity, for our provisions, has
been upheld by this Court in Smt. Indira Nehru Gandhi v.
Raj Narain(1). It was pressed before us that with the re-
definition of ’candidate’ in S. 79(b) and the addition of a
proviso to S. 127(7), by Act XL of 1975, the present
election petition had met with its statutory Waterloo. But
Shri Bhat urged that his averments of officials’ abetment of
promotion of the appellant’s candidacy related also to a
point of time after the nomination paper was filed. He also
submitted that the imputations against the electoral
registration officer were so far beyond his duties that the
blanket proviso could not protect the acts. Since we have
taken the view that corrupt practice, even under the amended
S. 123(7), has not been established,
(1) [1976] 2 S.C.R. 347.
207
the pronouncement on the exonerative efficacy of the amended
Act does not arise. But officials must realise-and so too
the highest in Administration-that the proviso to s. 123(7)
does not authorise ,out-of-the-way doings which are
irregular. A wrong does not become right if the law slurs
over it.
We part with this case with an uneasy mind. There is a
finding by the High Court that an influential candidate had
interfered with officials to adulterate an electoral roll.
We have vacated the finding but must warn that the civil
services have a high commitment to the rule of law,
regardless of covert commands and indirect importunities of
bosses inside and outside government. Lord Chesham said in
the House of Lords in 1958 : "He is answerable to law alone
and not to any public authority.". A suppliant, obsequious,
satellite public service-or one that responds to allurements
promotional or pecuniary-is a danger to a democratic polity
and to the supremacy of the rule of law. The courage and
probity of the hierarchical election machinery and its
engineers, even when handsome temptation entices or huffy
higher power browbeats, is the guarantee of electoral
purity. To conclude, we are unhappy that such aspersions
against public servants affect the integrity and morale of
the services but where the easy virtue of an election
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official or political power-wielder has distorted the
assembly-line operations, he will suffer one day. Be that
as it may, we express no final opinion beyond what has
already been said.
P.B.R. Appeal
allowed in part.
208