Full Judgment Text
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PETITIONER:
BENNETT COLEMAN & CO. & ORS.
Vs.
RESPONDENT:
UNION OF INDIA & ORS.
DATE OF JUDGMENT30/10/1972
BENCH:
SIKRI, S.M. (CJ)
BENCH:
SIKRI, S.M. (CJ)
RAY, A.N.
REDDY, P. JAGANMOHAN
MATHEW, KUTTYIL KURIEN
BEG, M. HAMEEDULLAH
CITATION:
1973 AIR 106 1973 SCR (2) 757
1972 SCC (2) 788
CITATOR INFO :
RF 1973 SC1461 (1787)
R 1974 SC 366 (98)
F 1974 SC1232 (10)
R 1974 SC1300 (24)
RF 1974 SC1389 (174)
F 1975 SC 32 (32)
RF 1976 SC1207 (86,89,91,177,179,445,541)
R 1978 SC 597 (41,68,77,131,176,195)
R 1978 SC 727 (34)
RF 1979 SC 25 (35)
RF 1980 SC 898 (35)
R 1981 SC1368 (7)
RF 1983 SC 937 (12)
RF 1986 SC 515 (22,33,35,64,65,89,102)
RF 1986 SC 833 (45)
R 1986 SC 872 (70,75,77)
ACT:
Constitution of India 1950, Arts. 14 & 19 (1) (a)--Newsprint
policy for 1972-73 whether violates Articles 19(1) (a) and
14 -Validity of Remarks V, VII(a), VII(c), VIll and X of
Policy--Competency of shareholders of company to file
petitions under Art.32--Emergency proclaimed under Art. 358
of Constitution--Application in respect of enforcement of
fundamental rights whether barred.
HEADNOTE:
The Import Control Order 1955 passed by the Central
Government under ss. 3 and 4A of the Imports and Exports
Control Act 1947 laid restrictions on the import of
newsprint. As an essential commodity newsprint was also
subject to control under s.3 of the Essential Commodities
Act 1955. The Newsprint Control Order 1962 was passed under
s. 3 of the Essential Commodities Act. Sub-clause 3 of
clause 3 of the 1962 Order states that no consumer of
newsprint shall in any licensing period consume or use
newsprint in excess of quantity authorised by the Controller
from time to time. Sub-clause 3A of clause 3 states that no
consumer of newsprint other than a publisher of text books
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of general interest shall use any kind of paper other than
newsprint except with the permission in writing of the
Controller. Sub-clause (5) of Clause 3 of the 1962 Order
states that in issuing an authorisation under this clause
the Controller shall have regard to the principles laid down
in the Import Control Policy with respect to newsprint
announced by the Central Government from time to time. The
newsprint Policy for 1972-73 was challenged in this Court in
petitions under Art. 32 of the Constitution. The questions
that fell for consideration were : (i) whether the
petitioners being companies could invoke fundamental rights;
(ii) whether Art. 358 of the Constitution was a bar to any
challenge by the petitioners on violations of fundamental
rights; (iii) whether the restriction on newsprint import
under the 1955 Order was violative of Art. 19(1) (a) of the
Constitution; (iv) whether the newsprint Policy fell within
clause 5(1) of the Import, Control Order 1955 and was valid;
(v) whether clauses 3 and 3A of clause 3 of the 1962
Newsprint Order were violative of Arts. 19,(1) (a) and 14 of
the Constitution; (vi) whether Remarks V, VII(a), VII(c),
VIII, and X of the Newsprint Policy for 1972-73 were
violative of Arts. 19(1) (a) and 14 of the Constitution
because of the following objectionable features : (a) No new
paper or new edition could be started by a common ownership
unit (i.e., a newspaper establishment or concern owning two
or more news interest newspapers including at least one
daily) even within the authorised quota of newsprint; (b)
there was a limitation on the maximum number of pages to 10,
no adjustment being permitted between circulation and the
pages so as to increase the pages; (c) no interchangeability
was permitted between different papers of common ownership
unit or different editions of the same paper; (d) allowance
of 20 per cent increase in page level up to a, maximum of 10
had been given to newspapers with less than 10 pages; (e) a
big newspaper was prohibited and prevented from increasing
the number of pages, page areas, and periodicity by reducing
circulation to meet its requirement even within its
admissible quota; (f) there was discrimination in
entitlement between
758
newspapers with an average of more than 10 pages as compared
with newspapers of 10 or less than 10 pages.
Allowing the petitions,
HELD: Per Majority (Sikri. C.J., Rayand Jaganmohan
Reddy, JJ.) (1)The Bank Nationalization case has
established the view that the fundamental rights of
shareholders as citizens are not lost when they associate to
form a company When their fundamental rights as shareholders
are impaired by State action their rights as shareholders
are protected. The reason is that the shareholders’ rights
are equally and necessarily affected if the rights of the
company are affected. The rights of shareholders with
regard to Article 19(1) (a) are projected and manifested by
the newspapers owned and controlled by the shareholders
through the medium of the Corporation. [773C-D]
In the present case the individual rights of freedom of
speech and expression of editors,Directors and Shareholders
are all expressed through their newspapers through which
they speak. The locus standi of the shareholder petitioners
is beyond challenge after the ruling of this Court in the
Bank Nationalisation case., The presence of the company is
on the same ruling not a bar to the grant of relief. [773D-
F]
(ii)The present- petitions which were originally filed to
challenge the Newsprint Policy for 1971-72 were amended to
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challenge the 1972-73 policy. The impeached policy was a
continuation of the old policy. Article 358 does not apply
to executive action taken during the emergency if the same
is a continuation of the prior executive action or an
emanation of the previous law which prior executive action
or previous law would otherwise be violative of Art. 19 or
be otherwise unconstitutional. [774 F, G, H]
Executive action which is unconstitutional is not unusual
during the proclamation of emergency. During the
proclamation Art. 19 is suspended. But it would not
authorise the taking of detrimental executive action during
the emergency affecting the fundamental rights in Art. 19
without any legislative authority or in purported exercise
of power conferred by any pre-emergency law which was
invalid when enacted. [775A-B]
(iii)The power of the Government to import newsprint
cannot be denied. The power of the Government to control
the distribution of newsprint cannot equally be denied.
This Court cannot adjudicate on such policy measures unless
the policy is alleged to. be mala fide. The Court could
also not go into the dispute as to the quantity of
indigenous newsprint available for newspapers. [776D; 776E]
(iv)The records with regard to the making and publication
of the news print policy for 1972-73 showed that the policy
was published under the authority of the Cabinet decision.
The policy was therefore validly brought into existence.
(v) Although Art. 19(1) (a) does not mention the freedom of
the Press, it is the settled view of this Court that freedom
of speech and expression includes freedom of the Press and
circulation. The Press has the right of free propagation
and free circulation without any previous restraint on
publication. If a law were to single out the press for
laying down prohibitive burdens on it that would restrict
the circulation, penalise its freedom of choice as to
personnel, prevent newspapers from being started and compel
the press to Government aid, this would violate Art. 19(1)
(a) and would fall outside the Protection afforded by Art.
19(2).
[777B-D]
759
The concept of regulation of fundamental rights borrowed and
extracted from American decisions cannot be accepted. The
American First Amendment contains no exceptions like our
Art. 19(2) of the Constitution. This Court has established
freedom of the press to speak and express. That freedom
cannot be abridged and taken away by the manner the impugned
policy has done. [783B; 784C]
(vi)A newspaper control policy is ultra vires the Import
Control Act and the Import control Order. The machinery of
Import Control cannot be utilised to control or curb
circulation or growth or freedom of newspapers in India.
The pith and substance doctrine is used in ascertaining
whether the Act falls under one Entry while incidentally
encroaching upon another Entry. Such a question does not
arise here., The Newsprint Control Policy is found to be
newspaper control order in the guise of framing an Import
Control Policy for newsprint. [780H; 781A-B]
(vii)This Court in the Bank Nationalisation case laid
down two tests. First it is not the object of the authority
making the law impairing the right of the citizen nor the
form of action that determines the invasion of the right.
Secondly, it is the effect of the law and the action upon
the right which attracts the jurisdiction of the court to
grant relief. The direct operation of the Act upon the
rights forms the real test. [781C-D]
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An examination of the provisions of the newsprint policy
indicates how the petitioner’s fundamental rights had been
infringed by the restrictions on page limit, prohibition
against new newspapers and new editions. The effect and
consequence of the impugned policy upon the newspapers is
directly controlling the growth and circulation of
newspapers. The direct effect is the restriction upon
circulation of newspapers., The direct effect is upon growth
of newspapers through pages. The direct effect is that
newspapers are deprived of their area of advertisement. The
direct effect is that they are exposed to financial loss.
The direct effect is that freedom of speech and expression
is infringed. [782B-C]
(viii)It is indisputable that by freedom of the press is
meant the right of all citizens to speak, publish and
express their views. The freedom of the press embodies the
right of the people to read. The freedom of the press is
not antithetical to the right of the people to speak and
express.
[782G]
(ix)In the present case fixation of page limit will not
only deprive the petitioners of their economic vitality but
also restrict the freedom of expression by reason of the
compulsive reduction of page level entailing reduction of
circulation and demanding the area of coverage for news and
views. [790D-E]
If as a result of reduction in pages the newspapers will
have to depend on advertisements as the main source of their
income, they will be denied dissemination of news and views.
That will also deprive them of their freedom of speech and
expression. On the other hand if as a result of restriction
on page limit the newspapers will have to sacrifice
advertisements and thus weaken the limit of financial
strength, the Organisation may crumble., The loss on
advertisements may not only entail the closing down but also
affect the circulation and thereby infringe on freedom of
speech and expression. [790F-G]
(x)The impeached policy violates Art. 14 because it treats
newspapers which are not equal equally in assessing the
needs and requirements of newsprint. The 7 newspapers which
were operating above 10 page level are placed at a
disadvantage by the fixation of 10 page limit and entitle-
ment to quota on that basis. There is no intelligible
differentia.
[791H; 792A-B]
760
The basic entitlement in Remark V to quota for newspapers
operating above 10 page level violates Article 19(1)(a)
because the quota is hedged in by direction not increase the
page number above 10. The reduction of page limit to 10 for
the aforesaid reasons violates Article 19(1)(a) and Article
14 of the Constitution. [792C]
(xi)Under Remark VII(C) those-newspapers within the ceiling
of 10 pages get 20 per cent increase in the number of pages.
They require circulation more than the number of pages.
They are denied circulation as a result of the policy., The
big English dailies which need to increase their pages are
not permitted to do so. Other dailies which do not need
increase in pages are permitted quota. for increase but they
are denied the right of circulation. This is not newsprint
control but newspaper control. [792F-G]
(xii)Discrimination is apparent from Remark VII in the
newsprint Policy for 1972-73 by which newspapers with less
than 1,00,000 circulation have been given 10% increase in
circulation whereas those with more than 1,00,000 circulation
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have been given only 3% increase in circulation. [795C-D]
(xiii) The first part of Remark VIII prohibits increase
in pages by reducing circulation. in the past
adjustability between pages and circulation was permitted.
The individual requirements of different dailies render it
eminently desirable in some cases to increase the number of
pages than circulation. The denial of this flexibility or
adjustment is rightly said to hamper the quality, range and
standard of the dailies and to affect the freedom of the
press. Big dailies are treated to be equal with newspapers
who are not equal to them thus violating Art. 14. [793E-F]
(xiv) The second prohibition in Remark VIII prevented
common ownership units from adjusting between them the
newsprint quota alloted to each of them. The prohibition is
to use the newsprint quota of one newspaper belonging to a
common ownership unit for another newspaper belonging to
that unit. Newsprint is allotted to each paper. The news-
paper is considered to be the recipient. A single newspaper
will suffer if common ownership units are allowed to adjust
quota within their group. [794 B; & D]
(xv) Under Remark X a common ownership unit could bring out
a newspaper or start a new edition of an existing paper even
from their allocated quota. it is an abridgment of the
freedom of expression to prevent a common ownership unit
from starting a new edition or a new newspaper. A common
ownership unit should be free to start a new edition out of
their allotted quota and it would be logical to say that
such a# unit can use the allotted quota for changing the
page structure and circulation of different editions of the
same paper. Newspapers however cannot be permitted to use
allotted quota for starting a new newspaper. Newspapers
will have to make necessary application for allotment of
quota in that behalf. It will be open to the appropriate
authorities to deal with the application in accordance with
law. [794G-H]
(xvi) The liberty of the press remains an Ark of the
Covenant. The newspapers give the people the freedom to
find out which ideas are correct. Therefore the freedom of
the press is to be enriched by removing the restrictions on
page limit and allowing them to have new editions of
newspapers. [796A-C]
(xvii) The Press is not exposed to any mischief of
monopolistic combination. The newsprint policy is not a
measure to combat monopolies.
761
The newsprint policy should allow the newspapers that amount
of freedom of discussion and information which is needed or
will appropriately enable the members of the society to
preserve their political expression of comment not only upon
public affairs but also upon the vast range of views and
matters needed for free society. [797D-F]
(xix) Clause 3(3A) of the 1962 Order provides that no
consumer of newsprint other than a publisher of text books
of general interest shall use any kind of page other than
newsprint except with the permission of the Controller. It
was therefore wrong to say that it was open to newspapers to
make unrestricted use of any form of paper so long as news-
papers did not apply for newsprint. [798F]
(xx) In the result the provisions in remarks V, VII(a),
VII(C) and VIII of the Policy being violative of Arts. 14 &
19 (1) (a) of the Constitution must be struck down as
unconstitutional. The prohibition in Remark X against
common ownership unit from starting a new newspaper
periodical or a new edition must be declared
unconstitutional and struck down as violative of Art. 19 (1)
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(a) of the Constitution. [799B-D]
[In the circumstances of the case the Court did not find it
necessary to express any opinion on Clause 3(3) and’ Clause
3(3A) of the Control Order]
State Trading Corporation of India Ltd. v. The Commercial
Tax Officer, Visakhapatanam, [1964] 4 S.C.R. 99, Tata
Engineering & Locomotive Co. v. State of Bihar, [1964] 6
S.C.R., 885, Chiranjit Lal Choudhuri v. The Union of India &
Ors. [1950] S.C.R. 869, Express Newspapers (Private) Ltd. &
Anr. v. The Union of India & Ors. [1959] S.C.R. 12, Sakai
Papers (P) Ltd. & Ors. v. The Union of India, [1962] 3
S.C.R. 842, Romesh Thappar v. State of Madras, [1950] S.C.R.
594, Brij Bhushan V. State of Delhi, [1950] S.C.R. 605, R.
C. Cooper v. Union of India, [1970] 3 S.C.R. 530, District
Collector of Hyderabad & Ors. v. M/s Ibrahim & Co. etc.
[1970] 3 S.C.R. 498, State of Madhya Pradesh & Anr. v.
Thakur Bharat Singh, [1967] 2 S.C.R. 454, Hamdard Dawakhana
(Wakf) Lal Kuan Delhi & Anr. v. Union of India & Ors.,
[1960] 2 S.C.R. 1671, Red Lion Broadcasting Co. v. Federal
Communications Com. [1969] 393 US 367=23 L.Ed 371, United
States v. O’Brian, [1968] 391 US 367=23L.Ed. 2d 371, United
States v. O’Brien, [1968] 391, U.S. 367=20 L.Ed. 2d. 672,
Abdul Azict Aminudinv. State of Maharashtra, [1964] 1 S.C.R.
830, Dwarkadas Shrinivas v.The Sholapur & Weaving Co. Ltd.,
[1954] S.C.R. 674,Commonwealth of Australia v. Bank of
New South Wales, [1950] A.C.235 and Citizen Publishing Co.
v. United States, [1969] 394 U.S. 131=22 L. Ed. 2 d. 148,
referred to.
Per Beg J. (concurring) The ambit of the conditions in a
licence cannot under the provisions of the Imports and
Exports Control Act, after newsprint has been imported under
a licence, extend to laying down how it is to be utilized by
a newspaper concern for its own genuine needs and businesses
because this would ?.mount to control of supply of news by
means of newsprint instead of only regulating its import.
[833C-D]
The relevant enactments and orders seem to authorise only
the grant of licences for particular quotas to those who run
newspapers on the strength of their needs, assessed on the
basis of their past performances and future requirements and
other relevant data, but not to warrant an imposition of
further conditions to be observed by them while they are
genuinely using the newsprint themselves in the course of
carrying on a legitimate and permissible occupation and
business. The impugned restrictive conditions thus appear
to go beyond, the scope of the Essential Commodities Act
1955 as well as the imports & Exports (Control) Act, 1947.
Nor could any legal
762
authority be found for them in the provisions of the Press
Books Act 1867, Registration of Newspapers (Central Rules)
1956, and Press Council Act, 1965, to which reference was
made. [833D-G]
Therefore the argument put forward on behalf of the
petitioners that after the allocation of quotas of newsprint
to each set of petitioners, on legally relevant material,
the further restrictions sought to be imposed, by means of
the notified newsprint control policy, on the actual mode of
user of newsprint for publication of information or views by
the licensees, similar to those which were held by this
Court in Sakai Papers case to be invalid, are not covered by
any law in existence, had to be accepted. Hence it was not
even necessary to consider whether they were reasonable
restrictions warranted by either Art. 19 (2) or Art. 19 (6)
of the Constitution. They must first have the authority of
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some law to support them before the question of considering
whether they could be reasonable restrictions on fundamental
rights of the petitioner could arise. [833H-834B]
Per Mathew J. (dissenting) (1) Art. 19 (1) (a) guarantees to
the citizens, the fundamental right of the freedom of speech
and Art, 19(2) enumerates the type of restrictions which
might be imposed by law. It does not follow from this that
freedom of expression is not subject to regulations which
may not amount to, abridgment. It is a total misconception
to say that speech cannot be regulated or that every
regulation of speech would be anabridgment of the freedom of
speech. No freedom however absolute, can be free from
regulation. Though the right under Art. 30(1) is in terms
absolute, this Court said in In Re the Kerala Education Bill
1957, ([1959] S.C.R. 995), that the right is subject to
reasonable regulation. [803F-G]
(ii) If, on account of scarcity of newsprint, it is not
possible, on an equitable, distribution to allot to the
petitioners, newsprint to the extent necessary to maintain
the present circulation of the newspapers or their page
level has to be reduced, it cannot be contended that there
has been abridgment of freedom of speech. Surely the
reduction in the page level or circulation is the direct
result of the diminished supply of newsprint. Yet it cannot
be said that there is an abridgment of the freedom of speech
of the petitioners. There might be an abridgment of speech,
but not an abridgment of the freedom of speech. [807C-D]
(iii) The pith and substance test, although not strictly
appropriate, might serve a useful purpose in the process of
deciding whether the provisions in question which work some
interference with the freedom of speech are essentially
regulatory in character. [807C-D]
(iv) The crucial question today, as regards Art. 14, is
whether the command implicit in it constitutes merely a bar
on the creation of inequalities existing without any
contribution thereto by State action. It has been said that
justice is the effort of man to mitigate the inequality of
man. The whole drive of the directive principles of the
Constitution is toward this goal and it is in consonance
with the new concept of equality. The only norm which the
Constitution furnishes for distribution of the material
resources of the community is the elastic norm of the common
good [see Art. 39(b)]. It cannot be said that the principle
adopted for the distribution of newsprint is not for the
common good. [816C-F]
That apart one of the objects of the Newsprint policy was to
remedy the inequality created by the previous policies and
to enable the dailies having less than 10 pages attain a
position of equality with those operating on a page level of
10 or more.. The allowance of 20 per cent
763
increase for growth in the page level provided in Remark VII
is based on a classification and that classification is
grounded on an intelligible differentia having a nexus to
the object sought to be achieved. [816G]
(v) If the entitlement of a consumer of newsprint is
calculated on the basis of page-level and circulation of the
newspaper it would be an integral part of any system of
rationing to tell the consumer that he should maintain the
page level and circulation of the paper. The provision in
Remark VIII does not say that the proprietor or publisher of
a newspaper should reduce its circulation. The provision in
effect only tells the proprietor/ publisher of the newspaper
"maintain the circulation at the present level or increase
it if you like by reducing the page level." This would not
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amount to an abridgment of the freedom of speech. [817 D &
F]
(vi) Under the theory of the freedom of speech which
recognises not only the right of the citizens to speak but
also the right of the community to hear, a policy for the
distribution of newsprint for maintenance of circulation at
its highest possible level as it furthers the right of the
community to hear, will only advance and enrich that
freedom. [819D]
(vii) It is difficult to understand how the fixation of
a maximum page level of 10 for calculation of quota of
newsprint would offend the fundamental right of freedom of
speech of the petitioners. The freedom of speech does not
mean a right to obtain or use an unlimited quantity of
newsprint., Art. 19(1) (a) is not the "guardian of unlimited
talkativeness." [814F-G]
(viii) It is settled by the decision of this Court in
Hamdard Dawakhana ([1960] 2 S.C.R. 671) that commercial
advertisement does not come within the ambit of the freedom
of speech guaranteed by Art. 19(1)(a). Curtailment of
speech occasioned by rationing of newsprint due to its
scarcity can only affect freedom of speech indirectly and
consequently there would be no abridgment of it. [815B-C]
(ix) The Government may under cls. 3 of the Imports
(control) Order, 1955 totally prohibit the import of
newsprint and thus disable any person from carrying on a
business in newsprint, if it is in the general interest of
the public not to extend any foreign exchange on that score.
If the affirmative obligation to expend foreign exchange and
permit the import of newsprint stems from need of the
community for information and the fundamental duty of
Government to educate the people as also to satisfy the
individual need for self expression, it is not for the
proprietor of a newspaper alone to say that he will reduce
the circulation of the newspaper and increase its page
level, as the community has an interest in maintaining or
increasing circulation of newspapers.. The claim to enlarge
the volume of speech at the expense of circulation is not
for exercising the freedom of speech guaranteed by Art.
19(1) (a) but for commercial advertisement for revenue which
will fall within the ambit of that subarticle. [820B-E]
(x) The printer or publisher of each newspaper owned by a
common ownership unit is a separate consumer and it is to
that consumer that the quota is allotted. The application
for quota made by the common ownership unit specifies the
entitlement of each newspaper owned by it, and quota is
granted to each newspaper on that basis. If it were opened
to a common ownership unit to use the quota allotted for one
newspaper owned by it for another newspaper, or for a
different edition of the-same newspaper, that would
frustrate the whole scheme of rationing. Prohibition of
interchangeability has nothing to do with Art. 19(1) (a).
[822C-D]
764
(xi) That there is a valid classification between a person
owning no newspaper and a common ownership unit owning two
or more newspapers cannot be denied. Any person desiring to
express himself by the medium of a newspaper cannot be
denied an opportunity for the same. The right guaranteed
under Art. 19(1)(a) has an essentially individual aspect. A
common ownership unit has already been given the opportunity
to express itself by the media of two or more newspapers. if
a common ownership unit were to go on acquiring or
sponsoring new newspapers and if the claim for quota for all
the newspapers is admitted, that would result in
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concentration of newspaper ownership and will accelerate the
tendency towards monopoly in the newspaper industry. Since
the quantity of newsprint available for distribution is
limited, any system of rationing must place some limitation
upon the right of a person to express himself through
newspapers. [822H; 823A-D]
(xii) The contention that the newsprint Policy was not
binding since it had no statutory backing could not be
accepted. The newsprint Policy was issued by the Chief
Controller of Imports & Exports and the Additional Secretary
to Government, had authenticated it. The newsprint Policy
was placed before both the Houses of Parliament. Even if it
was administrative in character it was capable of founding
rights and duties. [823F; 824B]
(xiii) The contention that after newsprint has been
imported, there was no longer any power left in the
Government or in the Chief Controller of Imports and Exports
to direct the manner in which it should be utilized, could
not be accepted. Even if it be assumed that Government or
the Chief Controller of Imports and Exports has no power
under cl. 5(1)(i) of the Imports (Control) Order 1955, to
issue directions as regards the mode of utilization of
newsprint after its import, it is clear that the Government
has power by virtue of the provisions of s. 3 of the
Essential Commodities Act, 1955, to pass an Order as regards
the utilization of newsprint, as newsprint is an "essential
commodity" under s. 2(vii) of that Act. [824F; 825C-D]
(xiv) Clauses 3(3) and 3(3A) of that newsprint order
were not violative of Art. 14 of the Constitution. [826F]
(xv) It was not necessary to express any opinion as regards
the maintainability of the writ petitions on the ground that
consumers of newsprint in question were not citizens. [826G]
JUDGMENT:
ORIGINAL JURISDICTION Writ Petitions Nos. 334 of 1971, 175,
186 and 264 of 1972.
Petitions under Article 32 of the Constitution of India for
the enforcement of fundamental rights.
N. A. Palkhiwala, S. J. Sorabjee, M. O. Chenai, S. Swarup,
Ravinder Narain, O. C. Mathur and J. B. Dadachanji, for the
petitioners (in W.P. No. 334 of 1971.)
C. K. Daphtary, M. C. Bhandare, Liela Seth, O. P.
Khaitanand N. C. Shah, for the Petitioner (in W.P. No. 175
of 1972).
S. J. Sorabjee, Ramanathan, J. B. Dadachanji, Ravinder
Narain and O. C. Mathur, for the Petitioners (in W.P. No.
186 of 1972).
765
M. K. Nambyar, K. K. Venugopal, J. B. Dadachanji, Ravinder
Narain and O. C. Mathur, for the petitioners (in W.P. No.
264 of 1972).
F. S. Nariman, Additional Solicitor-General of India, G.
Das and B. D. Sharma, for the respondents (in W.Ps. Nos.
334, 175 and 186 of 1972).
J. B. Dadachanji, O. C. Mathur and Ravinder Narain, for
the Interveners Nos. 1 and 2.
O. P. Khaitan, for Intervener No. 3.
The majority judgment of Sikri, C.J. and Ray and Jaganmohan
Reddy, JJ. was delivered by Ray, J. Beg, J. delivered a
separate concurring opinion. Mathew, J. delivered a
separate dissenting opinion.
RAY, J. These petitions challenge the Import Policy for
Newsprint for the year April 1972 to March 1973. The News-
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 10 of 65
print Policy is impeached as an infringement of fundamental
rights to freedom of speech and expression in Article 19 (1)
(a) and right to equality in Article 14 of the Constitution.
Some provisions of the Newsprint Control Order 1962 are
challenged as violative of Article 19(1)(a) and Article 14
of the Constitution.
The import of newsprint is dealt with by Import Control
Order, 1955 (referred to as the 1955 Import Order). The
1955 Import Order is made in exercise of powers conferred by
sections 3 and 4A of the Imports and Exports Control Act,
1947 (referred to as the 1947 Act). Section 3 of the 1947
Act, speaks of powers of the Central Government to prohibit,
restrict or otherwise control imports and exports. Section
4A of the 1947 Act contemplates issue or renewal of licences
under the 1947 Act for imports and exports. Item 44 in Part
V of Schedule I of the 1955 Import Order relates to
newsprint. Newsprint is described as white printing paper
(including water lined newsprint which contained mechanical
wood pulp amounting to not less than 70% of the fibre
content). The import of newsprint is restricted under the
1955 Import Order. This restriction of newsprint import is
also challenged because it infringes Article 19(1)(a). It
is said that the restriction of import is not a reasonable
restriction within the ambit of Article 19(2).
The Newsprint Control Order 1962 (referred to as the 1962
Newsprint Order) is made in exercise of powers conferred by
section of the Essential Commodities Act. 1955 (referred to
as the 1955 Act). Section 3 of the 1955 Act enacts that if
the Central Government is of opinion that it is necessary or
expedient so to do for maintaining or increasing supply of
essential commodities or for securing their equitable
distribution and availability
766
at fair prices, it may, by order, provide for regulating or
prohibiting production, supply and distribution and trade
and commerce therein. Section 2 of the 1955 Act defines
"essential commodity" Paper including newsprint, paper
board and straw board is defined in section 2 (a) (vii) of
the 1955 Act to be an essential commodity.
The 1962 Newsprint Order in clause 3 mentions restrictions
on acquisition, sale and consumption of newsprint. Sub-
clause 3 of clause 3 of the 1962 Newsprint Order states that
no consumer of newsprint shall, in any licensing period,
consume or use newsprint in excess of the quantity
authorised by the Controller from time to time. Sub-clause
3A of clause 3 of the 1962 Newsprint Order states that no
consumer of newsprint, other than a publisher of text books
or books of general interest, shall use any kind of paper
other than newsprint except with the permission, in writing,
of the Controller. Sub-clause 5 of clause 3 of the 1962
Newsprint Order states that in issuing an authorisation
under this clause, the Controller shall have regard to the
principles laid down in the Import Control Policy with
respect of newsprint announced by the Central Government
from, time to time. Sub-clauses 3 and 3A of clause 3 of the
1962 Newsprint Order are challenged in these petitions on
the ground that these clauses affect the volume of
circulation, the size and growth of a newspaper and thereby
directly infringe Article 19 (1 ) (a) of the Constitution.
The restrictions mentioned in these sub-clauses of clause 3
of the 1962 Newsprint Order are also said to be not
reasonable restrictions within the ambit of Article 19 (2)
of the Constitution.
Sub-clauses 3 and 3A of clause 3 of the 1962 Newsprint Order
are further impeached on the ground that they offend Article
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 11 of 65
14 of the Constitution. Sub-clause 3A is said to confer
unfettered and unregulated power and uncontrolled discretion
to the Controller in the matter of granting of
authorisation. It is said that there are no provisions for
redress of grievances by way of appeal or revision of the
Controller’s decision in the matter of grant or renewal of
authorisation. The restrictions are said to be not reason-
able or justified in the interest of general public. The
distinction between publishers of text-books and books of
general interest on the one hand and other consumers of
newsprint on the other in sub-clause 3A is said to be
discriminatory and without any rational basis. Again, the
disability imposed by sub-clause 3A on newspapers preventing
them from using printing and writing paper while permitting
all other consumers to do so, is said to be irrational
discrimination between newspapers and periodicals as the
latter are permitted to use unlimited quantity of printing
and writing paper in addition to their allocation of
newsprint.
767
The Newsprint Policy of 1972-73 referred to as the Newsprint
Policy deals with white printing paper (including water
lined newsprint which contained mechanical wood pulp
amounting to not less than 70 per cent of the fibre
content). Licences are issued for newsprint. The validity
of licences is for 12 months. The Newsprint Policy defines
"common ownership unit" to mean newspaper establishment or
concern owning two or more news interest newspapers
including at least one daily irrespective of the centre of
publication and language of such newspapers. Four features
of the Newsprint Policy are called in question. These
restrictions imposed by the Newsprint Policy are said to
infringe rights of freedom of speech and expression
guaranteed in Article 19 (1)(a) of the Constitution. First,
no new paper or new edition can be started by a common
ownership unit even within the authorised quota of
newsprint. Secondly, there is a limitation on the maximum
number of pages to 10. No adjustment is permitted between
circulation and the pages so as to increase the pages.
Thirdly, no inter-changeability is permitted between
different papers of common ownership unit or different
editions of the same paper. Fourthly, allowance of 20 per
cent increase in page level up to a maximum of 10 has been
given to newspapers, with less than 10 pages. It is said
that the objectionable and irrational feature of the
Newsprint Policy is that a big daily newspaper is prohibited
and prevented from increasing the number of pages, page area
and periodicity by reducing circulation to meet its
requirement even within its admissible quota. In the
Newsprint Policy for the year 1971-72 and the earlier
periods the newspapers and periodicals were permitted to
increase the number of pages, page area and periodicity by
reducing circulation. The current policy prohibits the
same. The restrictions are, therefore, said to be
irrational, arbitrary and unreasonable. Big daily
newspapers having large circulation contend that this
discrimination is bound to have adverse effects on the big
daily newspapers.
The Newsprint Policy is said to be discriminatory and
violative of Article 14 because common ownership units alone
are prohibited from starting a new paper or a new edition of
the same paper while other newspapers with only one daily
are permitted to do so. The prohibition against inter-
changeability between different papers of the same unit and
different editions of the said paper is said to be arbitrary
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 12 of 65
and irrational, because it treats all common ownership units
as equal and ignores pertinent and material differences
between some common ownership units as compared to others.
The 10 page limit imposed by the policy is said to violate
Article 14 because it equates newspapers which are unequal
and provides the same permissible page limit for newspapers
which are essentially local in their character and news-
papers which reach larger sections of people by giving world
news
14-L499Sup.CI/73
768
and covering larger fields. The 20 per cent increase
allowed for newspapers, whose number of pages was less than
10 is also challenged as violative of Article 14 by
discriminating against newspapers having more than 10 pages.
The difference in entitlement between newspapers with an
average of more than 10 pages as compared with newspapers of
10 or less than 10 pages is said to be discriminatory
because the differentia is not based on rational incidence
of classification.
The import policy for newsprint has a history. From 1963-64
quota of newsprint for dailies has been calculated on the
basis of page level of 1957 and circulation of 1961-62 with
ad hoc increases for growth on the basis of percentage of
pages calculated on circulation and allowance of page
increase of not more than 2 pages at a time subject to a
maximum of 12 pages. The bulk of newsprint was imported in
the past. Indigenous newsprint was limited in supply. From
1963-64 till 1970-71 printing and writing paper available in
our country was taken into account for framing the import
policy. The quantity which could be made available to
consumers of newsprint for the requirements of publishers of
text books were considered in that behalf. After 1971-72
printing and writing paper was in short supply. According
to the Government this was adversely affecting the
requirements of the publishers of text books. The loss to
newsprint consumer from the non-availability of white
printing paper was made good in additional quantity of
imported newsprint. The import quota of newsprint was
increased from 1,40,000 tonnes in 1970-71 to 1.80,000 tonnes
in 1971-72.
From 1972-73 with regard to daily newspapers three principal
changes were effected. First, the base year for circulation
was taken at 1970-71. Second, the page level was taken at
the maximum of 10 pages instead of the previously operating
10 page level. Those operating at a page level of over 10
pages were given the facility of basing their required quota
either on actual circulation for 1970-71 or admissible or
calculated circulation for 1971-72 whichever is more.
Third, the increase in quota for growth was allowed as in
the past, In the case of circulation growth it was
stipulated in terms of percentage of circulation over the
previous year. In the case of page growth the maximum of 10
pages was permitted.
The Additional Solicitor General raised two pleas in
demurrer. First, it was said that the petitioners were
companies and therefore. they could not invoke fundamental
rights. Secondly, it was, said that Article 358 of the
Constitution is a bar to any challenge by the petitioners of
violation of fundamental rights.
769
This Court in State Trading Corporation of India Ltd. v. The
Commercial Tax Officer, Visakhapatnam(1) and Tata
Engineering & Locomotive Co. v. State of Bihar (2 )
expressed the view that a corporation was not a citizen
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 13 of 65
within the meaning of Article 19, and, therefore, could not
invoke that Article. The majority held that nationality and
citizenship were distinct and separate concepts. The view
of this Court was that the word "citizen" in Part 11 and in
Article 19 of the Constitution meant the same thing. The
result was that an incorporated company could not be a
citizen so as to invoke fundamental rights. In the State
Trading Corporation(1) case (supra) the Court was not
invited to "tear the corporate veil". In the Tata
Engineering & Locomotive Co. (2) case (supra) this Court
said that a company wag a distinct and separate entity from
shareholders. The corporate veil it was said could be
lifted in cases where the company is charged with trading
with the enemy or perpetrating fraud on the Revenue
authorities. Mukherjea J., in Chiranjit Lal Choudhuri v.
The Union of India & Ors. (3 ) expressed the minority view
that an incorporated company can come up to this Court for
enforcement of fundamental rights.
There are however decisions of this Court where relief has
been granted to the petitioners claiming fundamental rights
as shareholders or editors of newspaper companies. These
are Express Newpapers (Private) Ltd. & Anr. v. The Union of
India & Ors.(4)’and Sakal Papers (P) Ltd. & Ors. v. The
Union of India (5).
In Express Newspapers (4 ) case (supra) the Express News
papers (Private Ltd. was the petitioner in a writ petition
under Article 32. The Press Trust of India Limited was
another petitioner in a similar writ petition. The Indian
National Press (Bombay) Private Ltd. otherwise known as the
"Free Press Group" was a petitioner in the third writ
petition. The Saurashtra Trust was petitioner for a chain
of newspapers in another writ petition. The Hindustan Times
Limited was another petitioner. These petitions in the
Express Newspapers(4) case (supra) challenged the vires of
the Working Journalists (Conditions of Service) and
Miscellaneous Provisions Act, 1955. The petitioners
contended that the provisions of the Act violated Articles
19(1) (a), 19(1)(g) and 14 of the Constitution.
In Sakal Papers(5) case (supra) the petitioners were a Pri-
vate limited company carrying on business of publishing
daily and weekly newspapers in Marathi and two shareholders
in the
(1) [1964] 4 S.C.R. 99. (2) [1964] 6 S.C.R. 885.
(3) [1950]S.C.R. 869. (4) [1959] S.C.R. 12.
(5) [1962] 3 S.C.R. 842.
770
company. There were two other petitions by readers of
"Sakar" newspaper. ’Me reader petitioners also challenged
the constitutionality of the Act. The petitioners there
challenged the Daily Newspapers (Price and Page) Order, 1960
as contravening Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution.
Neither in the Express Newspapers case (supra) nor in Sakal
Papers case (supra) there appears to be any plea raised
about the maintainability of the writ petition on the ground
that one of the petitioners happened to be a company.
In the Express Newspapers case (supra) this Court held that
freedom of speech and expression includes within its scope
the freedom of the Press. This Court referred to the
earlier decisions in Romesh Thappar v. State of Madras(1)
and Brij Bhushan v. State of Delhi(2). Romesh Thappar’s
case (supra) related to a ban on the entry and circulation
of Thapper’s journal in the State of Madras under the
provisions of the Madras Maintenance of Public Order Act,
1949. Patanjali Sastri, J. speaking for the Court said in
Romesh Thappar’s case (supra) that "there can be no doubt
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 14 of 65
that the freedom of speech and expression includes freedom
of propagation of ideas and that freedom is ensured by the
freedom of circulation. Liberty of circulation is as
essential to that freedom as the liberty of publication.
Indeed, without circulation publication would be of little
value". In Brij Bhushan’s case (supra) Patanjali Sastri, J.
speaking for the majority judgment again said that every
free man has undoubted right to lay what sentiments he
pleases before the public; to forbid this, is to destroy the
freedom of the press". Bhagwati, J. in the Express
Newspapers case (supra) speaking for the Court said that the
freedom of speech and expression includes freedom of
propagation of ideas which freedom is ensured by the freedom
of circulation and that the liberty of the press is an
essential part of the right to freedom of speech and
expression and that the liberty of the press consists in
allowing no previous restraint upon publication.
Describing the impugned Act in the Express Newspapers case
(supra) as a measure which could be legitimately character-
ised to affect the press this Court said that if the
intention or the Proximate effect and operation of the Act
was such as to bring it within the mischief of Article 19
(1) (a) it would certainly be liable to be struck down. But
the Court found in the Express Newspapers case (supra) that
the impugned, measures were enacted for the benefit of the
working journalists and it was, therefore, neither the
intention nor the effect and operation
(1) [1950] S.C.R. 594 (2) [1950] S.C.R. 605
771
of the impugned Act to take away or abridge the right of
freedom of speach and expression enjoyed by the petitioners.
There are ample observations of this Court in the Express
Newspapers case (supra) to support the right of the
petitioner companies there to invoke fundamental right in
aid of freedom of speech and expression enshrined in the
freedom of the press. This Court said that if the impugned
measure in that case fell within the vice of Article 19(1)
(a) it would be struck down. This observation is an
illustration of the manner in which the truth and spirit of
the freedom of press is preserved and protected.
In Sakal Papers case (supra) this Court struck down section
3(1) of the Newspaper (Price and Page) Act, 1956 and allowed
the petitioner company relief-on that basis. In the, Sakal
Papers case (supra) relief was granted to the shareholders
and the company. The Court thought it unnecessary to
express any opinion on the right of the readers to complain
of infraction of fundamental rights in Article 19(1) (a) by
reason of impact of law abridging or taking way the freedom
of speech and expression.
In the present case, the petitioners in each case are in
addition to the company the shareholders, the, editors and
the publishers. In the Bennett Coleman group of cases one
shareholder, a reader of the publication and three editors
of the three dailies published by the Bennett Coleman Group
are the petitioners. In the Hindustan Times case a
shareholder who happened to be a Deputy Director, a
shareholder, a Deputy Editor of one of the publications, the
printer and the publisher of the publications and a reader
are the petitioners. In the Express Newspapers case the
company and the Chief Editor of the dailies are the
petitioners. In the Hindu case a shareholder, the Managing
Editor, the publisher of the company are the petitioners.
One of the important questions in these petitions is whether
the shareholder, the editor, the printer, the Deputy
Director who are all citizens and have the right to freedom
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 15 of 65
under Article 19(1) can invoke those rights for freedom of
speech and expression, claimed by them for freedom of the
press in their daily publication. The petitioners contend
that as a result of the Newsprint Control Policy of 1972-73
their freedom of speech and expression exercised through
their editorial staff and through the medium of publications
is infringed. The petitioners also challenge the fixation
of 10 page ceiling and the restriction on circulation and
growth on their publications to be not only violative of but
also to abridge and take away the freedom of speech and
expression of the shareholders and the editors. The
shareholders, individually and in association with one,
another represent the medium
772
of newspapers through which they disseminate and circulate
their views and news. The newsprint policy express them to
heavy financial loss and impairs their right to carry on the
business of printing and publishing of the dailies through
the medium of the companies.
In R. C. Cooper v. Union of India (1) which is referred to
as the Bank Nationalisation(1) case Shah, J. speaking for
the majority dealt with the contention raised about the
maintainability of the petition. The petitioner there was a
shareholder, a Director and holder of deposit of current
accounts in the Bank. The locus standi of the petitioner
was challenged on the ground that no fundamental right of
the petitioner there was directly impaired by the enactment
of the Ordinance and the Act or any action taken thereunder.
The petitioner in the Bank Nationalisation case (supra)
claimed that the rights guaranteed to him under Articles 14,
19 and 31 of the Constitution were impaired. The
petitioner’s grievances were these. The Act and the
Ordinance were without legislative competence. The Act and
the Ordinance interfered with the guarantee of freedom of
trade. They were not made in public interest. The
President had no power to promulgate the Ordinance. In
consequence of hostile discrimination practiced by the State
the value of the petitioner’s investment in the shares is
reduced. His right to receive dividends ceased. He
suffered financial loss. He was deprived of the right as a
shareholder to carry on business through the agency of the
company.
The ruling of this Court in Bank Nationalisation case
(supra) was this :
"A measure executive or legislative may impair
the rights of the company alone, and not of
its shareholders; it may impair the rights of
the shareholders not of the Company; it may
impair the rights of the shareholders as well
as of the company. Jurisdiction of the Court
to grant relief cannot be denied, when by
State action the rights of the individual
shareholder are impaired, if- that action,
impairs the rights of the Company as well.
The test in determining whether the
shareholder’s right is impaired is not formal;
it is essentially qualitative; if the State
action impairs the right of the shareholders-
as well as of the Company, the Court will not,
concentrating merely upon the technical
operation of the action, deny itself
jurisdiction to grant relief."
(1) [1970] 3 S.C.R. 530.
773
In the Bank Nationalisation case (supra) this Court held the
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 16 of 65
statute to be void for infringing the rights under Articles
19(1)(f) and 19(1)(g) of the Constitution. In the Bank
Nationalisation case (supra) the petitioner was a
shareholder and a director of the company which was acquired
under the statute. As a result of the Bank Nationalisation
case (supra) it follows that the Court finds out whether
the legislative measure directly touches the company of
which the petitioner is a shareholder. A shareholder is
entitled to protection of Article 19. That individual right
is not lost by reason of the fact that he is a shareholder
of the company. The Bank Nationalisation case (supra) has
established the view that the fundamental rights of
shareholders as citizens are not lost when they associate to
from a company. When their fundamental rights as
shareholders are impaired by State action their rights as
shareholders are protected. The reason is that the
shareholders’ rights are equally and necessarily affected if
the. rights of the company are affected. The rights of
shareholders with regard to Article 19(1) (a) are projected
and manifested by the newspapers owned and controlled by the
shareholders through-the medium of the corporation. In the
present case, the individual rights of freedom of speech and
expression of editors, Directors and shareholders are all
exercised through their newspapers through which they speak.
The press reaches the public through the Newspapers. The
shareholders speak through their editors- The fact that
the companies are the petitioners does not prevent this
Court from giving relief to the shareholders, editors,
printers who have asked for protection of their fundamental
rights by reason of the effect of the law and of the action
upon their rights. The locus standi of the shareholder
petitioners is beyond challenge after the ruling of this
Court in the Bank Nationalisation case (supra). The
presence of the company is on the same ruling not a bar
to the grant of relief.
The rulings in Sakal Papers case (supra) and Express News-
papers case (supra) also support the competence of the
petitioners to maintain the proceedings.
Article 358 of the Constitution was invoked by the
Additional Solicitor General to raise the bar to the
maintainability of the petition. Under Article 358 while a
proclamation of a emergency is in operation nothing in
Article 19 shall restrict the power of the State to make any
law or to take any executive action which the State would
but for the provisions contained in that Part be competent
to make or to take. It was, therefore, said on behalf of
the Government that the petitioners could not challenge the
1972-73 Newsprint Policy during the proclamation of
emergency. Counsel on behalf of the petitioners contended
that Article 358 is inapplicable because it has no
application to the law or executive
774
action taken prior to the proclamation of emergency. The
Newsprint Policy was said by the petitioners to be a,
continuation of the old newsprint policy which had
originated earlier and continued from year to year for a
decade till the proclamation of emergency in 1971. The
restrictions on newsprint policy were imposed before the
proclamation of emergency. It was, therefore, said that
these restrictions could be challenged.
In District Collector of Hyderabad & Ors. v. M/s Ibrahim &
Co. etc.(1) this Court considered whether the Sugar Control
Order 1963 was protected under Article 358 and 359 because
the President had declared that state of emergency. The
Sugar Control Order 1963 was made in exercise of powers
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 17 of 65
conferred by section 3 of the Essential Commodities Act.
The order placed restrictions on sale and delivery by the
producers. The Order also controlled the production,
distribution of sugar by producers or recognised dealers.
The Order regulated the movement of sugar at fixed price.
The state of emergency was declared on 28 October, 1962. It
was contended that on the issue of proclamation of emergency
the State is, for the duration of the emergency, competent
to enact legislation notwithstanding that it impairs the
freedoms guaranteed by Article 19 of the Constitution. The
State was also said to be competent to take executive action
during the proclamation of emergency which the State would
for the provisions contained in Article’ 19 of, the
Constitution be competent to make. In Ibrahim’s case (supra)
the State made an executive order. It was said "the
executive action of the State Government which is otherwise
invalid is not immune from attack, merely because a
proclamation of emergency is in operation when it is taken".
The Order of the State Government in that case was held to
be contrary to statutory provisions contained in the Sugar
Dealers Licensing Order and the Sugar Control Order. The
executive action was, therefore, held not to be protected
under Article 358 of the Constitution.
Originally, the petitioners challenged the validity of the
Newsprint Policy for 1971-72. The petitions were amended.
As a result of the amendment the petitioners challenged the
validity of the 1972-73 newsprint policy. The contention of
the petitioners is correct that the impeached policy is a
continuation of the old policy. Article 358 does not apply
to executive action taken during the emergency if the same
is a continuation of the prior executive action or an
emanation of the previous law which prior executive action
or previous law would otherwise be violative of Article 19
or be otherwise unconstitutional. The contention on behalf
of the Government that the 1972-73 policy is protected
during the proclamation of emergency and is a mere
administrative action is unsound Executive action which is
unconstitutional
(1) [1970] 3 S.C.R. 498.
775
is not immune during the proclamation of emergency. During
the proclamation of emergency Article 19 is suspended. But
it would not authorise the taking of detrimental executive
action during the emergency affecting the fundamental rights
in Article 19 without any legislative authority or in
purported exercise of power conferred by any pre-emergency
law which was invalid when enacted.
This Court in State of Madhya Pradesh & Anr. v. Thakur
Bharat Singh(1) considered whether the State Government
could make an order under the Madhya Pradesh Public Security
Act 1959 directing that Thakur Baharat Singh shall not be in
any place in Raipur District and that he was to reside in a
named town. The Order was made on 24 April, 1963. The
Government contended in the Madhya Pradesh case (supra),
that Article 358 protected legislative and executive action
taken after the proclamation of emergency which was declared
on 20 October, 1962. This Court rejected the contention of
the State that the Order was protected by Article 358. This
Court held that if the power conferred by the 1959 Act to
impose unreasonable restrictions offended Article 13 by
taking away or abridging the rights conferred by Part El of
the Constitution the law in contravention of Article 13
would be void. Article 358 suspends the provisions of
Article 19 during an emergency. This Court said that all
executive action which operates to the prejudice of any
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 18 of 65
person must have the authority of law to support it, and the
terms of Article 358 do not detract from that rule. Article
358 expressly authorises the State to take legislative or
executive action provided such action was competent for the
State but for the provisions in Part III of the
Constitution. Article 358 does not invest the State with
arbitrary authority to take action to the prejudice of
citizens, and others; it merely provides that so long as the
proclamation of emergency subsists law may be enacted and
executive action may be taken in pursuance of lawful
authority, which if the provisions of Article 19 were
operative would have been invalid. Every act done by the
Government or by its officers must, if it is to operate to
the prejudice of any person, be supported by some
legislative authority. The Madhya Pradesh was (supra) is an
authority for the proposition that Article 358 does not
operate to validate any legislative provision which is
invalid because of the constitutional prohibition. In the
present case, the impugned newsprint policy is continuation
of prior executive action and of previous law. Therefore,
in our judgment there is no merit in this preliminary
objection.
The Additional Solicitor General contended that the right to
import and utilise newsprint was not a common law right. It
was said to be a special right covered by several statutes.
The Imports
(1) [1967] 2 S.C.R. 454.
776
and Exports Act 1947, the Imports Control Order, 1955, the
Essential Commodities Act 1955 and the Newsprint Control
Order 1962 were referred to in support of the proposition
that if the petitioners asked for a quota of newsprint they
had to abide the conditions prescribed. It was also said
that the Press would have no special fundamental right under
Article 19 (1) (a). The legislative measures were,
therefore, said by the Government to be regulation of
newspaper business even though there might be the incidental
result of curtailing circulation. Reliance was placed on
the decisions in Express Newspapers case (supra) and Hamdard
Dawakhana (Wakf) Lal Kuan, Delhi & Apr. v. Union of India &
Ors.(1), in support of the contention that there would be no
abridgement of fundamental right of the press if as a result
of regulation of newspaper business there was the incidental
effect of curtailing circulation. The Newsprint Policy was
defended by the Government to be in aid of allowing small
newspapers to grow and to prevent a monopolistic combination
of big newspapers.
The power of the Government to import newsprint cannot be
denied. The power of the Government to control the
distribution of newsprint cannot equally be denied. It has,
of course, to be borne in mind that the distribution must be
fair and equitable. The interests of the big, the medium
and the small newspapers are all to be taken into
consideration at the time of allotment of quotas. In the
present case, there was some dispute raised as to whether
there should be more import of newsprint. That is a matter
of Government policy. This Court cannot adjudicate on such
policy measures unless the policy is alleged to be malafide.
Equally, there was a dispute as to the quantity of
indigenous newsprint available for newspapers. This Court
cannot go into such disputes.
The petitioners raised a question as to whether the
Newsprint Control Policy is a newsprint control or a
newspaper control. Mr. Palkhivala characterised the measure
to be newspaper control with degrees of subtlety and
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 19 of 65
sophistication. Rationing of newsprint is newsprint
control. That is where quota is fixed. Newspaper control
can be said to be post-quota restrictions. The post-quota
restrictions are described by Mr. Palkhivala to be newspaper
control. The newspaper control, according to the
petitioners, is achieved by measures adopted in relation to
common ownership units owning two or more newspapers. These
common ownership units are not allowed to bring out new
papers of new editions of their dailies. These are not to
have interchangeability of quota within their unit. In
addition large papers are not allowed to have more than 10
pages. It was said that in the past several years Newsprint
Control Policy worked remarkably without any challenge.
(1) [1960] 2 S.C.R. 671.
777
Article 19(1) (a) provides that all citizens shall have the
right to freedom of speech and expression. Article 19 (2)
states that. nothing in sub-clause (a) of clause (1) shall
affect the operation; of any existing law, or prevent the
State from making any law, in’. so far as such law imposes
reasonable restrictions on the exercise of the right
conferred by the said sub-clause in the interests of the
security of the State, friendly relations with foreign
States, public order, decency or morality, or in relation to
contempt of Court, defamation or incitement to an offence.
Although Article 19(1) (-a) does not mention the freedom of
the Press, it is the settled view of this Court that freedom
of speech and expression includes freedom of the Press and
circulation.
In the Express Newspapers case (supra) it is said that there
can be no doubt that liberty of the Press is an essential
part of the freedom of speech and expression guaranteed by
Article 19 (1) (a). The Press has the right of free
propagation and free circulation without any previous
restraint on publication. If a law were to, single out the
Press for laying down prohibitive burdens on it that would
restrict the circulation, penalise its freedom of choice as
to personnel, prevent newspapers from being started and
compel’ the press to Government aid. This would violate
Article 19 (1)(a), and would fall outside the protection
afforded by Article 19 (2).
In Sakal Papers case (supra) it is said that the freedom of
speech and expression guaranteed by Article 19 (1) gives a
citizen the right to propagate and publish his ideas to
disseminate them, to circulate them either by words of mouth
or by writing. This right extends not merely to the matter
it is entitled to circulate but also to the volume of
circulation. In Sakal Papers case (supra) the Newspaper
(Price and Page) Act 1956 empoweredthe Government to
regulate the prices of newspapers in relation to their pages
and sizes and to regulate the allocation of space for
advertisement matter. The Government fixed the maximum-
number of pages that might be published by a newpaper
according to the price charged. The Government prescribed
the number of supplements that would be issued. This Court
held that the Act and the Order placed restraints on the
freedom of the press to circulate. This Court also held.
that, the freedom of speech could’ no+. be restricted for
the purpose of regulating the commercial aspects of
activities of the newspapers.
Publication means dissemination and circulation. The press
has to carry on its activity by keeping in view the class of
readers, the,conditions of labour, price of material,
availability of advertisements, size of paper and the
different kinds of news comments and’ views and
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 20 of 65
advertisements which are to be published and circulated.
The law which lays excessive and prohibitive burden which,
would restrict the circulation of a newspaper will not be
saved by
778
Article 19 (2). If the area of advertisement is restricted,
price of paper goes up. If the price goes up circulation
will go down. This was held in Sakai Papery case (supra) to
be the direct consequence of curtailment of advertisement.
The freedom of a newspaper for publish any number of pages
or to circulate it to any number of persons has been held by
this Court to be an integral part of the freedom of speech
and expression. This freedom is violated by placing
restraints upon it or by placing restraints upon something
which is an essential part of that freedom. A restraint on
the number of pages, a restraint on circulation and a
restraint on advertisements would affect the fundamental
rights under Article 19 (1)(a) on the aspects of
propagation, publication and circulation.
This Court in Hamdard Dawakhana case (supra) considered the
effect of Drugs and Magic Remedies (Objectionable
Advertisement) Act, 1954 in relation to Articles 19 (1)(a),
19 (1) (f), 19 (1)(g) and 19(6). The Act in that case was
to control the advertisement of drugs in certain cases to
prohibit the advertisement for certain purposes of remedies
alleged to possess magic qualities and to provide for
matters connected therewith. The Act was challenged on the
ground of violation of fundamental rights. The ruling of
this Court in Hamdard Dawakhana case (supra) that
advertisement is no doubt a form of speech and it is only
when an advertisement is considered with the expression or
propagation of idea that it can be said to relate to freedom
of speech. The right to publish commercial advertisements
is not a part of freedom of speech.
The Additional Solicitor General contended that the news-
print policy did not violate Article 19 (1) (a). The
reasons advanced were these. The newsprint policy does not
directly and immediately deal with, the right mentioned in
Article 19 (1)(a). The test of violation is the subject
matter and not the effect or result of the legislation. If
the direct object of the impugned law or action is other
than freedom of speech and expression Article 19 (1)(a) is
not attracted though the right to freedom of speech and
expression may be consequentially or incidentally abridged.
The rulings of this Court in Express Newspapers case (supra)
and Hamdard Dawakhana case (supra) were referred to. In the
Express Newspapers case (supra) the Act was said to be a
beneficent legislation intended to regulate the conditions
of service of the working journalists. It was held that the
direct and inevitable result of the Act could not be said to
be taking away or abridging the freedom of speech and
expression of the petitioners. In. the Hamdard Dawakhana
case (supra) the scope and object of the Act and its true
nature and character were found to be not interference with
the right of freedom of speech but to deal with trade or
business. The subject matter of the import policy in the
779
present case was rationing of imported commodity and
equitable distribution of newsprint. The restrictions in
fixing the page level and circulation were permissible as
directions, which were considered necessary in order to see
that the imported newsprint was. properly utilised for the
purpose for which the import was considered necessary.
Article 369 of the Constitution shows that rationing of and
distribution of quota of newsprint and regulation of supply
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 21 of 65
is not a direct infringement of Article 19 (1)(a). The
scarcity of newspapers Justifies the regulation and the
direction in the manner of use. The American decision in
Red Lion Broadcasting Cc.. v. Federal Communications Com.(1)
was relied on to show that neither regulation nor direction
with regard to medium of expression encroaches on the First
Amendment right of the American Constitution. Regulatory
statutes which do not control the content of speech but
incidentally limit the unfettered exercise are not regarded
as a type of law which the First Amendment to the American
Constitution forbade the Congress of the United States to
pass. ’the decision in United States v. O’Brien(1) was
relied on as an authority for such regulation and control of
the content of speech. Any incidental limitation or
incidental restriction on the freedom of speech is
permissible if the same is essential to the furtherance of
important governmental interest in regulating speech and
freedom.
The Additional Solicitor General further put emphasis on
the, pith and substance of the Import Control Act to control
imports, and exports for these reasons. One method of
controlling import is to regulate the use and disposition of
the goods after they are, bought. The decision in Abdul
Aziz Amiudin v. State of Maharashtra(1) was referred to
indicate that the scope of control of import extended to
every stage at which the Government felt it necessary to see
that the goods were properly utilised. Therefore, the
Government submission is that regulations regarding utilisa-
tion of goods by importers after import is not a regulation
with regard to production, supply and distribution of goods
so as to attract Entry 29 List 11 of the Government of India
Act, 1935 corresponding to Entry 27 of List 11 in the
Constitution. It was said that even if there was any
trenching on Entry 29 List II of’ the 1935 Act corresponding
to Entry 27 List II of the Constitution it would be an
incidental encroachment not affecting the validity of’ the
Act. The directions in the control policy are, therefore,
justified by the Government under clause 5 of the 1955
Import Control Order read with section 3(1) of the 1947
Import ’and Export Act and they are also justified under the
provisions of clause 3 of the Newsprint Control Order- 1962.
(1) [1969] 393 US 367-23L Ed. 2d. 371.
(2) [1968] 391 US 367-20 L. Ed. 2d. 672..
(3) [1964] 1 S.C.R. 830.
780
The Newsprint Control Order 1962 was said to give sufficient
guidance with regard to exercise of powers. Clause 3(5) of
the Control Order of 1962 indicated that the Controller was
to have regard to the principles. The import policy was
upheld by the Government to have administrative character
for guidance. in the matter of grant of licences. It was
said that the impeached newsprint policy was given to the
public as information regarding principles governing issue
of import licences. The import policy was evolved to
facilitate mechanism of the Act. The Import policy was said
to have necessary flexibility for six years prior to April
1961. The Newsprint Policy operated successfully. The
Controller has not abused his power.
Mr. Palkhivala said that the tests of pith and substance of
the subject, matter and of direct and of incidental effect
of the legislation are relevant to questions of legislative
competence but they are irrelevant to the question of
infringement of fundamental rights. In our view this is a
sound and correct approach to interpretation of legislative
measures and State action in relation to fundamental rights.
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The true test is whether the effect of the impugned action
is to take away or abridge fundamental rights. if it be
assumed that the direct object of the law or action has to.
be direct abridgment of the right of free speech by the
impugned law or action it is to be, related to the
directness of effect and not to the directness of the
subject matter of the impeached law or action. The action
may have a direct effect on a fundamental, right although
its direct subject matter may be different. A law’ dealing
directly with the Defence of India or defamation may yet
have a direct effect on the freedom of speech. Article
19(2) could not have such law if the restriction is
unreasonable even if it is related to matters mentioned
therein. Therefore, the word "direct" would go to the
quality or character of the effect and not to the subject
matter. The object of the law or executive action is
irrelevant when it establishes the petitioner’s contention
about fundamental right. In the present case, the object of
the newspaper restrictions has nothing to do with the
availability of newsprint or foreign exchange because these
restrictions come into operation after the grant of quota.
Therefore the restrictions are to control the number of
pages or circulation of dailies or newspapers. These
restrictions are clearly outside the ambit of Article 19(2)
of the Constitution. It, therefore, confirms that the right
of freedom of speech and expression is abridged by these
restrictions.
The question neatly raised by the petitioners was whether
the impugned Newsprint Policy is in substance a newspaper
control. A newspaper control policy is ultra vires the
Import Control Act and the Import Control Order. Entry 19
of List 1 of the 1935 Act could empower Parliament to
control imports. Both the State legislature and Parliament
have power to legislate upon newspapers
781
falling under Entry 17 of List III. The two fields of
legislation are different. The Import Control Act may
include control of import of newsprint but it does not allow
control of newspapers. The machinery of the Import Control
cannot be utilised to curb or control circulation of growth
or freedom of newspapers in India. The pith and substance
doctrine is used in ascertaining whether the Act falls under
one Entry while incidentally encroaching upon another Entry.
Such a question does not arise here. The Newsprint Control
Policy is found to be newspaper control order in the guise
of framing an Import Control Policy for newsprint.
This Court in the Bank Nationalisation case (supra) laid
down two tests. First it is not the object of the authority
making the law impairing the right of the citizen nor the
form of action that determines the invasion of the right.
Secondly, it is the effect of the law and the action upon
the right which attracts the jurisdiction of the court to
grant relief. The direct operation of the Act upon the
rights forms the real test.
In Sakal Papers case (supra) this Court referred to the
ruling in Dwarkadas Shrinivas v. The Sholapur & Weaving Co.
Ltd.(,)’ that it is the substance and the practical result
of the act of the State that should be considered rather
than the pure legal form. The correct approach _should be
to enquire what in substance is the loss or injury caused to
the citizen and not merely what manner and method has been
adopted by the State in placing the, restrictions. in Sakal
Papers case (supra) raising the price affected and infringed
fundamental rights. In Sakal Papers case (supra) this Court
said that the freedom of a newspaper to publish any number
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of pages or to circulate it to any number of persons is each
an integral part of the freedom of speech and expression. A
restraint placed upon either of them would be a direct
infringement of the right of freedom of speech and
expression. The impact on the freedom of the press would
still be direct in spite of the fact that it is not said so
with words. No law or action would state in words that
rights of freedom of speech and expression are abridged or
taken away. That is why Courts have to protect and guard
fundamental rights by considering the scope and provisions
of the Act and its effect upon the fundamental rights. The
ruling of this Court in Bank Nationalisation case (supra) is
the test of direct operation upon the rights. By direct
operation is meant the direct consequence or effect of the
Act upon the rights. The decision of the Privy Council in
Commonwealth of Australia v. Bank of New South Wales(2) also
referred to the test, as to whether/the Act directly
restricted inter-State business of banking, in order to
ascertain whether the Banking Act 1947 in that case
(1) [1954] S.C.R. 674. (2) [1950] A.C. 235.
782
is aimed or directed at, and the purpose, object and
intention of the Act is restriction of inter-State trade,
commerce and inter-course.
The various provisions of the newsprint import policy have
been examined to indicate as to how the petitioners’
fundamental rights have been infringed by the restrictions
on page limit, prohibition against new newspapers and new
editions. The effect and consequence of the impugned policy
upon the newspapers is directly controlling the growth and
circulation of newspapers. The direct effect is the
restriction upon circulation of newspapers. The direct
effect is upon growth of newspapers through pages. The
direct effect is that newspapers are deprived of their area
of advertisement. The direct effect is that they are
exposed to financial loss. The direct effect is that
freedom of speech and expression is infringed.
The Additional Solicitor General contended that a law which
merely regulates even directly the freedom of the press is
permissible so long as there is no abridgment or taking away
of the fundamental rights of citizens. He leaned heavily on
American decisions in support of the submission that the
right of the press of free expression is of all citizens
speaking, publishing and printing in all languages and the
grave concern for freedom of expression which permitted the
inclusion of Article 19 (1)(a) is not to be read as a
command that the Government of Parliament is without power
to protect that freedom. The Constitutional guarantees of
freedom of speech and expression are said by the Additional
Solicitor General to be not so much for the benefit of the
press as for the benefit of all people. In freedom of
speech, according to the Additional Solicitor General, is
included the right of the people to read and the freedom of
the press assures maintenance of an open society. What was
emphasized on behalf of the Government was that the freedom
of the press did not countenance the monopolies of the
market.
It is indisputable that by freedom of the press is meant the
right of all citizens to speak, publish and express their
views. The freedom of the press embodies the right of the
people to read. The freedom of the press is not
antithetical to the right of +,he people to speak and
express.
Article 13 of our Constitution states that the State is
prohibited from making any law which abridges or takes away
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 24 of 65
any fundamental rights. Again, Article 19(2) speaks of
reasonable restrictions on the exercise of fundamental
rights to freedom of speech and expression. Our
Constitution does not speak of laws regulating fundamental
rights. But there is no bar on legislating on the subject
of newspapers as long as legislation does not impose
unreasonable restrictions within the meaning of Article
19(2). It
783
is also important to notice as was done in earlier decisions
of this Court that our Article 19(1)(a) and the First
Amendment of the American Constitution are different. The
First Amendment of the American Constitution enacts that the
Congress shall make no law....... abridging the freedom of
speech or of the press. The American First Amendment
contains no exceptions like our Article 19 (2) of the
Constitution. Therefore, American decisions have evolved
their own, exceptions. Our Article 19(2) speaks of
reasonable restrictions. Our Article 13 states that the
State shall not make laws which abridge or take away
fundamental rights in Part III of the Constitution.
The concept of regulation of fundamental rights was
borrowed and extracted by the Additional Solicitor General
from American decisions. In Citizen Publishing Co. v. United
States(1) the power of the Government to regulate the
newspaper industry through the provisions of the Sherman Act
was recognised. In that case the Court affirmed a decree
requiring the separation of two potentially competing
newspapers. The two newspapers entered into an agreement to
end business or commercial competition between them. Three
types of control were imposed by the agreement. One was with
regard to price fixation. The second was profit pooling. The
third was market control. The Government complained that the
agreement was an unreasonable restraint on trade or commerce
in violation of Sherman Act. The Citizen Publishing Co.(1)
case (supra) held that the First Amendment in the American
Constitution far from providing an argument against the
application of the Sherman Act under the facts of
the case provided strong reasons to the contrary. The
American decision rested upon the assumption that the
widest possible dissemination of information from diverse
and antagonistic sources is essential to the welfare of the,
public. The Sherman Act was invoked in that case to prevent
non-governmental combinations which tended to impose
restraints upon constitutional guarantee of freedom. The
regulation of business is one thing. The American case is an
instance of the power of the Government to regulate
newspaper industry.
The other American decision on which the
Additional Solicitor General relied is United States v.
O’Brien (supra). In O’Brien’s case (supra) the Court held
that one who had burnt one’s selective service registration
certificate did so in violation of a federal statute making
the knowing destruction or mutilation of such a certificate
a criminal offence. It was contended in O’Brien’s case
(supra) that whenever the person engaging in the conduct of
burning the certificate intends thereby to express an idea
the idea of both "speech" and "non-speech" elements were
combined to the same course
(1) [1969] 304 U.S. 131-22L.Ed.2d. 148
15-L499Sup.C. 1./73
784
of conduct. It was held that there was- a sufficiently
important governmental interest in regulating the non-speech
element. The Court noticed there that such incidental
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 25 of 65
limitation on First Amendment freedom was justified because
an important and substantial governmental interest was
involved. The Governmental interest was found to be
unrelated to the suppression of free expression and that the
incidental restriction on any First Amendment freedoms
involved was no greater than absolutely essential in the
furtherance of the governmental interest.
These American decisions establish that a government regu-
lation is justified in America as an important or essential
government interest which is unrelated to the suppression of
free expression. This Court has established freedom of the
press to speak and express. That freedom cannot be abridged
and taken away by the manner the impugned policy has done.
At this stage it is necessary to appreciate the petitioners’
contentions that the newsprint policy of 1972-73 violates
Articles 19 (1)(a) and 14 of the Constitution.
The first grievance is about Remark V in the newsprint
policy. ’Remark V deals with dailies which are not above 10
pages and dailies over 10 pages. With regard to dailies
which are not above 10 pages the policy is that the
computation of entitlement to newsprint is on the basis of
the actual newsprint consumption in 1970-71 or 1971-72
whichever is less. The average circulation, the average
number of pages and the average page area actually published
are all taken into consideration. The petitioners and in
particular the Bennett Coleman Group illustrated the vice of
this feature in Remark V by referring to their publications
Maharashtra Times, Nav Bharat Times and Economic Times. The
average circulation of these three publications in 1971-72
was higher than the average circulation in 1970-71. It is,
therefore, said that Remark V which shows the basis of
consumption to be the lesser of the two years will affect
their quota. The Government version is that the figure of
consumption in 1971-72 did not represent a realistic picture
because of three principal events during that year. These
were the Bangladesh Crisis, the Indo-Pak War in 1971 and the
Elections. The petitioners say that the quota for 1971-72
was determined in April 1971 which was prior to the
occurrence of all the three events. Again, in the past when
there was the Sino Indian Conflict in 1962 and the Indo-Pak
War in 1965 the performance of the newspapers during. the
years preceding those events was not ignored as was done in
the impugned policy for 1972-73. With regard to elections,
the petitioners say that a separate additional quota has
been given. In the policies prior to 1971-72 the growth
achieved in circulation as a result of the grant of the
additional quota
785
for elections was taken into consideration in determining
the quota for the following year. The Petitioners,
therefore, contend that the policy in Remark V instead of
increasing circulation win result in the reduction of
circulation. The petitioners are, in our judgment, right in
their submission that this policy negatives the claim of the
Government that this policy is based on circulation.
With regard to dailies over 10 pages Remark V proceeds on
the calculation of the basic entitlement to be on an average
of 10 pages and either the average circulation in 1970-71 or
the admissible circulation in terms of 1971-72 Newsprint
Policy plus increases admissible in terms of Remark VII
whichever is more. The Bennett Coleman Group contends that
the Times of India Bombay, the Times of India Delhi and the
Times of India Ahmedabad had 13.13, 13.99 and 17.83 as the
average number of pages in 1971-72. The average number of
pages in 1972-73 under Remark V of the Policy is fixed at
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10. Therefore, the percentage of cut in pages is 23.8, 28.4
and 43.8 per cent respectively with regard to these three
papers.
The dominant direction in the newsprint policy particularly
in Remarks V and VIII is that the page limit of newspapers
is fixed at 10. The petitioners who had been operating on a
page level of over 10 challenge this feature as an
infringement of the freedom of speech and expression.
Remark V is therefore impeached first on the ground of fixa-
tion of 10 page ceiling and secondly on the basis of
allotment of quota.
Prior to 1972-73 newspapers which had started before 1961-62
were allowed to increase pages by reducing circulation. On
the other hand newspapers which started after 1961-62 did
not have sufficient quantity of newsprint for increasing
circulation and could not increase pages. To. remedy this
situation the Government case is that the impeached
newsprint Policy of 1972-73 provided in Remark V for-
newspapers operating on a page level of 10 or less quota on
an average page number and actual circulation of 1970-71 or
1971-72 whichever is less and 20% increase for increasing
page number subject to ceiling of 10 pages. The other
provision in Remark V for quota relating to newspapers
operating above 10 page level is an, average circulation of
1970-71 and admissible circulation in 1971-72 plus increases
admissible whichever is more. Thus in the case of
newspapers operating on 10 or less than 10 page level
additional quota has been given to increase their pages to
10. But the imposition of 10 page ceiling on newspapers
operating on a page level above 10 is said to violate
Articles 19(1)(a) and 14.
786
The Government advances these six reasons in support of
their policy. First, there is shortage of newsprint.
Second, the average page number of big dailies is 10.3. Out
of 45 big dailies 23 operate on a page level of less than 10
and 22 operate on a page level of more than 10. Therefore,
the Government says that the average of all dailies is 5.8.
Thirdly, the Government says that the 45 big dailies with a
circulation of 46.74 lakhs get about 1,16,700 metric tonnes.
This is about 59.9 per cent of the total allocation. The
346 medium and small dailies with a circulation of 41.60
lakhs get about 74,300. metric tonnes which represent as
40.1 per cent of the total allocation. Fourthly it is said
that the feature is to remedy the situation arising out of
historical reasons. Fifthly, the Government says that the
reduction in allotment is marginal. By way of illustration
it is said that the Bennett Coleman group gets 828.79 metric
tonnes less. Sixthly, it is said that 500 dailies applied
for quota. Newprint has to be equitably rationed. Allowing
some dailies more than 10 pages will adversely effect those
dailies with less than 10 pages.
In our view shortage of newsprint can stop with allotment.
If the Government rests content with granting consumers of
newsprint a quantity equitably and fairly, the consumers
will not quarrel with the policy. The consumers of
newsprint are gravely concerned with the other features.
The fixation of 1 0 page limit is said by the Government to
be on account of short supply of newsprint and equitable
distribution of newsprint. In the year 1972-73 the quantity
available for allocation was 2,15,000 tonnes. In the
previous year the quantity was 2,25,000 tonnes. The
shortfall is 10,000 tonnes. The percentage therefore will
be 10,00OX100=4-1/2%
----------
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 27 of 65
2,25,000
If the reduction is only 4-1/2% the cut in the Hindu was
calculate ’by Mr. Nambiar to be 16-10=6 viz. 6X100=37-1/2
per cent. -----
16
In other words, the cut worked out to much higher
proportion. Mr. Palkhivala for the Bennett Coleman group,
Mr. Daphtary for the Hindustan Times group contended that
there was no shortage in quantity of newsprint. It is not
possible to go into these disputes of figures. The
reduction is established by Mr. Nambiar to be
disproportionate to shortfall. Particularly in the past, in
the year 1962 there was a shortage. There was a cut in
quota. The original cut was 5 per cent on those whose quota
was above 100 tonnes but less than 1000 tonnes and 7-1/2 per
787
cent for those whose quota was 1000 tonnes and above.
Later, the cut was reduced to 2-1/2 per cent and applied
uniformly to those whose quota was 1000 tonnes and above.
On behalf of the petitioners it was rightly said that if
there was any real shortage 20 per cent increase in pages
under Remark VII(C) to newspaper below 10 page level would
not have been possible.
According to the petitioners, there is no distinction made
by the Government between dailies in Indian language and
English dailies and particularly big English dailies. A big
daily, according to the Government, is taken to mean a daily
with a circulation of more than 50,000 copies irrespective
of the number of pages and it makes no distinction between
language and English dailies. Out of the 45 big dailies 30
are language dailies and 15 are English dailies. The 15 pB‘=
English dailies operate on an average page level of over 10.
The average of their page level has been about 13. The
medium English dailies have had an average page level of
above 11. Of the 30 language dailies 23 operate on an
average page level below. The language dailies, it is said
by the petitioners, operate on an average page level below
10 as they do not require more than 10 pages. The average
of the page level of language dailies is about 8. Six of the
big language dailies have a page level of about 9. The
petitioners, therefore, contend that if the maximum number
of pages is fixed at 10 the average page level of the big
English and language dailies would come down to 9.8 and
their page level would become more or less equal to the page
level of medium dailies whose requirements are much less.
It would, therefore, in our view amount to treating unequals
equally and to benefit one type of daily at the cost of
another.
Since 1957, dailies operating on a page level of 12 or more
have not been given any increase in page level. There was
no fixed number of pages. For determining quota the page
level of 1957 was taken. Dailies operating on a page level
of less than 10 have been granted increase in pages from
time to time. Such dailies operating on a page level of
less than 10 have chosen to increase circulation rather than
to increase the number of pages, because of lack of
advertisement support. From 1963-64 upto and including
1971-72 any quota for increase in pages could always be used
for or adjusted against increase in circulation. Similarly
any quota for increase in circulation, could be used for or
adjusted against increase in number of pages. It is only
because the newspapers were allowed to adjust between pages
and circulation in the past that the big dailies’ had an
actual page level of more than the permissible page level of
1957. But most of the big language dailies which had a page
http://JUDIS.NIC.IN SUPREME COURT OF INDIA Page 28 of 65
level of less than 10 did not increase their pages though
they were permitted to do so.
788
In the past, newspapers which had 12 page limit were allowed
to increase the page number. This is said to be the
justification on the part of the Government to wipe out any
inequity. It appears that 19 language dailies reduced their
page numbers on the basis of which their quota was fixed in
order to increase their circulation. If that is so, there
is no reason for giving them additional quota for increasing
page number specially by reducing the quota of the big
dailies and imposing a 10 page limit on them. It is also
found that 11 newspapers whose, quota was calculated on a
page level above 10 have reduced their page numbers below 10
in order to increase circulation. These papers have also
been granted additional quota to increase their pages upto
10. The Government Annexure R-4 establishes that these 11
newspapers are obtaining double benefit. First, because of
quota calculated on a page level above 10 and second because
of additional quota to increase pages upto 10 for they had
actually reduced their page number to 10.
There are only 7 dailies of above 12 pages until the im-
pugned policy hit these. Those are Amrita Bazar Patrike,
Bombay Samachar. Hindu, Hindustan Times, Indian Express
(Delhi, Bombay, Madurai, Vijayawada and Bangalore editions),
the Times of India (Bombay and Delhi editions) and the
Statesman. Out of these 7 dailies 6 are English dailies.
Bombay Samachar is a Gujarati daily. The maximum page level
fixed at 10 and the prohibition against the adjustability
between pages and circulation are strongly impeached by the
petitioners. These 7 dailies except Bombay Samachar are
common ownership units. Some of them publish other leading
language dailies also. The maximum number of pages at 10
will, according to the petitioners, not only adversely
affect their profits but also deprive them of expressing and
publishing the quality of writings and fulfilment of the
role to be played by the newspaper in regard to their
freedom of speech and expression. While it must be admitted
that the language dailies should be allowed to grow, the
English dailies should not be forced to languish under a
policy of regimentation. It is therefore correct that the
compulsory reduction to 10 pages offends article 19(1)(a)
and infringes the rights of freedom of speech and
expression.
It is further urged that the Government has fixed the quota
on the basis of circulation multiplied by pages. The
Government has on the one hand compared the circulation of
the big dailies with the circulation of medium and small
dailies and on the other has ignored the difference in the
number of pages of big dailies as compared to the number of
pages of the medium and the small dailies. The difference
in pages coupled with the
789
difference in circulation affords a reason for difference in
the percentage of total allocation given to the big dailies
as compared to the medium and the small dailies. _The
average number of pages for the big dailies is 10.3, for the
medium ’dailies 8.3, and for the small dailies 4.4 (See
Press in India 1971 page 134). The percentage of allocation
for the big dailies reflects really the large number of
pages they publish. The big dailies therefore have not only
larger requirements but also they render larger services to
the readers. The Newprint Policy of fixing the page level
at 10 is seeking to make unequals equal and also to benefit
one type of daily at the expense of another.
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The historical reason given by the Government for fixing the
maximum number of pages at 10 is that the effect of the
policy on allowing any page increase and circulation
increase from time to time has been to help the growth of
the Press. This is how newspapers like Ananda Bazar
Patrika, Jugantar and Deccan Herald are said to have come
up. The Government also relies on the recommendation of the
newspaper proprietors in the year 1971 that 8 pages should
be considered the national minimum requirement for medium of
information. The big English dailies had the number of
pages over 12 in 1957. Because of adjustability between
pages and circulation they had an actual page level which
was higher than the permissible page level of 1957. The
petitioners say that this has not impeded the growth of
other papers. The policy prescribed by the Government of
fixing the maximum page limit at 10 is described by the
petitioners to hit the big dailies and to prevent the
newspapers from rising above mediocrity. It is true that
the Government relied on an historical reason. It is said
to prevent big newspapers from getting any unfair advantage
over newspapers which are infant in origin. It is also said
that the Government policy is to help newspapers operating
below 10 pages to attain equal position with those who are
operating above 10 page level. But this intention to help
new and young newspapers cannot be allowed to strangulate
the freedom of speech and expression of the big dailies.
The Government has sought to justify the reduction in the
page level to 10 not only on the ground of shortage of
newsprint but also on the grounds that these big dailies
devote high percentage of space to advertisements and
therefore the cut in pages will not be felt by them if they
adjusted their advertisement space. In our judgment the
policy of the Government to limit all papers
790
at 10 pages is arbitrary. It tends to treat unequals as
equals and discriminates against those who by virtue of
their efficiency, standard and service and because of their
All-India stature acquired a higher page level in 1957. The
main source of income for the newspapers is from
advertisements. The loss of revenue because of the cut in
page level is said to be over several lakhs of rupees. Even
if there is a saving in raw material by cut in page level
there would be a revenue gap of a large sum of money. This
gap could have been partly recouped by increasing the page
level. The newspaper has a built-in mechanism.
Advertisements are not only the sources of revenue but also
one of the factors for circulation. Once circulation is
lost it will be very difficult to regain the old level. The
advertisement rate has undergone slight increase since 1972.
As a result of the cut in page level the area for adver-
tisements is also reduced.
This Court held in Hamdard Dawakhana case (supra) that an
advertisement is no doubt a form of speech but its true
character is reflected by the object for the promotion of
which it is employed. In Sakal Papers case (Supra) this
Court held that if the space for advertisement is reduced
earnings would decline and if the price is raised that would
affect circulation. It appears to us that in the present
case, ’fixation of page limit will not only deprive the
petitioners of their economic viability but also restrict
the freedom of expression by reason of the compulsive re-
duction of page level entailing reduction of circulation and
denuding the area of coverage for news and views.
The estimated loss on account of reduction of page limit is
Rs. 39 lakhs in the case of Bennett Coleman group, Rs. 44
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lakhs in the case of Hindustan Times and Rs. 38 lakhs in the
case of the Hindu. If as a result of reduction in pages the
newspapers will have to depend on advertisements as their
main source of income, they will be denied dissemination of
news and views. That will also deprive them of their
freedom of speech and expression. On the other hand, if as
a result of restriction on page limit the newspaper will
have to sacrifice advertisements ’and thus weaken the link
of financial strength, the organisation may crumble. The
loss on advertisements may not only entail the closing down
but also affect the circulation and thereby impinge on free-
dom of speech and expression.
The reason given by the Government that the entitlement on
the basic of the previous year has caused only a marginal
loss in’ allotment is controverted by the petitioners. it is
said that if the total quantity of newsprint available is
2,15,000 tonnes in 1972-73 the shortfall is only 10,000
tonnes because in the previous year the quantity available
was 2,25,000 tonnes. The Bennett Coleman group alleges that
the actual circulation of Times of India Bombay
791
in 1971-72 was of 1,58,700 copies though the quota for that
year was calculated on the basis of a circulation of
2,02,825 copies and a page level of 13 and adjustability
between paces and circulation were permissible. It is,
therefore, said that though the Times of India under the
impeached policy would have an allowable circulation of
2,08,920 and a page level of 10 it would not under the new
policy have any permission to adjust between pages and cir-
culation. In fact, it is said that if the pages are reduced
to 10, its circulation would fall even below that of last
year by reason of the fact that owing to reduction in pages
the quality will suffer and the consequence will be downfall
in circulation. The petitioners therefore rightly emphasise
that to equate the big English dailies which are in a class
by themselves with other dailies which need less than 10
pages indicates negation of an equitable distribution and
proves irrational treating of dailies.
The justification pleaded by the Government is that big
dailies chose. to increase pages rather than circulation in
the past. In the past the newsprint allocation was based on
the page level of 1957 and the circulation figures of 1961-
62. The Government says that newspapers which started after
1961-62 were unable to increase their pages. Therefore, the
present policy is intended to remove that position. In our
judgment it will depend on each paper as to how it will
grow. Those who are growing should not be restricted if
they can grow within their quota. In the past dailies
having less than 10 pages were given increases and were
allowed to come up to 10 pages from 4 pages in 1961-62 and 6
pages in 1962-63. Most of them could not even fully utilize
the page increase allowed. The present impeached policy
seeks to remove iniquities created by previous policies. It
depends upon facts as to how much more newsprint a group of
newspapers started after 1961-62 will require and secondly
whether they are in a position to increase the page number.
It also appears that 19 language dailies reduced their page
numbers on the basis of which the quota was calculated in
order to increase their circulation. Therefore, there
appears to be no justification for giving them additional
quota for increasing page numbers by reducing the quota of
the big dailies by imposing upon them the 10 page ceiling.
The 10 page ceiling imposed affecting 22 big newspapers
operating above 10 page level with approximate circulation
of over 23 lakhs i.e. more than 25% of the total circulation
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is arbitrary and treats them equally with others who, are
unequal irrespective of the needs and requirements of the
big dailies and thus violates Article 14 of the
Constitution.
The impeached policy violates Article 14 because it treats
newspapers which are not equal equally in assessing the
needs and requirements of newsprint. The Government case is
that out of
792
35 newspapers which were operating on a quota calculated on
a higher page level than 10 pages 28 newspapers will benefit
by the impeached policy of 1972-73. But 7 newspapers out of
22 which were operating above 10 page level are placed at a
disadvantage by the fixation of 10 page limit and
entitlement to quota on that basis. There is no
intelligible differentia. Nor has this distinction any
relation to equitable distribution of newsprint. The
impeached policy also offends Article 19 (1) (a) of the
Constitution. Newspapers like 19 language dailies reduced
their pages in order to increase circulation though such
language dailies had prior to 1972-73 been given quota to
increase pages. Under the impeached policy these language
dailies are given additional quota to increase their pages
against to 10.
The basic entitlement in Remark V to quota for newspapers
operating above 10 page level violates Article 19(1)(a)
because the quota is hedged in by direction not to increase
the page number above 10. The reduction of page limit to 10
for the aforesaid reasons violates Article 19 (1) (a) and
Article 14 of the Constitution.
The other features in the newsprint policy complained of are
those in Remark VII (c) read with Remark VIII of the
impeached policy. Remark VII (c) allows 20 per cent
increase to daily newspapers in the number of pages within
the ceiling of 10 over the average number of pages on which
the basic entitlement is fixed under Remark V. In other
words, dailies with less than 10 pages are prevented from
adjusting the quota for 20 per cent increase for increase in
circulation. The Bennett Coleman group says that their Nav
Bharat Times, Maharashtra Times and Economic Times would
prefer to increase their circulation. Under Remark V they
are entitled to quota on the basis of consumption in 1970-71
or 1971-72 whichever is less. This feature also indicates
that the newsprint policy is not based on circulation.
Under Remark VII (c) these newspapers within the ceiling of
10 can get 20 per cent increase in the number of pages.
They require circulation more than the number of pages.
They are denied circulation as a result of this policy._ The
big English dailies which need to increase their pages are
not permitted to do so. Other dailies which do not need
increase in pages are permitted quota for increase but they
are denied the right of circulation. In, our view, these
features were rightly said by counsel for the petitioners to
be not newsprint control but newspaper control in the guise
of equitable distribution of newsprint. The object of the
impeached policy is on the one hand said to increase
circulation and on the other to provide for growth in pages
for others. Freedom of speech and expression is not only in
the volume of circulation but also in the volume of news and
views.
793
Remark VIII in the Newsprint Policy of 1972-73 imposes two
types of restrictions. First a daily is not permitted to
increase its number of pages by reducing circulation to meet
its individual requirements. Secondly, dailies belonging to
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a common ownership unit are not permitted interchangeability
between them of the quota allotted to each even when the
publications are different editions of the same daily
published from different places.
The first prohibition in Remark VIII against increase in
pages, by reducing circulation has been introduced for the
first time in the policy for 1972-73. The reason given by
the Government for this feature is that newspapers would
obtain a quota on the basis, of a certain stated circulation
and they should not be allowed to, reduce circulation. The
petitioners say that quota is not granted on the basis of
actual circulation but is granted on the basis of notional
circulation which means the actual circulation of 1961-62
with permissible increases year after year even though the
actual circulation does not correspond to the permissible
circulation on which the quota was based year after year.
The Times of India Bombay in 1971-72 demanded quota on the
basis of 20 pages and a circulation of 1,70,000. ’the Times
of India was, allowed quota on the basis of 13.13 pages and
a circulation of 2,02,817. The actual performance was
average page number of 18.25 and circulation of 1,54,904.
In the past, adjustability between pages and circulation was
permitted. In our judgment, the petitioners correctly say
that the individual requirements of the different dailies
render it eminently desirable in some cases to increase the
number of pages than circulation. Such adjustment is
necessary to maintain the quality and the range of the
readers in question. The denial of this flexibility or
adjustment is in our view rightly said to hamper the
quality, range and standard of the dailies and to affect the
freedom of the press.
The restriction on the petitioners that they can use their
quota, to increase circulation but not the page number
violates Articles 19 (1) (a) as also Article 14. Big
dailies are treated to be equal with newspapers who are not
equal to them. Again, the policy of 1972-73 permits dailies
with large circulation to increase their circulation.
Dailies operating below 10 page level are allowed increase
in pages. This page increase quota cannot be used for-
circulation increase. Previously, the big dailies were
allowed quota for circulation growth. The present policy
has decreased the quantity for circulation growth. In our
view counsel for the petitioners rightly said that the
Government could not determine thus which newspapers should
grow in page and circulation and which newspapers should
grow only in circulation and not in pages. Freedom of press
entitles newspapers to achieve any volume of circulation.
Though requirements of newspapers as to page, circulation
are both taken into consideration for fixing their quota
794
but the newspapers should be thereafter left free to adjust
their page number and circulation as they wish in accordance
with the dictates of Article 19 (1)(a) of the Constitution.
Counsel for the petitioners contended that the second
prohibition in Remark VIII in the Newsprint Policy prevented
common ownership units from adjusting between them the
newsprint quota allotted to each of them. The prohibition
is to use the newsprint quota of one newspaper belonging to
a common ownership unit for another newspaper belonging to
that unit. On behalf of the petitioners it was said that
from 1963-64 till 1966-67 inter,changeability was permitted
between different editions of the same publication to the
extent of 20 per cent. In 1967-68 and 1968-69 complete
interchangeability between different editions of the same
newspaper and between different newspapers and periodicals
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was permitted. In 1969-70 and 1970-71 the total entitlement
was give" as an aggregate quota, though there was a separate
calculation made for each newspaper. The present policy
does not permit interchangeability. Interchangeability by
using the quota for a new newspaper or a new edition or for
another newspaper of the same unit will put common ownership
unit in an advantageous position. Newsprint is allotted to
each news; paper. The newspaper is considered to be the
recipient. A single newspaper will suffer if common
ownership units are allowed to adjust quota within their
group.
The petitioners impeach Remark X in the Newsprint Policy for
1971-72 on the ground that a common ownership unit cannot
bring out a new newspaper or start a new edition of an
existing newspaper even from their allotted quota. Counsel
on behalf of the petitioners rightly characterized this
feature as irrational and irrelevant to the availability of
newsprint. By way of illustration it was said that the
Economic Times is sent by air to Calcutta and Delhi but the
common ownership unit is not permitted to reduce the number
of copies printed at Bombay and print copies out of the
authorised quota for circulation at Calcutta and Delhi.
Similarly, it was said that there was no reason to support
the policy in Remark X preventing a common ownership unit
from publishing a new daily though a person who brought out
one daily was allowed to start a second daily. This was
challenged as discriminatory. It is an abridgment of the
freedom of expression to prevent a common ownership unit
from starting a new edition or a new newspaper. A common
ownership unit should be free to start a new edition out of
their allotted quota and it would be logical to say that
such a unit can use its allotted quota for changing the page
structure and circulation of different editions of the same
paper. It is made clear that newspapers cannot be permitted
to use allotted quota for starting a new newspaper.
Newspapers will
795
have to make necessary application for allotment of quota in
that behalf. It will be open to the appropriate authorities
to deal with, the application in accordance with law.
Until 1968-69 big dailies were treated alike but thereafter
from 1970-71 onwards dailies with circulation of more than
1,00,000 copies have been put in a different category and
given a lesser increase than those with a circulation of
50,000 to 1,00,000 copies though both are big dailies. The
policy of the Government is to level all papers at 10 pages.
It tends to treat unequals. as equals. It discriminates
against those who by virtue of their standing status and
service on all India basis acquired a higher page level in
the past. The discrimination is apparent from Remark VII in
the newsprint Policy for 1972-73 by which newspapers with
less than 1,00,000 circulation have been given 10% increase
in circulation whereas those with more than 1,00,000
circulation have been given only 3% increase in circulation.
Mr. Palkhivala said the policy worked admirably in the past
because adjustability between pages and circulation was
permitted. In our view the Newsprint Control has now been
subverted to newspaper control. The growth of circulation
does not mean that there should not be growth in pages. A
newspaper "expands with the news and views. A newspaper
reaches different sections. It has to be left to the
newspapers as to how they will adjust their newsprint. At
one stage the Additional Solicitor General said that if a
certain quantity of steel was allotted the Government could
insist as to how it was going to be used. It was said that
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the output could be controlled. In our view, newsprint does
not stand on the same footing as steel. It has been said
that freedom of the press is indispensable to proper working
of popular Government. Patna jali Sastri, J. speaking for
this Court in Ramesh Thappar’s case (supra) said that "Thus,
every narrow and stringent limits have been set to
permissible legislative abridgment of the right of free
speech and expression, and this was doubtless due to the
realisation that freedom of speech and of the press lay at
the foundation of all democratic Organization, for without
free political discussion no public education, so essential
for the proper functioning of the processes of popular
Government, is possible". It is appropriate to refer to
what William Blackstone said in his commentaries :
"Every free man has a undoubted right to lay
what sentiments he pleases before the public;
to forbid this is to destroy the freedom of
the press-, but if he publishes what is
improper, mischievous or illegal, he must take
the consequence of his own temerity."
796
The faith of a citizen is that political wisdom and virtue
will sustain themselves in the free market of ideas so long
as the channels of communication are left open. The faith
in the popular Government rests on the old dictum "let the
people have the truth and the freedom to discuss it and all
will go well". The liberty of the press remains an "Art" of
the Covenant" in every democracy. Steel will yield products
of steel. Newsprint will manifest whatever is thought of by
man. The newspapers give ideas. The newspapers give the
people the freedom to find out what ideas are correct.
Therefore, the freedom of the press is to be enriched by
removing the restrictions on page limit and allowing them to
have new editions or new papers. It need not be stressed
that if the quantity of newsprint available does not permit
grant of additional quota for new papers that is a different
matter. The restrictions are to be removed. Newspapers
have to be left free, to determine their pages, their
circulation and their new editions within their quota of
what has been fixed fairly.
Clauses 3 and 3A of the 1962 Newsprint Order prevent the
petitioners from using white paper and writing paper. The
additional Solicitor General at one stage said that it was
open to any newspaper to an unrestricted use of any form of
paper so long as newspapers do not apply for newsprint.
This argument exposes grave errors. In the first place, it
shows that there is no shortage’ of white printing paper.
Secondly, it will show that there is no justification for
rationing of newsprint. The cost of indigenous white paper
is double the cost of the imported newsprint. This high
price of white printing paper is a deterrent to any
newspaper to use it. The periodicals are permitted the
use of white printing paper. That is because of Public
Notice No. 4-ITC(PN)/63 dated 1 1 January, 1963. That may
be one of the reasons why periodicals have not complained of
the Policy. The periodicals can supplement their newsprint
quota. Further, the clientele of the periodicals is
different. The Prices of periodicals are also different.
In any event, it cannot be said that the newspapers can buy
white printing paper to meet their requirements. Nor can
such plea be an answer to the violation of fundamental
rights in Article 19 (1) (a) or infraction of Article 14 by
the provisions of the impeached Newsprint Policy.
In the present case, it cannot be said that the newsprint
policy is a reasonable restriction within the ambit of
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Article 19(2). The newsprint policy abridges the
fundamental rightS of the petitioners in regard to freedom
of speech and expression. The newspapers are not allowed
their right of circulation- The newspapers are not allowed
right of page growth. The common ownership units of
newspapers cannot bring out newspapers or new editions. The
newspapers operating above 10 page level and newspapers
Operating below 10 page level have been treated equally for
assessing
797
the needs and requirements of newspapers with newspapers
which are not their equal, Once the quota is fixed and
direction to use the quota in accordance with the newsprint
policy is made applicable the big newspapers are prevented
any increase in page number. Both page numbers and
circulation are relevant for calculating the basic quota and
allowance for increases. In the garb of distribution of
newsprint the Government has tended to control the growth
and circulation of newspapers. Freedom of the press is both
qualitative and quantitative. Freedom lies both in
circulation and in content. The newsprint policy which
permits newspapers to increase circulation by reducing the
number of pages, page area and periodicity, prohibits them
to increase the number of pages, page area and periodicity
by reducing circulation. These restrictions constrict the
newspapers in adjusting their page number and circulation.
The Additional Solicitor General relied on the American
decision in Red Lion Broadcasting Co. v. Federal Communica-
tions Com. (supra) in support of the contention that there
should be an uninhibited marketplace of idea in which truth
will ultimately prevail and there should not be
monopolization of that market whether it be by the
government itself or by a private licensee- The press is not
exposed to any mischief of monopolistic combination. The
newsprint policy is not a measure to combat monopolies. The
newsprint policy should allow the newspapers that amount of
freedom of discussion and information which is needed or
will appropriately enable the Members of the society to
preserve their political expression of comment not only upon
public affairs but also upon the vast range of views and
matters needed for free society.
This Court in Sakai Papers case (supra) dealt with measures
empowering the government to regulate allocation of space to
be allotted for advertising matter. This Court held that
the measure had the direct effect of curtailing the
circulation of the newspaper and thus to be violation of
Article 19 (1) (a). It was said on behalf of the Government
that regulation of space for advertisement was to prevent
unfair competition. This Court held that the State could
help or protect newly started newspapers but there could not
be an abridgment of the right in Article 19(1)(a) on the
ground of conferring right on the public in general or upon
a section of the public.
The Additional Solicitor General contended that the business
aspect of the press had no special immunity and the
incidental curtailment in the circulation could not be
freedom of speech and expression of the press. This Court
in Sakai Papers case (supra) dealt with the measures for the
fixation of price in relation to pages and the regulation of
allotment of space for adver-
798
tisement by each paper. These measures were said to be com-
mercial activities of newspapers. This Court said that
restrictions could be put upon the freedom to carry on
business but the fundamental right of speech and expression
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could not be abridged or taken away. There could be
reasonable restrictions on that right only as contemplated
under Article 19(2).
Mr. Nambiar contended that the Newsprint Policy did not fall
within clause 5(1) of the Import Control Order 1955 and it
was not validly made by the Central Government. The records
with regard to the making and publication of the newsprint
policy for 1972-73 were looked into by this Court. It
appears that the policy was published under the authority of
the Cabinet decision. The policy was therefore validly
brought into existence. The various restrictions of the
newsprint policy have been examined earlier. The various
restrictions imposed by the newsprint policy are found to be
unconstitutional.
Clause 3 of the Newsprint Control Order 1962 was contended
to confer unfettered and unregulated power on an executive
officer. Clause (3A) of the Order of 1962 was also said to
confer naked and arbitrary power. The disability imposed on
newspapers from using printing and writing paper was said to
be discriminatory. The Additional Solicitor General
contended that it is open to an unrestricted use of any form
of paper so long as newspapers do not apply for newsprint.
This would establish that there is no shortage of white
printing paper. The error in the Government contention is
thereby exposed. The periodicals were permitted in terms of
public Notice 4-ITC(PN)/63 dated 11 January 1963
unrestricted use of white printing paper to supplement their
quota of newsprint. That again shows that the Government
contention is wrong because there is restriction with regard
to use of white printing paper. The cost of white printing
paper is high. It is said that the cost is Rs. 2,750 per
metric tonne for white printing paper compared to Rs. 1,274
of imported newsprint and Rs. 1,362 of Nepa newsprint.
Clause 3 (3A) of the Order provides that no consumer of
newsprint other than a publisher of text books or books of
general interest shall use any kind of paper other than
newsprint except with the permission in writing of the
Controller. White printing paper like newsprint can be
rationed. The distribution is to be fair and equitable. It
is necessary also to point out that text books and books of
general interest require facilities for using white printing
paper. Such measures with regard to rationing are
defensible. It is true that no guidelines are to be found
in clause 3 (3 Al) as to the circumstances under which a
particular consumer of newsprint or class of consumers of
newsprint other than a publisher of text books or books of
general interest should or should not be allowed to use
white printing paper. The Public Notice allowing
periodicals
799
permission to use white printing paper is not challenged.
Periodicals were not before this Court. It is therefore not
necessary to express any opinion on clause 3 (3) and clause
3 (3A) of the Control Order.
For the foregoing reasons the newsprint policy for 1972-73
violates Articles 19 (1) (a) and 14 of the Constitution.
The restrictions by fixing 10 page limit in Remarks V and
VIII of the policy infringe Articles 19 (1)(a) and 14 of the
Constitution and are therefore, declared unconstitutional
and struck down. The policy of basic entitlement to quota
in Remark V is violative of Articles 19(1)(a) and 14 of the
Constitution and is therefore struck down. The measure in
Remark VII(a) is violative of Articles 14 and 19 (1) (a) of
the Constitution and is struck down.
The measures in Remark VII(C) read with Remark VIII are
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violative of Articles 19(1)(a) and 14 of the Constitution
and are struck down. The prohibition in Remark X against
common ownership unit from starting a new
newspaper/periodical or a new edition is declared
unconstitutional and struck down as violative of Article
19(1)(a) of the Constitution.
For these reasons the petitioners succeed. The import
policy for newsprint for the year 1972-73 in regard to
Remarks V, VII(a), VII(c), VIII and X as indicated above is
struck down. The parties will pay and bear their own costs.
MATHEW, J. These four writ petitions concern the validity of
sub-clauses (3) and (3A) of Cl. 3 of the Newsprint Control
Order, 1962, passed by the Government of India under S. 3 of
the Essential Commodities Act, 1955, and the provisions of
the Newsprint Import Control Policy for 1972-73 hereinafter
called the Newsprint Policy". The petitioners challenge the
validity of sub-clause (3) and (3A) of Cl. 3 of the-
Newsprint Control Order and the provisions of the Newsprint
Policy on the ground that they are violative of their
fundamental right under Arts. 14 and 19 (1)(a) of ’the
Constitution. Newsprint, which is a variety of printing
paper, is the principal raw material required for newspapers
and periodicals. Until 1957, the newsprint required in the
country was being imported. In or about the year 1957, a
mill called the National New-Sprint and Paper Mills Ltd. was
started. This mill is the only source of supply of
indigenous newsprint. The newsprint produced in this mill
is quite inadequate to meet the needs of the country.
The production, supply and distribution of newsprint has
been controlled ever since 1939. Art. 369 of the
Constitution vests the control of production, supply and
distribution of newsprint within the exclusive jurisdiction
of Parliament for a period of five years
-L499Sup. CI/73
800
from the commencement of the Constitution. Newsprint is an
essential commodity’ under the Essential Commodities Act,
1955 (see s. 2(a)(vii) of the Act).
The bulk of newsprint has to be imported from foreign coun-
tries and the Central Government has a restricted system of
import from the year 1943. The Central Government
promulgated the Import (Control) Order, 1955, in the
exercise, of the powers conferred by sections 3 and 4A of
the Imports and Exports (Control) Act, 1947, and cl. 3(1)
thereof reads as follows :
"3. Restrictions of Import on certain goods-
(1) Save as otherwise provided in this Order,
no person shall import any goods of the
description specified in Schedule 1, except
under, and in accordance with, a licence or a
customs clearance permit granted by the entral
Government or by any officer specified in
Schedule II".
White printing paper (excluding laid marked paper which con-
tains mechanical wood pulp amounting to not less than 70 per
cent of the fibre content) is included as item 44 in Part V
of Schedule I to that Order.
Licence was granted to publishers of newspapers till 1962
for import of newsprint in accordance with the Import Trade
Control policy promulgated from time to time,:
On January 17, 1962, in the exercise of the powers under cl.
3 of the Essential Commodities Act, 1955, the Central
Government promulgated the newsprint Control Order, 1962.
Clause 3 and Schedule I of the Order are as follows
"3. Restrictions on acquisition, sale and consumption of
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newsprint :-
(1) No person other than an importer shall
acquire newsprint except under and in
accordance with the terms and conditions of an
authorisation issued by the Controller under
this Order.
(2) No dealer in newsprint shall sell to any
person newsprint of any description or in any
quantity unless the sale to that person of
newsprint of that description or in that
quantity is authorised by the Controller.
(3) No consumer of newsprint shall, in any
licensing period, consume or use newsprint in
excess of the quantity authorised by the
Controller from time to time.
all dailies with a circulation of 41.60
which represent aUf
KHANNA AND Y. V. CHANDRACHUD, JJ.]
801
SCHEDULE-1
1. White printing paper (excluding laid
marked paper) with fibre Content of not less
than 70 per cent mechanical wood pulp.
2. Glazed newsprint.
3.lndigenous newsprint manufactured by NEPA
mills."
On December 29, 1962, the Central Government amended the
said Order by promulgating a new sub-clause in cl. 3, viz.,
cl. (3A) which runs as follows :-
"(3A)-No consumer of newsprint, other than an
publisher of text books or books of general
interest, shall use any kind of paper other
than newsprint except with the permission, in
waiting, of the Controller."
The policy with regard to the import and utilization of
newsprint is enumerated from time to time in the Import
Trade Control Policy (Red Books). The Registrar of
Newspapers, determines the newsprint and printing and
writing paper entitlement of publishers of each of the
newspapers in accordance with the aforesaid policy and the
Chief Controller of Imports and Exports issues licences for
import of newsprint in accordance with the determination by
the Registrar.
The imported newsprint together with that produced in the
country has to be rationed among the various newspapers in
the Country.
In the year 1972-73, on account of suspension of U.S. aid,
there was a reduction of 11,000 tonnes in the import of
newsprint. Therefore, the newsprint available for
distribution was less than what it was in 1971-72.
The provisions of the Newsprint Policy which are challenged
in these petitions might be summarised as follows
1. Fixation of basic entitlement for
newspapers whose actual number of pages was
more than 10 during 1970-71 or 1971-72 on the
basis of (i) an average of 10 pages, and (ii)
either the average circulation in 1970-71 or
admissible circulation in 1971-72 plus in-
creases admissible under the Policy of 1971-72
whichever is more (Remark V).
2. (i) Reduction in increases from 5 per
cent to 3 percent for dailies with circulation
of more than 1 lakh (Remark VII); and giving
of 20 per cent increase to daily newspapers in
the number of
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802
pages‘ within the ceiling of 10 pages provided
this increase is not utilised for the increase
of circulation (Remarks VII(C) and VIII).
(ii) Prohibition to increase the number of
pages, page area and periodicity by reducing
circulation within the authorised quota but
they are permitted to reduce the number of
pages, page area and periodicity for
increasing circulation (Remark VIII).
3. (i) Prohibition to use the newsprint
quota of one newspaper/periodical for the
other newspaper/ periodical in the case of
newspapers/periodicals belonging to a Common
Ownership Unit (Remark VIII); and
(ii) Prohibition to start a new
newspaper/periodical by the Common Ownership
Unit (Remark VIII); and
4. Denial of newsprint quota to
(i) an existing newspaper belonging to a
Common Ownership Unit which has not been
granted newsprint quota; and
(ii) additional newspapers sponsored or
acquired by a common Ownership Unit (Remark-
X).
5. Prohibition to use white printing paper
by the newspapers which have been allotted
newsprint (Cl. 3(3A) of the Newsprint Control
Order).
That there can be no unlimited right to acquire or use a
scarce commodity like newsprint can admit of no doubt. The
argument of the petitioners that Government should have
accorded greater priority to the import of newsprint to
supply the need of all newspaper proprietors to the maximum
extent is a matter relating to the policy of import and this
Court cannot be propelled into the unchartered ocean of
Governmental policy.
Let me first take the general question whether the
provisions of the Newsprint Policy and the Newsprint Control
Order abridge the freedom of speech.
The freedom of the press is no higher than the, freedom of
speech of a citizen under Art. 19(1)(a). Art. 19 does not
specifically provide for the freedom of the press as the
First Amendment of the Constitution of the U.S.A. does. The
freedom of the press is simply an emanation from the concept
of fundamental right of the freedom of speech of every
citizen (see Pandit M. S. M. Sharma v. Shri Sri Krishna
Sinha and Others(1).
(1) [1959] Supp. 1 S.C.R. 806.
803
The respondents contended that the Newsprint Control Order
and the Newsprint Policy are concerned with regulating the
distribution of newsprint as a scarce commodity, and, if, in
regulating the distribution of the commodity, the
fundamental right of the freedom of speech is indirectly
affected, that is not an abridgment of the freedom of
speech, but only an abridgment of speech which is not
prohibited by Art. 13(2). In other words, the contention is
that the provisions of the Newsprint Control Order as well
as those of the Newsprint Policy relate to the regulation
and distribution of newsprint as a commodity necessitated
by its scarcity and that these provisions are concerned, if
at all, with the business activity of the press and have
nothing to do with the freedom of speech,- and, even if
there is an indirect impingment upon the freedom of speech,
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it is not an abridgment of that freedom as contemplated by
Art. 13(2).
Art. 13(2) provides that the State shall not make any law
which takes away or abridges the rights conferred by Part
III and any law made in contravention of this clause shall,
to the extent of the contravention, be void. In the
context, what is prohibited by Art. 13(2) is, the making of
any law which takes away or abridges the right conferred by
Art. 19(1)(a). What Dr. Meiklejohn said of the First
Amendment of the Constitution of U.S.A. applies equally to
Art. 19(1)(a) read with Art. 13(2). He said:
"That amendment, then, we may take it for
granted, does not forbid ’the abridging of
speech. But, at the same time, it does forbid
the abridging of the freedom of speech."
(See Political Freedom, p. 21)
Art, 19(1)(a) guarantees to the citizens, the fundamental
right of the freedom of speech and Art. 19(2) enumerates the
type of restrictions which might be imposed by law. It does
not follow from this that freedom of expression is not
subject to regulations which may not amount to abridgment.
It is a total misconception to say that speech cannot be
regulated or that every regulation of speech would be an
abridgment of the freedom of speech. In other words,
regulation of speech is not inconsistent with the concept of
the freedom, of speech unless the regulation amounts to
abridgment of that freedom. No freedom, however absolute,
can be free from regulation. Though the right under Art.
30(1) is in terms absolute, this Court said In Re the Kerala
Education Bill, 1957(1), that the right is subject to
reasonable regulation. The Privy Council said in
Commonwealth of Australia v. Bank of New South Wales(2) that
regulation of trade and commerce is compatible with the
absolute freedom of trade and commerce. In fact, the very
essence of freedom in an ordered society is regu-
(1) [1959] S.C.R. 995.
(2) [1950] A.C. 235, 310.
804
lation. The application of the term ’-abridge’ is not
difficult in many cases but the problem arises in certain
types of situations. The important ones are where a
regulation is not a direct restriction of expression but is
designed to accomplish another objective and the impact upon
the expression is secondary or indirect. This problem may
appropriately be formalized in terms of defining the key
elements, namely, "freedom of speech "abridge" and "law".
These definitions must be functional in character, derived
from the basic considerations underlying a system of freedom
of expression (See Thomas I- Emerson, Toward a General
Theory of First Amendment(1). As I said, measures which are
directed at other forms of activity but which have a
secondary, indirect or incidental effect upon expression do
not generally abridge the freedom of speech unless the
content of, the speech itself is regu lated. Such measures
include various types of tax and economic regulations, the
imposition of political qualification for obtaining
Government employment or any other benefits or privileges,
the activities of legislative committees and the political
restrictions on rights of aliens. By hypothesis, the
regulation imposed is, taken by itself, a legitimate, one,
aimed directly at the control of some other activity. The
question is its secondary impact upon an admitted area, of
expression. This is essentially a problem of determining
when the regulation at issue has an effect upon expression
which constitutes an abridgment within the meaning of Art.
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13(2). In other words, the Court must undertake to define
and give content to the word "abridge" in Art. 13(2). This
judgment, like the judgment in defining "free speech" must
be made in the light of the affirmative theory underlying
freedom of expression to which I shall come in a moment, and
the various conditions essential to maintaining a workable
system. In fact, regular tax measures, economic
regulations, social welfare legislation like a general
corporation tax, wage and hour legislation, factory laws and
similar measures may, of course, have some effect upon
freedom of expression when applied to persons or orga-
nisations engaged in various forms of communication., But
where the burden is the same as that borne by others engaged
in different forms of activity, the similar impact on
expression seems clearly insufficient to constitute an
abridgment of freedom of expression. The use of such
measures to control the content of expression would be
clearly impermissible as that would be an abridgment of the’
freedom of speech. (see Thomas I. Emerson, Toward a General
Theory of First Amendment(1). So also a special tax on
press alone, or, a tax exemption available only to those
with particular political views or associations would not be
permitted (see Alice Lee Gorsjean v. American Press Company
(2 ) and Robert Murdock v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania(3).
"In other words, though the speech itself be under the First
Amendment,
(1) Yale Law Journal, Vol. 72, 962-63, 877.
(2) 297 U.S. 233.
(3) 319 U.S. 105.
805
the manner of its exercise or its, collateral aspects may
fall beyond the scope of the amendment"(1). This principles
illustrated by the case of Naresh Shridhar Mirajkar and
Others v. The State of Maharashtra and Another(2) where the
Bombay High Court, by an order, prohibited the publication
of the evidence of a witness and the question was, whether
the order abridged the fundamental right of the freedom of
speech of the petitioner in the case. This Court held by a
majority that it did not. Gajendragadkar, C. J. said:
"As we have already indicated, the impunged
order was directly concerned with giving such
protection to the witness as was thought to be
necessary in order to obtain true evidence in
the case with a view to do justice between the
parties. If, incidentally, as a result of
this order, the petitioners were not able to
report what they heard in Court, that cannot
be said to make the impugned order invalid
under Article 19(1)(a) .... Any incidental
consequence which may flow from the order will
not introduce any constitutional infirmity in
it".
It was said that this dictum of the learned Chief Justice
was made under the radiating influence of A. K. Gopalan v.
State of Madras(3) and that the decision has been
practically overruled by Bank Nationalization Case (4). 1 do
not wish to enter the controvercial thicket as to the extent
to which the principle laid down in Gopalan’s case(3) has
been eroded by the Bank Nationalisation case (4). I need
only say that in the area of free speech, the principle I
have stated is well established. The principle was applied
by this Court in Express Newspapers Private Ltd. and Another
v. The Union of India and others(5). There the question
was whether the provisions of the Working Journalists
(Conditions of Service) and Miscellaneous Provisions Act,
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1955, violated the fundamental night of the ’petitioner
under Art. 19(1)(a). The argument was that the decision of
the Wage Board in fixing the rates and scales of wages
without any consideration whatsoever as to the capacity of
the newspaper industry to pay the same, imposed too heavy a
financial burden on the industry and, had disabled it from
exercising its fundamental right of the freedom. of, speech.
But the Court said:
"The impugned Act,, judged by its provisions,
was not such, a law but was a beneficient
legislation intended to regulate the
conditions of service of the working
journalists and the consequences aforesaid
could not be the
(1) William J. Brennan, Jr., "The Supreme
Court and the Meiklejohn Interpretation of the
First Amendment," Harvard Law.Review, Vol. 79,
No.1 p.1
(2) (1966) 3 S.C.R.744,762.
(3) (1960) S.C.R. 88.
(4) (1970) 3 S.C.R. 532.
(5) (1959) S.C.R. 12.
806
direct and inevitable result of it. Although,
there could be no doubt that it directly
affected the press and fell outside the
categories of protection mentioned in Art.
19(2), it had not the effect of taking away or
abridging the freedom of speech and expression
of the petitioner and did not, therefore,
infringe Art. 19(1)(a) of the Constitution."
The same principle finds expression in the decision in U. S.
v. O’ Brien(1) where the U.S. Supreme Court said that even
assuming that the alleged communicative element in the
burning of the Selective Service Certificate is sufficient
to bring into play the freedom of speech, it combines both
’speech’ and ’non-speech’ ’elements, and when speech and
non-speech elements are combined in the same course of
conduct, a sufficiently important governmental interest in
regulating the non-speech element can justify incidental
limitations on the freedom of speech. The Court further
obseved that a government regulation is sufficiently justi-
fied if it is within the constitutional power of the
Government; if it furthers an important or substantial
governmental interest; if the governmental interest is
unrelated to the suppression of free expression and the
freedom of speech is no greater than is essential to the
furtherance of that interest.
In Sakal Papers (P) Ltd. and others v. Union of India(2)
this Court was concerned with the validity of the Newspaper
(Price and Page) Act, 1956, and Daily Newspaper (Price and
Page) Order, 1960. The whole subject matter fell directly
under Art.’ 19(1)(a). It was not a case where the
impingement on the freedom of speech was indirect. The
legislation in that case directly restricted circulation of
newspapers. The direct effect of the legislation, in other
words, was to abridge the freedom of speech by curtailing
circulation. The learned judges, after referring to the
Express Newspaper case(3) said that the impugned law, far
from being one which merely interfered with the right of
freedom of speech incidentally, did so directly.
Mr. Palkhiwala, appearing for the petitioners in Writ
Petition No. 334 of 1971, submitted that the true test to
decide Whether the freedom of speech of the petitioners has,
been abridged is to see what is the direct effect of the
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Newsprint Control Order and the Newsprint Policy. He
submitted that it is neither their pith and substance nor
their subject matter that should be taken into consideration
for deciding the question whether they operate to abridge
the freedom of speech. but their direct effect. The
question to be asked and answered, according to counsel is,
what is the direct effect of the Newsprint Control Order and
the Newsprint Policy ?
(1) 391 U.S. 367. (2) [1962] 3 S.C.R. 842, 866.
(3) [1959] S.C.R. 12.
807
If, on account of scarcity of newsprint, it is not
possible,, on an equitable distribution, to allot to the
petitioners, newsprint to the extent necessary to maintain
the present circulation of the newspapers owned by them with
same page level and, as a result, the circulation of the
newspapers or their page level has to be reduced, could it
be contended that there has been abridgment of the freedom
of speech ? Surely, the reduction in page level or
circulation is the direct result of the diminished supply of
newsprint. Yet, I do not think that anybody Will say that
there is an abridgement of the freedom of speech of the
petitioners. There might be an abridgement of speech, but
not an abridgment of the, freedom of speech.
The pith and substance test, although not strictly
appropriate, might serve a useful purpose in the process of
deciding whether the provisions in question which work some
interference with the freedom of speech are essentially
regulatory in character (see the observation of Lord Porter
in Commonwealth of Australia v.Bank of New South Wales(.’)).
With this background, let me proceed to consider more speci-
fically the arguments of the petitioners.
It was contended for the petitioners that the newsprint
policy which fixes a 10-page ceiling for calculation of
newsprint quota for their dailies which had a page level
above ten directly abridges their fundamental right of free
speech and that the provision of the Newsprint Policy_ which
provides for 20 per cent increase in the number of pages to
daily newspapers within the ceiling of 10 pages off-.ends
Art. 14.
Before 1972-73, the newsprint, allocation policy was based
on the page level of 1957 coupled with the circulation
figures of 1961-62, and all entitlements were calculated,
with allowable increases and adjustments, from year to year
on that basis. As a result, the newspapers which entered
the field after 1962-63 were at a disadvantage and were
pegged to their own lower page and circulation level. There
were many papers specially in the Indian Languages group
where the actual circulation even during 1970-71 exceeded
the notional circulation figure which was arrived at
cumulatively based on the 1961-62 figures. The result of
the previous policies was that some news papers which had
already a very large circulation at the time of introduction
of newsprint rationing and were not interested in in-
creasing circulation substantially were able to use the
newsprint allotted to them so as to increase the number of
pages. On the other hand, the newspapers which were at a
lower level of circulation but had the potential to increase
the readership were restricted to the ad hoc percentage
(1) [1950] A.C. 235, 312-3.
808
increase allowed under those policies but were unable, at
the same time to increase the number of their pages as they
could not afford to cut down the existing circulation. The
growth of such newspapers was, therefore, affected by the
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prior newsprint allocation policies. The Newsprint Policy
in question seeks to remedy this situation. It recognises
the circulation of all newspapers big and small as of 1970-
71 and provides for a small growth rate. 1970-71 is taken as
the base year because, with the events in Bangla Desh, Indo-
Pak hostilities and the State elections, the circulation
figures for 1971-72 would not represent the circulation
figures of a normal year.
The fixation of 10-page ceiling for the calculation of
newsprint quota has, among the big newspapers, affected 22
newspapers which , prior to the policy for 1972-73, were
actually operating on a page-level above 10.
The Union of India justifies the reduction in the page level
of these papers to 10 on three principal grounds : (1) that
these papers devote proportionately high percentage of space
for advertisements at high rates and that the cut in pages
’imposed would not be felt by them if they rationalise their
working and adjust their advertisement space; (2) that the
imposition of cut in the pages was necessary on account of
the short supply of 11,000 tonnes of newsprint due to
suspension of U.S. Aid and (3) that the cut was necessary
to have fair and equitable distribution of newsprint amongst
all newspapers and periodicals.
The objectives sought to be achieved. by. the Newsprint
Policy are : (1) to correct the inequity of the previous
newsprint allocation policies as a result of which the
newspapers which had high page level in 1957 got unfair
advantage over the newspapers which were started thereafter
and (2) to help the newspapers operating below 10 pages to
achieve, a 10 page level by 20 per cent increase in growth
rate so as to enable them to attain a position of equality
with those which were operating above 10-page level in 1970-
71.
It may be recalled that the Newsprint Policy provides for
fixation of basic entitlement for newspapers whose actual
number of pages was more than 10 during 1970-71 and 1971-72
on the basis of (1) an average of 10 pages, and (2) either
the average circulation in 1970 or admissible circulation in
1971-72, plus, increase admissible under the policy of 1971-
72. whichever is greater. Fixation of page level for
calculating the entitlement of quota for a newspaper is not
a new feature.. The previous policies provided inter alia
that, a location would be calculated on the basis of a page
level upto 12 pages and restricted to an increase of not
more than 2 pages at a time. Therefore, even under the
prior policies, the newsprint allocation was calculated on
the basis of a maximum
809
page level which was 12 pages as mentioned above, except in
the case of six newspapers whose page level in 1957 was more
than 12 pages.
Dailies are classified as ’big’, ’medium’ and ’small’. A
newspaper With a circulation of over 50,000 is ’big’, that
with a circulation ranging from 15,000 to 50,000 is ’medium’
and that with a circulation below 15,000 is ’small’. The
average page number of big dailies was 10.3. Out of the 45
big dailies, 23 operated on a page level of less than 10
pages and 22 operated on a page level of more than 10. The
average page level of all the dailies was 5.8. Out of the 45
big dailies, 30 are language, and 15 English. All the 15
big dailies in English operated on an average page level
over 10 and their average page level was 13.45. Even the
medium English dailies operated on a page level over 10 and
the average of their page level was 11. 08.
The Government contended that the effect of the policy of
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allowing page increase and circulation increase from time to
time has been to help the growth of press; that this is how
papers like Anand Bazar Patrika Jugantar and Deccan Herald
(English) have come to the present level of circulation and
that newspaper proprietors in India including the
petitioners have unanimously recommended to the Government
in January, 1969, that a page level of 8 should be the
national minimum requirement for a medium of information and
that it should be permitted to reach as wide a public as
possible.
To examine the question whether Newsprint Policy is directed
against the big dailies and is calculated to strangle them
and whether it would offend their fundamental rights under
Art. 14 and 19 (1) (a), it is necessary to have an idea as
to what are the objects sought to be achieved by the freedom
of speech and how they could be achieved. It is also
necessary to have some notion about the concept of equality
in the distribution of a scare commodity like newsprint.
The freedom of speech is a concept which was transplanted
into our Constitution from the First Amendment to the
Constitution of U.S.A. In Express, Newspapers case(1) this
Court observed
"It is trite to, observe that the fundamental
right to the freedom of speech and expression
enshrined in Art. 19 (1)(a) of our
Constitution is based on these provisions in
Amendment 1 of the Constitution of the United
States of America.....
(1) (1959) S.C.R. 12.
810
As to what the ’freedom of speech’ means there is no
unanimity A among the jurists. Writing in the Federalist
Papers(1), Alexander Hamilton observed :
"On the subject of the liberty of the press,
as much as has been said, 1 cannot forbear
adding a remark or two 1 contend that
whatever has been said about it amounts to
nothing. What signifies a declaration that
"the liberty of the press shall be inviolably
preserved" ? What is the liberty of the Press
? Who can eve it any definition which would
not leave the utmost latitude for evasion ? I
hold it to be impracticable
Professor Chafee said (2 ) :
"The truth is, I think, that the framers had
no very clear idea as to what they meant by
"the freedom of speech or of the press" but we
can say with reasonable assurance .... that
the freedom which Congress was forbidden to
abridge was not, for them.’ some absolute
concept which had never existed on earth."
What Lincoln said on liberty is relevant here:
"The world has never had a good definition of
[it]".
Justice Holmes gave at different times
opposite interpretations of the historic
meaning of the First Amendment. Speaking for
himself and Justice Brandeis, he observed :(3)
"History seems to me against the notion (that)
the First Amendment left the common law of
seditious libel in force."
A few years earlier, he had written for the
Court
"(T)he main purpose of such constitutional
provisions ’to prevent all such previous
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restraints... as had been practices by other
governments,’ and they do not prevent the
subsequent punishment of such as may be deemed
contrary to the public welfare".
In this statement Holmes had the support of Cooley, who
maintained that its Blackstonian outlook "has been followed
by American commentators of standard authority as embodying
correctly the idea incorporated in the constitutional law
of the country by the provisions in the American Bill of
Rights."
The values sought by society in protecting the right to the
freedom of speech would fall into four broad categories.
Free expression is necessary : (1) for individual
fulfilment, (2) for attainment of truth, (3) for
participation by members of the society
(1) The Federalist, No. 84, at p. 514.
(2) Chafee, Book Review, 62, Harvard Law Review, 891, 898.
(3) Abrams v. U.S., 250 U.S. 616, 630.
(4) Patterson v. Colorado, 215 U.S. 454, 462.
811
in political or social decision making and (4)- for
maintaining the balance ’between stability and change in
society. In the traditional theory, freedom of expression
is not only an individual good, but a social good. It is
the best process for advancing knowledge and discovering
truth. The theory contemplates more than a process of
individual judgment. It asserts that the process is also
the best method to reach a general or social judgment. In a
democracy the theory is that all men are entitled to
participate in the process of formulating- common decisions.
(see Thomas I. Emerson, Toward a General Theory of First
Amendment) (supra). The crucial point is not that freedom
of expression is politically useful but that it is
indispensable to the operation of a democratic system. In a
democracy the basic premise is that the people are both the
governors and the governed. In order that governed may form
intelligent and wise judgment it is necessary that they must
be appraised of all the aspects of a question on which a
decision has to be taken so that they might arrive at the
truth. And this is why Justice Holmes said in Abrams v.
United States (supra)
"But when men have realized that time has
upset many fighting faiths, they may come to
believe even more than they believe the very
foundations of their own conduct that the
ultimate good desired is better reached by
free trade in ideas-that the best test of
truth is the power of thought to get itself
accepted in the competition of the market, and
that truth is the only ground upon which
their wishes safely can be carried out. That
at any rate is the theory of our
Constitution."
Judge Learned Hand said that the newspaper industry serves
one of the most vital of all general interests, namely, the
dissemination of news from as many different sources, and
with as many different facets and colours as is possible;
that the freedom of speech presupposes that right
conclusions are more likely to be gathered out of a
multitude of tongues, than through any kind of authoritative
selection (see United States v. Associated Press). (1) The
same sentiment was echoed by Justice Black when he said that
the freedom of speech rests on the assumption that the
widest possible dissemination of information from diverse
and antagonistic sources is essential to the welfare of the
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public (Associated v. United States(2) But this fundamental
presupposition is seriously weakened by concentration of
power. Instead of several views of the facts and several
conflicting opinions, newspaper readers in many cities, or,
still worse, in wide regions, may get only a single set of
facts and a single body of opinion, all emanating from one
or two owners.(3) Our Constitutional law has been singularly
indifferent
(1) 52 Federal Supplement 362, 372. (So Dist. N.Y. (1943).
(2) 326 U.S. Reports 1, 20 (1945).
(3) See Zechariah Chafee, Jr., Government and Mass
Communications, Vol. 1, pp. 24-25.
812
to the reality and implications of non-governmental
obstructions to the spread, of political truth.’ This
indifference becomes critical when a comparatively few
private hands are in a position to determine not only the
content of information but its very availability (see Jerome
A. Barren, "Access to the Press"-A New First Amendment
Right").(1)
With the concentration of mass media in a few hands, the
chance of an idea antagonistic to the idea of the,
proprietors of the big newspapers getting access to the
market has become very remote. It is no use having a right
to express your idea, unless you have ,got a medium for
expressing it. The concept of a free market for ideas
presupposes that every type of ideas will get into the
market and if free access to the market is denied for any
ideas, to that extent, the process of competition becomes
limited and the chance of all the ideas coming to the
market is removed. There can be no doubt that any mass
medium having the greatest circulation will influence the
political life of the country because the ideal for which
the paper stands has got the greatest chance of getting
itself known to the public. It will also affect the
economic pattern of the society. Whether or not the modern
big newspaper is the cultural arm of the industry, it has an
interest in the present method of production and
distribution, as it subsists mainly upon advertisement.
The Mahalanobic Committee on Distribution of Income and
Levels of Living, in its report has, after stating that
economic power is exercised also through control over mass
media of communication, said
"Of these, newspapers are the, most important
and constitute a powerful ancillary to
sectoral and group interests. It is not,
therefore, a matter for surprise that there is
so much inter-linking between newspapers and
big business in this country, with newspapers
controlled to a substantial extent by selected
industrial houses directly through ownership
as well as indirectly through membership of
their boards of directors. In addition of
course, there is the indirect control
exercised through expenditure on advertisement
which has been growing apace during the Plan
periods. In a study of concentration of
economic power in India, one must take into
account this link between industry and
newspapers which exists in our country to a
much larger extent than is found in any of the
other democratic countries in the world."
(1) Harvard Law Review, Vol. 80, 1641, 1643.
(2) Report of the Committee on Distribution
of income and levels of Living, Part I, pp.
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51-52.
813
If ever there was a self-operating, market of ideas, as
Justice Holmes assumed, it has long since ceased to exist
with the concentration of mass ,media in- few hands.
Protection against government is not enough to guarantee
that a man who has something to say will have a chance to
say it. The owners and the managers of the press determine
which persons, which facts, which version of facts, which
ideas shall reach the public. Through concentration of
ownership, the variety of sources of news and opinion has
become limited. At the same time, the citizen’s need for
variety and new opinions has increased. He is entirely
dependent on the quality, proportion and extent of his news
supply,-the materials for the discharge of his duties as a
citizen and a judge of public affairs-on a few newspapers.
The Press Commission has observed in its report (Part 1, p.
3 1 0) that since the essence of the process of formation of
opinion is that the public must have an opportunity of
studying various points of view and that the exclusive and
continuous advocacy of one point of view through the medium
of a newspaper which holds a monopolistic position is not
conducive to the formation of healthy opinion, diversity of
opinion should be promoted in the interest of free
discussion of public affairs,
The mass media’s development of an antepathy to ideas anta-
gonistic to theirs or novel or unpopular ideas, unorthodox
points of view which have no claim for expression in their
papers makes the theory of market place of ideas too
unrealistic. The problem is how to bring all ideas into the
market and make the concept of freedom of speech a live one
having its roots in reality. A realistic view of our
freedom of expression requires the recognition that right of
expression is somewhat thin if it-can be exercised only on
the sufferance of the managers of the leading newspapers.
The freedom of speech, if it has to fulfil its historic
mission, namely, the spreading of political truth and the
widest dissemination of news, must be a freedom for all
citizens in the country. "What is essential" according to
Meiklejohn, "is not that everyone shall speak but that every
thing worth saying shall be said".(1) If media are
unavailable for most of the speakers, can the minds of the
hearers be reached effectively? It is here that creation of
new opportunities for expression or greater opportunities to
small and medium dailies to reach a position of equality
with the big ones, is as important as the right to express
ideas without fear of governmental restraint. It is only
the new media of communication that can lay sentiments
before the public and it is they rather than the government
who can most effectively abridge expression by nullifying
the opportunity for an idea to win acceptance. As a con-
stitutional theory for communication of ideas, laissez faire
is manifestly irrelevant (see Barren, Access to Press).(2)
What is, therefore, required is an interpretation of Art.
19 (1) (a) which focuses
(1) Political Freedom, p. 26. (2) Harvard Law Review, Vol.
80, 1641.
814
on the idea that restraining the hand of the government is
quite useless in assuring free speech, if a restraint on
access is effectively secured by private groups. A
constitutional prohibition against governmental restriction
on the expression is effective only if the Constitution
ensures an adequate opportunity for discussion.
Any scheme of distribution of newsprint which. would make
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the freedom of speech a reality by making it possible the
dissemination of ideas as news with as many different facets
and colours as possible would not violate the fundamental
right of ’the freedom of speech of the petitioners. In
other words, a scheme for distribution of a commodity like
newsprint which will subserve the purpose of free flow of
ideas to the market from as many different sources as
possible would be a step to advance and enrich that freedom.
If the scheme of distribution is calculated to prevent even
an oligopoly ruling the market and thus check the tendency
to monopoly in the market, that will not be open to any
objection on the ground that the scheme involves a
regulation of the press which would amount to an abridgment
of the freedom of speech (see Citizen Publishing’ Co. v.
United States).(1) Promoting effective competition of ideas
in the market alone will ensure the emergence of truth out
of the competition; at any rate that is the basis
underlying the guarantee of free speech, and any
distribution of newsprint calculated to promote competition
by making the competitors equal in strength cannot but be
characterized as a scheme to advance the freedom. One
cannot promote competition by making the strong among the
competitors stronger or the tall taller but by making the
weak among them strong and the short tall. So, even if the
scheme of distribution aims at making dailies with smaller
page-level and less circulation attain a position of’
equality in respect of page level and circulation with
those, having a page level of 10 and enjoying greater
circulation, that would not, in any way, be open to
objection on the ground of violation of Art. 19 (1) (a). I
am unable to understand how the fixation of a maximum page
level of 10 for calculation of quota of newsprint would
offend the fundamental right of the freedom of speech of the
petitioners. In any scheme of distribution of a scarce com-
modity, there must be some basis on which the entitlement
should be calculated. It is because newsprint is scarce
that it is being rationed. Ex-hypothesi, newsprint cannot
be distributed according to the needs of every consumer.
The freedom of speech does not mean a right to obtain or use
an unlimited quantity of newsprint. Art. 19 (1) (a) is not
a guardian of unlimited talkativeness’. The average page
level of all the dailies was 58. The Union of India
contends that the petitioners themselves recommended a
national minimum page level of 8 for dailies and that, but
for the inordinate space devoted to commercial
advertisement, 10 pages for a
(1) 394 U.S. 131.
815
daily would be sufficient to express its views and publish
the news and that the petitioners beat the big bass drum of
Art. 19 (1) (a). not because their freedom of expression is
abridged, but that they are deprived of a part of the
revenue from commercial advertisement.
It is settled by the decision of this Court in Hamdard Dawa-
khana (Wakf) Lal Kuan, Delhi & Another v. Union of India and
Others(1) that commercial advertisement does not come within
the ambit of the freedom of speech guaranteed by Art. 19(1)
(a). I have already indicated that any curtailment of
speech occasioned by rationing of newsprint due to its
scarcity can only affect freedom of speech indirectly and
consequently there would not be any abridgement of it.
It has been said that in the scheme of distribution of news-
print, unequals have been treated equally and therefore, the
Newsprint Policy violates Art’ 14 of the Constitution. To
decide this question regard must be had to the criteria to
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be adopted in distributing the material resources of a
community. Arguments about equality in this sphere are
really arguments about the criteria of relevance. The
difficulties involved in developing such criteria have
occupied philosophers for centuries. Despite the
refinements that distinguish the theories of various
philosophers., most such theories represent variations on
two basic notions of equality : numerical equality and
proportional equality. The contrast between the two notions
is illustrated by the difference between the right to an
equal distribution of things and the equal- right with
respect to a distribution of such things. According to the
former, each individual is to receive numerically identical
amounts of the benefit being distributed or the burden
imposed in the public sector, whereas the latter means only
that all will receive the same consideration in the
distributional decision, but that the numerical amounts
distributed may differ. Proportional equality means
equality in the distribution according to merit or
distribution- according to need (see Developments-Equal
Protection). (2) But the Supreme Court of U.S.A. has
departed froth this traditional aproach in the matter of
equality and has adopted a more dynamic concept as
illustrated by the decision in Griffin v. Illinois(") and
Douglas v. California. (4) In these cases it was held that
the State has an affirmative duty to make compensatory
legislation in order to make men equal who are really,
unequal has undergone radical other words, the traditional
doctrine that the Court is concerned with formal equality
before the law and is not concerned to make men equal who
are really unequal has under gone radical
(1) [1960] 2 S.C.R. 671, 688-90
(2) Harvard Law Review, Vol. 82, p. 1165.
(3) 351 U.S. 12.
(4) 372 U.S. 353.
816
change in the recent years as illustrated by these cases.
Justice Harlan dissented both in Griffin’s case and Douglas’
case and his dissenting opinion in the former case reveals
the traditional and the hew approaches and also highlights
the length to which the majority has, gone :
"The Court thus holds that, at least in this
area of criminal appeals, the Equal Protection
Clause imposes on the States an affirmative
duty to lift the handicaps flowing from
differences in economic circumstances. That
holding produces the anomalous result that a
constitutional admonition to the States to
treat all persons equally means in this
instance that Illinois must give to some what
is requires others to pay for.... It may as
accurately be said that the real issue in this
case is not whether Illinois has discriminated
but whether it has a duty to discriminate."
The crucial question today, as regards Art. 14, is whether
the command implicit in it constitutes merely a ban on the
creation of inequalities by the State, or, a command, as
well, to eliminate inequalities existing without any
contribution thereto by State action. The answer to this
question, has already been given in the United States under
the equal protection clause in the two cases referred to, in
certain areas. The Court, in effect, has began to require
the State to adopt a standard which takes into account the
differing economic and social conditions of its citizens,
whenever these differences stand in the way of equal access
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to the exercise of their basic rights. It has been said
that justice is the effort of man to mitigate the inequality
of men. The whole drive of the directive principles of the
Constitution is toward this goal and it is in consonance
with the new concept of equality. The, only norm which the
Constitution furnishes for distribution of the material
resources of the community is the elastic norm of the common
good [see Art. 39 (b) 1] 1 do not think I can say that the
principle adopted for the distribution of newsprint is not
for the common good.
That apart, one of the objects of the Newsprint Policy was
to. remedy the inequality created by. the previous policies
and to enable the dailies having less than 10 pages attain a
position of equality with those operating on a page level of
10 or more. I think the allowance of 20 per cent increase
for growth in page-level provided in Remark VII is based on
a classification and that the classification is grounded on
an intelligible differential. having a nexus to the object
sought to be achieved.
By, far the, most fundamental attack made by counsel for the
petitioners was that levelled against the provision in
Remark VIII which provides that within the quantity of
newsprint authorised
817
for the licensing period, each newspaper/periodical will be
free to increase circulation by reducing the number of
pages, page area and periodicity, but will not be free to
increase the number of pages, page area and periodicity by
reducting circulation, to meet its individual requirements.
It was contended that this is direct inroad upon the freedom
of speech and that by-no stretch of imagination can it be
characterized as newsprint control The argument was that
when once the quota has been determined and allotted,
further direct-ions as regards circulation or page number is
nothing but brazen-faced trespass into the domain of the
guaranteed freedom. It was said that once the quota has
been fixed and allotted, the control over newsprint as a
commodity was over and any stipulation as regards its
utilisation thereafter can only sound in the realm of
abridgment of the freedom of speech.
Now, let me examine this argument with the respect which it
deserves. If the entitlement of a consumer of newsprint is
calculated on the basis of page-level and circulation of the
newspaper, I think it would be an integral part of any
system of rationing to tell the consumer that he should
maintain the page level and circulation of the paper. That
apart, as Meiklejohn said-and that, is plain commonsense-
"First, let it be noted, that by these words (First
Amendment) Congress is not debarred from all action upon
freedom of speech. Legislation which abridges that freedom
is forbidden, but not legislation to enlarge and enrich
it."(1) These remarks apply with equal force to Art. 1 9 (1
) (a) read with Art. 13(2). Any law or executive action
which advances the freedom of speech cannot be considered as
an abridgment of it. The provision in question does not say
that the proprietor or publisher of a newspaper should
reduce its circulation. If the provision had said that the
proprietor or publisher must reduce the circulation of the
newspaper, one could have understood a complaint of
abridgment of the freedom of speech. The provision, in
effect, only tells the proprietor/publisher of the
newspaper: "maintain the circulation at the present level or
increase if it you like by reducing the page lever’. Would
this amount to an abridgment of the freedom of speech? I
think not. The freedom of speech is only enriched and
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enlarged.
it was contended that a proprietor/publisher of a newspaper
has the undoubted freedom to increase its page level within
the authorised quota and the provision in question, by
insisting that page level should-not be increased by
reducing circulation, has interfered with that freedom. It
was argued that if the provision in question had not
insisted upon maintaining the circulation at the present
level, the publisher could have reduced the circulation of
the newspaper and increased the number of its pages and,
increas-
(1) See Political Freedom, p. 19.
818
ing the number of pages at the expense of circulation is a
matter of freedom included within the concept of the freedom
of speech. I cannot agree. Suppose, the provision in the
Newsprint Policy had simply said that the proprietor of a
newspaper is not allowed to reduce its present circulation
and stopped there ? What would have been the effect ? The
effect would have been the same, namely, that the proprietor
would not have been entitled to increase the page level of
the newspaper within the authorised quota. The incidental
effect of the direction to maintain the circulation or
increase it would be to tell the proprietor or publisher
riot; to increase the number of its pages. If the Newsprint
Policy could legitimately say, without abridging the freedom
of speech, that a newspaper should maintain its present
circulation, the fact that it also said that it, should not
increase its page level and reduce circulation would not in
any way affect the question. If telling a publisher or
proprietor to maintain the circulation of a newspaper or
increase it, is not an abridgment of the freedom of speech,
the further express direction in the Newsprint Policy not to
increase its page-level within the authorised quota would
not be an abridgment of the freedom, of speech as it is an
implied consequence of- the- direction to maintain the
circulation.
The matter can be looked at from another angle. The consti-
tutional guarantee of the freedom of speech is not so much
for the benefit of the press as it is for the benefit of the
public. The freedom of speech includes within its compass
the right of all citizens to read and be informed. In Time
v. Hill(1) the U.S. Supreme Court said:
"The constitutional guarantee of freedom of
speech and press are not for the benefit of
the press so much as for the benefit of all
the people."
In Griswold v. Connecticut(2) the, U.S. Supreme Court was
of the opinion that the right of freedom of speech and press
includes not only the right to utter or to print, but the
right to read.
As I said. the freedom of speech protects two kinds of
interest. There is an individual interest, the need of men
to express their opinion on matters vital to them and a
social interest in the attainment of truth so that the
country may not only accept the wisest course but carry it
out in the wisest way. "Now, in the method of political
Government, the point of ultimate interest is not the words
of the speakers, but the minds of hearers.... The welfare
of the community requires that those who decide issues shall
understand them"(3). "The general principles underlying
first amendment safeguards may, for present purposes, be
reduced to three judicially recognized specifics. First,
Professor Alexander.
(1) 385 U.S. 374. (2) 381 U,S. 479, 482.
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(3) Meiklejohn, Political Freedom P. 26.
819
Meiklejohn’s assertion that the first amendment was intended
to define not an individual right to speak, but rather, a
community right to hear has been assumed by modem
constitutional decision (Rosenblatt v. Baer(1), Lamont v.
Postmaster General (2) Roth v. United States(3), Stromberg
v. California(4)"(see Paul Goddstein, Copyright and the
First Amendment(5). That the right of the public to-hear is
within the concept of the freedom of speech is also clear
from the pioneering opinion of Justice Burger, as he then
was, in Office of Communication of United Church of Christ
v. F. C.C.(6). The learned judge emphasised principally the
primary status of "the right of the public to be informed,
rather than any right of the Government, any broadcasting
licencee or any individual member of the public to broadcast
his own particular views on any matter."
If the right of the public to hear and be informed is also
within the concept of the freedom of speech, the government,
when it insists upon, the newspapers concerned maintaining
their present level of circulation does not abridge the
freedom of speech but only enriches and enlarges it. In
other words, under the theory of the freedom of speech which
recognises not only the right of the citizens to speak but
also the right of the community to hear, a policy in the
distribution of newsprint for maintenance of circulation at
its higher possible level, as it furthers the right of the
community to hear, will only advance and enrich that
freedom.
At present, our circulation is only 1.3 copies for every 100
people and 4.6 copies for every 100 literates in the
country. Circulation must be doubled if the press is to
reach ’all the literates in the country. This is a
sufficient justification for a circulation oriented policy.
Newsprint which is in short supply must be used so as to
help to achieve the widest possible dissemination of news
and at the same time meet the demands of the press as a
whole.
Under Art. 41 of the Constitution the State has a duty to
take effective steps to educate the people within limits of
its available economic resources. That includes political
education also.
Public discussion of public issues together with the
spreading of information and any opinion on these issues is
supposed to be the main function of newspaper. The highest
and lowest in the scale of intelligence resort to its
columns for information. Newspaper is the most potent means
for educating the people as it is read by those who read
nothing else and, in politics, the common in an gets his
education mostly from newspaper.
(1) 383 U.S. 74, 94-95.
(2) 381 U.S. 301.
(3) 354 U.S. 476, 484.
(4) 283 U.S. 359, 369.
(5) Columbia Law Review, Vol. 70, 983, 989.
(6) Federal Reporter, 359, 2nd series, 994.
820
The affirmative obligation of the Government to permit the
import of newsprint by expending foreign exchange in that
behalf is not only because press has a fundamental right to
express itself, but also because the community has a right
to be supplied with information. and the Government a duty
to educate the people within the limits of its resources.
The Government may, under cl. 3 of the Imports (Control)
Order, 1955 totally prohibit the import of newsprint and
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thus disable any person from carrying on a business in
newsprint, it is in the general interest of the public not
to expend any foreign exchange on that score. If the
affirmative obligation to expend foreign exchange and permit
the import of newsprint stems from the need of the community
for information and the fundamental duty of Government to
educate the people as also to satisfy the individual need
for self expression, it is not for the proprietor of a
newspaper alone to say that he will reduce the circulation
of the newspaper and increase its page level, as the
community has an interest in maintaining or increasing
circulation of the newspapers. It is said that a proprietor
of a newspaper has the freedom to cater to the needs of
intellectual highbrows who may choose to browse in rich
pastures and for that he would require more pages for a
newspaper and that it would be a denial of his fundamental
right if he were told that he cannot curtail the circulation
and increase the pages. A claim to enlarge the volume of
speech by diminishing the circulation raises the problem of
reconciling the citizens’ right to unfettered exercise of
speech in volume with the community’s right to undiminished
circulation. Both rights fall within the ambit of the
concept of freedom of speech as explained above. I would
prefer to give more weight to the community’s claim here
especially as I think that the claim to enlarge the volume
of speech at the expense of circulation is not for
exercising the freedom of speech guaranteed by Art. 19(1)(a)
but for commercial advertisement for revenue which will not
fall within the ambit of that sub-article.
In every society, there are many interests. held in varying
degrees, by individuals and groups, viz., the interest in,
valuing of, or concern, for free speech, peace, quiet,
protection of property, fair trial, education, national
security, good highways, a decent minimum wage, etc. "The
attainment of freedom of expression is not the sole aim of
the good society. As the private right of the individual,
freedom of expression is an end in itself, but it is not the
only end of man as an individual. In its social and
political aspects, freedom of expression is primarily a
process or a method for reaching other goals. It is a basic
element. in the democratic way of life, and as a vital
process it shapes and determines the ends of democratic
society. But it is not through this process alone that a
democratic society will attain its ultimate ends"(1).
(1) See Thomas 1, Emerson, Toward a General Theory of’ the
First Amendment Yale Law Journal, Vol. 72, 1962-63. 877,
907.
821
Therefore, any theory of freedom of expression must take
into account other values such as justice, equality, moral
progress, the right of tile public to education arising from
the affirmative duty cast on the Government by the directive
principles to educate the people, apart from the right of
the community to read and be informed arising under the
theory of the freedom of speech itself. Art. 19(2) is
concerned with laws restricting or abridging the freedom of
speech for protecting the more important values. It has
nothing to do with regulation as to the, manner or method of
speech, including its volume, when that regulation does not
touch or concern the content of speech, and when it is
intended or calculated to subserve or promote some paramount
social interest(1). The question then is whether the
Government could, in the distribution of newsprint, insist
on the widest circulation possible to subserve the right of
the people to be educated in opposition to the right of the
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proprietor or publisher to reduce the circulation and
enlarge the page number. As I said, any regulation not
intended to control the content of speech but incidentally
limiting its unfettered exercise will not be regarded as an
abridgment of the freedom of speech, if there is a valid
governmental interest arising from its duty to educate the
people and the value of the public of the end which the
regulation seeks to achieve is more than the individual and
social interest in the unfettered exercise in volume of the
right of free speech. The formula in such cases is that the
Court must, balance the individual and social interest in
freedom of expression against the social interest sought by
the regulation which restricts expression (supra).
In Konigsberg v. State Bar(2), Justice Harlan speaking for
the majority observed:,
.lm15
". . . . . . . On the other hand, general regulatory
statutes, not intended to control the content of speech but
incidentally limiting its unfettered exercise, have not been
regarded as the type of law the First Fourteenth Amendment
forbade Congress or the State to pass, when they have been
found justified by subordinating valid governmental
interests, a prerequisite to constitutionality which has
necessarily involved a weighing of the governmental interest
involved. See e.g. Schneider v. State, 308 U.S. 147, 161;
Cox v. New Hampshire; 312 U.S. 569; Prince v. Massachusetts,
321 U.S. 158; Kovacs v. Cooper, 336 U.S. 77; American
Communications Assn. v. Douds, 339 U.S. 382; Breard v.
Alexandria 341 U.S. 622."
It was contended on behalf of the petitioners that
prohibition of interchangeability of quota between different
newspaper,-,
(1) Criminal Appeal No. 152 of 1970 decided on 15-9-1972.
(2) 366 U.S. 36, 50.
822
owned by a common ownership unit, or different editions of
the same newspaper owned by that unit is an abridgment of
their fundamental right under Art. 19(1)(a). A common
ownership unit is defined to mean a newspaper establishment
or concern owning two or more newspapers including at least
one daily irrespective of the centers of publication and
language of such papers. The newsprint is allotted to a
newspaper. In other words, the unit of allotment is a
newspaper. Clause 2(a) of the Newsprint Control Order
defines "consumer of newsprint":
"consumer of newsprint means a printer or pub-
lisher of newspapers, periodicals, text books
or books of general interest who uses
newsprint."
The printer or publisher of each newspaper owned by a common
ownership unit is a separate consumer and it is to that
consumer that the quota is allotted. The application for
quota made by the common ownership unit specifies the
entitlement of each newspaper owned by it, and quota is
granted to each newspaper on that basis. If it were open to
a common ownership unit to use the quota allotted for one
newspaper owned by it for another newspaper,, or, for a
different edition of the same newspaper, that would
frustrate the whole scheme of rationing. If a common
ownership unit were to use the quota allotted to one
newspaper for another newspaper owned by it, could
discontinue one newspaper and use its quota for another and
thus secure an advantage over individual units owning only
one newspaper. It is on the basis of page level and
circulation that quota is allotted to a newspaper and to say
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that it is open to a common ownership unit to use the quota
for a different newspaper owned by it or a different edition
of the same newspaper would be tantamount to saying that
since the common ownership unit gets the ownership of the
quota, it can use the quota for a newspaper owned even by a
different proprietor. I do not think that the prohibition
against interchangeability of quota among different
newspapers owned by a common ownership unit is violative of
Art. 19 (1) (a). In my opinion, prohibition of
interchangeability has nothing to do with Art. 19(1)(a).
That a commodity rationed to a Unit must be utilized by that
Unit and no other unit is, I think, a regulation necessary
for the successful working of any system of rationing.
It was then contended for the petitioners that a common
ownership unit is not permitted to start a new newspaper or
a new edition of an existing newspaper even out of their
authorized quota whereas a person owning no other newspaper
can start a newspaper and obtain a quota for the same, and
that this offends the fundamental right under Art. 19(1)(a)
of the common ownership units. That there is a valid
classification between a person owning no newspaper and a
common ownership unit owning two or more newspapers cannot
be denied. Any person desiring to
823
express himself by the medium of a newspaper cannot be
denied an opportunity for the same. The right guaranteed
under Art. 19 (1)(a) has an essentially individual aspect.
A common ownership unit has already been given the
opportunity to express itself by the media of two or more
newspapers. If a common ownership unit were to go on
acquiring or sponsoring new newspapers and if the claim for
quota for all the newspapers is admitted, that would result
in concentration of newspaper ownership and will accelerate
the tendency toward monopoly in the newspaper industry.
When the prohibition against interchangeability of newsprint
quota between or among the newspapers owned by a common
ownership unit is found valid, the restriction imposed on
common ownership unit to bring out a new newspaper from its
authorised quota must be held to be valid and not offending
Art. 19(1) (a). If the quota allotted for a newspaper owned
by the common ownership unit cannot be used for any other
newspaper, it stands to reason to hold that the prohibition
against bringing out a new newspaper cannot be challenged as
violative of Art. 19(1) (a). No doubt, if the system of
rationing were not there, it would be open to any person to
own or conduct any number of newspapers but, since the
quantity of newsprint available for distribution is limited,
any system of rationing must place some limitation upon the
right of a person to express himself through newspapers.
Mr. M. K. Nambiar, appearing for "The Hindu", contended that
the Newsprint Policy is not law, that it is only an adminis-
trative direction with no statutory backing and so, the
restrictions which the policy impose are not binding.
The Newsprint Policy was issued by the Central Government,
and the Chief Controller of Imports and Exports, as
Additional Secretary to Government, has authenticated it.
The Newsprint policy was placed before both the Houses of
Parliament. In Joint Chief Controller of Imports and
Exports, Madras v. M/s. Aminchand Mutha, etc.(1) this Court
said :
authorities in the matter of granting import
licences, the Central Government issued
certain administrative instructions to be
followed by the licensing authorities."
The Import Trade Policy has been characterized as a notice
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giving information to the public as to the principle
governing, the issue of licence for import of goods for a
specified period (see East India Commercial Co. Ltd.
Calcutta and Another v. The Collector of Customs,
Calcutta(2): Shah, J. speaking for the Court in Union of
India and Others v. M/s. Indo Afghan Agencies Ltd. 3 )
said:
(1) [1966] 1 S.C.R. 262, 266-68.
(2) [1963] 3 S.C.R. 338, 371-2.
(3) (1968) 2 S.C.R. 366, 377.
824
.lm15
Court has held that Courts have the power in appropriate
cases to compel performance of the obligations imposed by
the schemes upon the departmental authorities. . . . "
Even if the Newsprint Policy is administrative in character,
it is capable of founding rights and liabilities. Generally
speaking, it is true that an administrative order can confer
no justiciable rights or impose duties enforceable in a
Court. But it can confer rights and impose duties. The
limit within which such rights and duties will be recognised
and enforced has been stated by an eminent author:
"Let us take one of Mr. Harrison’s instances,
a regulation from the British War Office that
no recruit shall be enlisted who is not five
feet six inches high. Suppose a recruiting
officer musters in a man who is five feet five
inches only in height, and pays him the King’s
shilling ; afterwards the officer is sued by
the Government for being short in his
accounts; among other items he claims to be
allowed the shilling paid to the undersized
recruit. The Court has to consider and apply
this regulation and, whatever its effect may
be, that effect will be given to it by the
court exactly as effect will be given to a
statute providing that murderers shall be
hanged, or that last wills must have two
witnesses.
It was contended on behalf of the petitioners that the
direction contained in the Newsprint Policy as regards the
utilization of. the newsprint after the allotment of the
quota is ultra vires the powers of the licensing authority
issuing the same. It is said that after newsprint has been
imported, there was no Ion any power left in the Central
Government or in the Chief Controller of Imports and Exports
to direct the manner in which it should be utilized.
Cl.5(1) of the Imports (Control) Order, 1955 provides;
"5. Conditions of Licenses : (1) The licensing
authority issuing a licence under this Order
may issue the same subject to one or more of
the conditions stated below :-
(i) that the goods covered by the licence
shall not be disposed of, except in the manner
prescribed by the licensing authority, or
otherwise dealt with, without the written
permission of the licensing authority or any
person duly authorised by it;"
(1) John Chimpman Gray, the Nature and Sources
of the Law, Second Edition
825
In Abdul Aziz Aminuddin v. State of Maharashtra(1), this
Court said that the power conferred under s. 3(1) of the Act
(Imports and Exports (Control) Act, 1947) is not restricted
merely to prohibiting or restricting imports at the point of
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entry but extends also to controlling the subsequent
disposal of the goods imported and that the person licensed
to import goods would be amenable to the orders of the
licensing authority with respect to the way in which those
goods are to be utilized. This dictum was approved by this
Court in State of West Bengal v. Motilal Kanoria(2). See
also the observation of Sarkar, J. in East India Commercial
Co. Ltd., Calcutta and Another v. The Collector of Customs
Calcutta(3), at p. 348. Even if it be assumed that
Government or the Chief Controller of Imports and Exports
has no power under cl. 5(1)(i) of the Imports (Control)
Order, 1955, to issue directions as regards the mode of
utilization of newsprint after its import, it is clear that
the Government has power by virtue of the provisions of s.3
of the Essential Commodities Act, 1955, to pass an Order as
regards the utilization of newsprint, as newsprint is an
,essential commodity’ under that Act (see s. 2(vii) of the
Act).
The only other point which remains for consideration is
whether clauses 3(3) and 3(A) of the Newsprint Control Order
violate Art. 14 of the Constitution. None of the provisions
of the Essential Commodities Act, 1955, is challenged as
ultra vires the Constitution. The Newsprint Control Order
was passed under s. 3 of the Essential Commodities Act,
1955. Sections 3 and 4 of this Act are in pari materia with
sections 3 and 4 of the Essential Supplies (Temporary
Powers) Act, 1946. These provisions were challenged, on the
ground of excessive delegation of legislative power, in the
case of Harishankar Bagla and Another v. The State of Madhya
Pradesh (4) . But this Court said that the preamble and the
body of the sections sufficiently formulate the legislative
policy. that the ambit and character of the Act is such that
the details of that policy can only be worked out by
delegating them to a subordinate authority within the frame
work- of that policy and that s. 3 was valid. And as
regards s. 4 the Court said that the section enumerates the
classes of persons to whom the power could be delegated or
sub-delegated by the Central Government and it is not
correct to say that the instrumentalities have not been
selected by the Legislature itself. Section 4 of the
Essential Commodities Act, 1955, provides that an order made
under s. 3 may confer powers and impose duties upon the
Central Government or the State Government or officers and
authorities of the Central Government or State Government,
and may contain directions to any State Government or to
officers and authorities thereof as to the exercise of any
such powers or the discharge of
(1) [1964] 1 S.C.R. 830, 837-8.
(2) [1966] 3 S.C.R. 933.
(3) [1963] 3 S.C.R. 338, 371-72.
(4) [1955] 1 S.C.R. 380, 388-9.
826
any such duties. It was, therefore, open to the Government
to confer such powers upon the "controller" as defined in
the Newsprint Control Order, 1962:
"2(b) Controller means the Chief Controller of
Imports and Exports and includes any officer
appointed by the Central Government to
exercise the powers of the Controller under
this Order."
Sub-clause (3A) was introduced in cl. 3 of the Newsprint
Control Order, 1962, for a particular purpose. There is
only a limited quantity of white printing paper. In view of
the shortage of white printing paper in the country, it was
considered necessary by the Government to restrict its use
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by consumers of newsprint who were getting quota of imported
newsprint. In fact, for newspapers and periodicals,
newsprint is the more acceptable raw material than white
printing paper. It was found that some of the more affluent
papers had started drawing heavily on the limited quantity
of white printing paper available, thereby causing great
hardship to the other consumers of this commodity like
Central and State Governments, text-book publishers and
students. It was with a view to meet this situation that
restriction on its use by a consumer of newsprint other than
the person specified therein was imposed.
The argument that unregulated discretion has been conferred
under sub-clauses 3 and 3A of cl. 3 is not correct. The
preamble and the provisions of the Essential Commodities Act
furnish sufficient guidance for the exercise of the powers
conferred. It is impossible, in the nature of things, to
specify with greater particularity the guidelines for the
exercise of the powers conferred under these clauses. If
the conferment of the power upon the Government under s. 3
is valid and is not open to attack under Art. 14, 1 think
the power conferred upon the sub-delegate is also valid.
It is not necessary for me to express any opinion as regards
the maintainability of the writ petitions on the ground that
the consumers of the newsprint in question are not citizens
and I do not express any opinion.
I would dismiss the petitions without any order as to costs.
BEG, J. The Writ Petitions before us challenge what is des-
cribed as "News Print Policy" notified for the period from
April, 1971 to March, 1972. As the impugned Notification
does not mention the provision of law under which it was
issued, we have to scrutinise its contents to discover the
authority for its promulgation. It is headed "Public
Notice" on "Import Trade Control". The subject is given as
"Import Policy for News Print". The "Policy" is contained
in a schedule annexed to the Notice. The first of the
827
six columns of the Schedule gives the serial number of the
item involved which is 44/V of the I T C Schedule. Volume I
of the ."Red Book" on Import Trade Control Policy, issued by
the Ministry of Foreign Trade, mentions, against item 44/V
for white printing paper, that import policy for "News
Print" Will be announced later. The impugned items, found
in the remarks’ column, contain that announcement applicable
from April, 1971 to March, 1972. A subsequent similar
notification dated 11-41972 shows that identically worded
terms were to be applicable to the period from April, 1972
to March, 1973, and these are also assailed by the
petitioners.
Apparently, the impugned remarks constitute conditions for
the import of quotas of news print assigned to the
licensees. They are meant to be obeyed if the licensees
want their quotas. The implication of such an imposition
clearly is that the licences could be revoked if terms of
their grant are not complied with apart from other possible
consequences in the future. It is alleged that these terms
interfere with the fundamental rights of petitioners to
freely express their opinions through their newspapers and
to carry on the manufacture and sale of newspapers to the
public. If, however, these terms and conditions do not fall
under any provision of law but interfere with the exercise
of petitioners’ fundamental rights, the question of testing
their reasonableness will not arise,.
What is termed "policy" can become justiciable when it exhi-
bits itself in the shape of even purported "law".
According to Article 13(3) (a) of the Constitution, "law"
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’Includes "any Ordinance, Order, bye-law, rule, regulation,
notification, custom or usage having in the territory of
India the force of law". So long as policy remains in the
realm of even rules framed for the guidance of executive and
administrative authorities it may bind those authorities as
declarations of what they are expected to do under it. But,
it cannot bind citizens unless the impugned policy is shown
to have acquired the force of "law". Mr. Nambiar, appearing
for the Hindu Newspaper, has, therefore, assailed the
impugned items of the news print control policy on the
ground, inter-alia, that the fundamental rights of the
petitioners represented by him cannot be curtailed by
anything less than "law".
For the reasons given by both my learned brethren Ray and
Mathew the impugned items of what is called the "Newsprint
Policy" seem to me to be intended to have the force of law
which, if not observed by the petitioners, will impede and
jeopardise the exercise by them of their fundamental rights.
The intention behind the publication of the Newsprint Policy
was obviously to bind the petitioners by the conditions laid
down in the remarks’ column. It had, therefore, to be
brought under some provision of law which could authorise
the laying down of such binding conditions upon
828
those who run the newspapers and want to either express
their opinions freely or to carry on their businesses
without let or hindrance. I, seems to me that this Court
should not hesitate to remove such restrictions if they
purport to have the force of law. even if they are not
"law", provided they have the effect of restricting the
exercise of fundamental rights. This effect the res-
trictions certainly have had and will have unless they are
removed by us. According to the petitioners, their
observance has entailed such heavy losses to them that they
may have to stop doing their business if the restrictions
continue.
It is difficult to over-emphasize the importance of Freedom
of the Press as one of the pillars of a Government "of the
people,. by the people, and for the people". I may quote
what Lord Bryce said in The American Commonwealth (New and
Revised Edition) (pp. 274, 275, 367):
"The more completely popular sovereignty
prevails in a country, so much the more
important is it that the organs of opinion
should be adequate to its expression, prompt,
full, and unmistakable in their utterances
The press, and particularly the newspaper
press, stands by common consent first among
the organs of opinion * The conscience and
common sense of the nation as a whole keep
down the evils which have crept into the
working of the Constitution, and may in time
extinguish them. That which, carrying a once
famous phrase, we may call the genius of
universal publicity, has some disagreeable
results, but the wholesome ones are greater
and more numerous. Selfishness, injustice,
cruelty, tricks and jobs of all sorts, shun
the light; to expose them is to defeat them.
No serious evils, no rankling sort in the body
politic, can remain long concealed, and, when
disclosed, it is half destroyed. So long as
the opinion of a nation is sound, the main
lines of its policy cannot go far wrong".
John Stuart Mill, in his essay on "Liberty", pointed out the
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need for allowing even erroneous opinions to be expressed on
the ground that the correct ones become more firmly
established by what may be called the ’dialectical’ process
of a struggle with wrong ones which exposes errors. Milton,
in his "Areopagitica" 1 644) said:
"Though all the winds of doctrine were let
loose to play upon the earth, so Truth be in
the field, we do injuriously by licensing and
prohibiting to misdoubt her
829
strength. Let her and Falsehood grapple;
whoever knew Truth put to the worse, in a free
and open encounter ? ..... I Who knows not
that Truth is strong, next to the Almighty;
she needs no policies, no stratagems, no
licensings to make her victorious; those are
the shifts and defenses that error makes
against her power........
Political philosophers and historians have taught us that
intellectual advances made by our civilisation would have
been impossible without freedom of speech and expression.
At any rate, political democracy is based on the assumption
that such freedom must be jealously guarded. Voltaire
expressed a democrat’s faith when he told an adversary in
argument : "I do not agree with a word you say, but I will
defend to the death your right to say it". Champions of
human freedom of thought and expression throughout the ages,
have realised that intellectual paralysis creeps over a
Society which denies, in however subtle a form, due freedom
of thought and expression to its members.
Although, our Constitution does not contain a separate guar-
antee of Freedom of the Press, apart from the freedom of
expression and opinion contained in Article. 19(1) (a) of
the Constitution, yet. it is well recognised that the Press
provides the principal vehicle of expression of their views
to citizens. It has been said : "Freedom of the Press is
the Ark of the Covenant of Democracy because public
criticism is essential to the working, of its institutions.
Never has criticism been more necessary than today, when the
weapons of propaganda are so strong and so Subtle. But,
like other liberties, this also must be limited."
The exent of permissible limitations on freedom of
expression is also indicated by our Constitution which
contains the fundamental law of the land. To that law all
Governmental policies, rules and regulations, orders and
directions, must conform so that there is "a Government of
laws and not of men" , or, in other words, a Government
whose policies are based on democratic principles and not on
human caprice or arbitrariness. Article 19(2) of the
Constitution. requires that Governmental action which
affects freedom of speech and expression of Indian citizens
should be founded on some "law" and also that such "law"
should restrict freedom of expression and opinion reasonably
only "in the interests of the sovereignty and integrity of
India, the security of the St-ate, friendly relations with
foreign states, Public order, decency or morality, or in
relation to contempt of court, defamation or incitement to
an offence." Although, the ambit of restrictions which can
be imposed by "law" on freedom to carry on any occupation,
trade, or business, guaranteed by Article 19 (1) (g) of the
Constitution, is wider than that of res-
830
trictions on freedom of speech and expression, yet, these
restrictions have also to be limited to those which are
reasonably necessary "in the interest of the general public"
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as contemplated by Article 19(6) of the Constitution.
Permissible restrictions on any fundamental right, even
where they are imposed by duly enacted law- must not be
excessive, or, in other words, they must not go beyond what
is necessary to achieve the objects of the law under which
they are sought to be imposed. The power to impose
restrictions on fundamental rights is essentially a power to
"regulate" the exercise of these rights. In fact,
"regulation" and not extinction of that which is to be
regulated is generally speaking the extent to which per-
missible restrictions may go in order to satisfy the test of
reasonableness. The term "regulate" has come up for
interpretation on several occasions before American Courts
which have held that the word "regulate" means "to adjust by
rule, method, or established mode; to direct by rule or
restriction; to subject to governing principles or laws".
(See : Words and Phrases, VoL 36, p. 687 by West Publishing
Co.). I do not see any reason to give a different meaning to
the term "regulation" when we use it.
In the cases before us, I confess that it is very difficult
to make out the real object of the restrictions imposed by
the impugned items of Newsprint Policy. The Additional
Solicitor General did not contend that these items of
newsprint import policy were not meant to have the force of
rules for conducting business or regulating actions binding
upon the petitioners or of "law". He sought to justify
them, in so far as they affect freedom of speech and
expression, as either necessary incidents of import of
essential commodities and the allocation of foreign
exchange, which is limited, between them, or, as a method of
ensuring a more widely spread freedom of expression by
striking at monopolisation of opinion by large newspaper
concerns. I am unable to see how these restrictions, after
quotas have, been allotted on the basis of past performance
and respective needs of each newspaper concern, could fall
within the objects of any import policy found in any
statutory provision or order. And, so far as any attempt to
control .any monopolistic tendencies in the newspaper world
is concerned, no material was placed before us to enable us
to see how the impugned conditions of import licences,
sought to be imposed by the entries in the remarks columns
of the notified Import Trade Control Policy, are related to
any law directed against monopolisation. The impugned items
in the declaration of newsprint policy, which are meant to
bind those who had obtained import_licences, were not
imposed under any law made to check monopolies. It was also
not possible for me to see the relevance of these
restrictions
831
to any of the objects of either the Essential Commodities
Act, 1955 or orders passed thereunder or to the Import and
Export (Control) Act of 1947 or to orders made thereunder.
The objects and ambits of the two enactments mentioned
above, which were relied upon. on behalf of the Union, are
fairly clear and well defined.
No doubt clause 3 of the Newsprint Control Order, 1962,
issued in exercise of powers conferred by Section 3 of the
Essential Commodities Act 1955 lays down certain
restrictions "on acquisition, sale and consumption of
newsprint". The clause runs as follows :-
"(1) No person other than an importer shall
acquire newsprint except under and in
accordance with the terms and conditions of an
authorisation issued by the Controller under
this Order. ,
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(2) No dealer in newsprint shall sell to any
person newsprint of any description or in any
quantity unless the sale to that person of
newsprint of that description or in the
quantity is authorised by the Controller.
(3) No consumer of newsprint, in any
licensing period, consume or use newsprint in
excess of the quantity authorised by the
Controller from time to time.
(3A) No consumer of newsprint, other than a
publisher of text books or books of general
interest, shall use any kind of paper other
than newsprint except with the permission, in
writing, of the Controller.
(4) An authorisation under this clause shall
be in
writing in the form set out in Schedule II.
(5) In issuing an authorisation under this
clause,
the Controller shall have regard to the
principles laid down in the Import Control
Policy with respect of newsprint announced by
the Central Government from time to time".
Section 3(1) of the Essential Commodities Act, 1955 lays
down the condition for and objects of issue of orders under
it in the following terms :-
"3(1) If the Central Government is of opinion
that it is necessary or expedient so to do for
maintaining or increasing supplies of any
essential commodity or for securing their
equitable distribution and availability at
fair prices, or for securing any essential
commodity for the defence of India or the
efficient conduct of military
832
operations it may, by order, provide for
regulating or prohibiting the production,
supply and distribution thereof and trade and
commerce therein".
Section 3(2) lays down that "without prejudice to the
generality .of the powers conferred by sub s. (1), an order
made thereunder may provide" inter alia : (a) "for
regulating by licences, permits or otherwise the, production
or manufacture of any essential commodity;" and (b) "for
regulating by licences, permits or otherwise the storage,
transport, distribution, disposal, acquisition, use or
consumption of any essential commodity".
Orders issued under Section 3 of the Essential Commodities
Act 1955 must bear a reasonable relationship to the purposes
for which such orders can be made. Clause 3 (5) of the
Newsprint Control Order, 1962, presupposes the existence of
some principles ,of "Import Control Policy" without either
stating them or indicating how they are to be related to the
objects of Section 3. Obviously, they cannot go beyond the
Act. If the impugned terms and conditions could be covered
by the vague clause 3(5) ,of the News Print Control Order,
1962, 1 venture to think that this provision of the News
Print Control Order 1962 may itself have to be declared
invalid by us. I may also mention that there seems to be a
serious flaw here inasmuch as no machinery for fair and just
administrative decisions, so as to correlate conditions im-
posed upon competing claimants for quotas of a limited
amount of news print to their needs and to the requirements
of a law which is meant to ensure an "equitable
distribution", is provided here. However, as it is not
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necessary, for the purposes of giving relief to the
petitioners, to pronounce on the validity of clause 3 (5) of
the Newsprint Control Order, 1962, I will, in conformity
with the opinion expressed by my learned brother Ray on this
aspect, refrain from deciding the question of the validity
of its provisions in the cases before us.
Section 3(1) of the Imports & Exports (Control) Act, 1947,
restricts the power of the Central Government, "by order
published in the official Gazette", to making "provisions
for prohibiting, restricting or otherwise controlling in all
cases or in specified classes of cases, and subject to such
exceptions if any as may be made by or under the order :-
(a) the import, export, carriage coast-wise
or shipment in ships stores of goods of any
specified description;
(b) the bringing into any port or place in
India of goods of any specified description
intended to be taken out of India without
being removed from the ship or conveyance in
which they are being carried".
833
Clause 3 of the Imports (Control) Order, 1955, made in
exercise of powers conferred by Sections 3 and 4A of the
Imports & Exports (Control) Act, 1947, says :
.lm15
"3. Restriction of Import of certain goods:--
(1) Save as otherwise provided in this order, no person
shall import any goods of the description specified in
Schedule 1, except under, and in accordance, with a licence
or a customs clearance permit granted by the Central
Government or by any officer specified in Schedule 11".
It seems to me that the ambit of the conditions in a licence
cannot, under the provisions of the Imports and Exports
Control Act, after newsprint has been imported under a
licence, extend to laying down how it is to be utilised by a
newspaper concern for its own genuine needs and businesses
because this would amount to control of supply of news by
means of newsprint instead of only regulating its import.
The enactments and orders mentioned above seem to me to
authorise Only the grant of licences for particular quotas
to those who run newspapers on the strength of their needs,
assessed on the basis of their past performances and future
requirements and other relevant data, but not to warrant an
imposition of further conditions to be observed by them
while they are genuinely using the newsprint themselves in
the course of carrying on a legitimate and permissible
occupation and business. The impugned restrictive
conditions thus appear to me to go beyond the scope of the
Essential Commodities Act, 1955, as well as of the Imports
and Exports (Control) Act, 1947.
References were also made by the learned Additional
Solicitor General to the provisions of the Press and
Regulation Books Act, 1867, Registration of Newspapers
(Central Rules), 1956, and Press Council Act, 1965, as
parts of a possibly desperate attempt to justify the
impugned items of newsprint control policy and to show that
they are covered by some provision of law. I am unable to-
find the legal authority anywhere here also for these items
of Newsprint Control Policy.
I think, for the reasons given above, that the argument put
forward oil behalf of the petitioners that, after the
allocation of quotas of newsprint to each set of
petitioners, on legally relevant material, the further
restrictions sought to be imposed, by means of the notified
newsprint control policy, on the actual mode of user of
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newsprint for publication of information or views by the
licensees, similar to those which were held by this Court,
in Sakal
834
Papers (P.) Ltd. & Ors. Vs. The Union of India(1), to be
invalid, are not covered by any law in existence, has to be
accepted. Hence, it is not even necessary for us to
consider whether they are reasonable restrictions warranted
by either Article 19(2) or Article 19(6) of the
Constitution. They must first have the authority of some
law to support them before the question of considering
whether they could be reasonable restrictions on fundamental
rights of the petitioners could arise.
1, therefore, concur with the conclusions reached and the
orders proposed by my learned brother Ray.
G.C.
(1) [1962] 3 S.C.R. 842.
499 Sup. CI/73--25,00--15-4-74--GIPF.
835