Full Judgment Text
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CASE NO.:
Appeal (civil) 1344-45 of 1976
PETITIONER:
I.R. Goelho (Dead) By LRs
RESPONDENT:
State of Tamil Nadu & Ors
DATE OF JUDGMENT: 11/01/2007
BENCH:
Y.K. Sabharwal Ashok Bhan Arijit Pasayat B.P. Singh, S.H. Kapadia C.K. Thakker & P.K. Balasu
bramanyan Altamas Kabir D.K. Jain
JUDGMENT:
J U D G M E N T
[With WP (C) Nos.242 of 1988, 751 of 1990, CA Nos.6045 &
6046 of 2002, WP (C) No.408/03, SLP (C) Nos.14182,
14245, 14248, 14249, 26879, 14946, 14947, 26880,
26881, 14949, 26882, 14950, 26883, 14965, 26884,
14993, 15020, 26885, 15022, 15029, 14940 & 26886 of
2004, WP (C) Nos.454, 473 & 259 of 1994, WP (C) No.238
of 1995 and WP (C) No.35 of 1996]
Y.K. Sabharwal, CJI.
In these matters we are confronted with a very important
yet not very easy task of determining the nature and character
of protection provided by Article 31-B of the Constitution of
India, 1950 (for short, the ’Constitution’) to the laws added to
the Ninth Schedule by amendments made after 24th April,
1973. The relevance of this date is for the reason that on this
date judgment in His Holiness Kesavananda Bharati,
Sripadagalvaru v. State of Kerala & Anr. [(1973) 4 SCC
225] was pronounced propounding the doctrine of Basic
Structure of the Constitution to test the validity of
constitutional amendments.
Re : Order of Reference
The order of reference made more than seven years ago
by a Constitution Bench of Five Judges is reported in I.R.
Coelho (Dead) by LRs. v. State of Tamil Nadu [(1999) 7 SCC
580] (14.9.1999) . The Gudalur Janmam Estates (Abolition
and Conversion into Ryotwari) Act, 1969 (the Janmam Act),
insofar as it vested forest lands in the Janmam estates in the
State of Tamil Nadu, was struck down by this Court in
Balmadies Plantations Ltd. & Anr. v. State of Tamil Nadu
[(1972) 2 SCC 133] because this was not found to be a
measure of agrarian reform protected by Article 31-A of the
Constitution. Section 2(c) of the West Bengal Land Holding
Revenue Act, 1979 was struck down by the Calcutta High
Court as being arbitrary and, therefore, unconstitutional and
the special leave petition filed against the judgment by the
State of West Bengal was dismissed. By the Constitution
(Thirty-fourth Amendment) Act, the Janmam Act, in its
entirety, was inserted in the Ninth Schedule. By the
Constitution (Sixty-sixth Amendment) Act, the West Bengal
Land Holding Revenue Act, 1979, in its entirety, was inserted
in the Ninth Schedule. These insertions were the subject
matter of challenge before a Five Judge Bench.
The contention urged before the Constitution Bench was
that the statutes, inclusive of the portions thereof which had
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been struck down, could not have been validly inserted in the
Ninth Schedule.
In the referral order, the Constitution Bench observed
that, according to Waman Rao & Ors. v. Union of India &
Ors. [(1981) 2 SCC 362], amendments to the Constitution
made on or after 24th April, 1973 by which the Ninth Schedule
was amended from time to time by inclusion of various Acts,
regulations therein were open to challenge on the ground that
they, or any one or more of them, are beyond the constituent
power of Parliament since they damage the basic or essential
features of the Constitution or its basic structure. The
decision in Minerva Mills Ltd. & Ors. v. Union of India &
Ors. [(1980) 3 SCC 625)], Maharao Sahib Shri Bhim
Singhji v. Union of India & Ors. [(1981) 1 SCC 166] were
also noted and it was observed that the judgment in Waman
Rao needs to be reconsidered by a larger Bench so that the
apparent inconsistencies therein are reconciled and it is made
clear whether an Act or regulation which, or a part of which, is
or has been found by this Court to be violative of one or more
of the fundamental rights conferred by Articles 14, 19 and 31
can be included in the Ninth Schedule or whether it is only a
constitutional amendment amending the Ninth Schedule
which damages or destroys the basic structure of the
Constitution that can be struck down. While referring these
matters for decision to a larger Bench, it was observed that
preferably the matters be placed before a Bench of nine
Judges. This is how these matters have been placed before
us.
Broad Question
The fundamental question is whether on and after 24th
April, 1973 when basic structures doctrine was propounded, it
is permissible for the Parliament under Article 31B to
immunize legislations from fundamental rights by inserting
them into the Ninth Schedule and, if so, what is its effect on
the power of judicial review of the Court.
Development of the Law
First, we may consider, in brief, the factual background
of framing of the Constitution and notice the developments
that have taken place almost since inception in regard to
interpretation of some of Articles of the Constitution.
The Constitution was framed after an in depth study of
manifold challenges and problems including that of poverty,
illiteracy, long years of deprivation, inequalities based on
caste, creed, sex and religion. The independence struggle and
intellectual debates in the Constituent Assembly show the
value and importance of freedoms and rights guaranteed by
Part III and State’s welfare obligations in Part-IV. The
Constitutions of various countries including that of United
States of America and Canada were examined and after
extensive deliberations and discussions the Constitution was
framed. The Fundamental Rights Chapter was incorporated
providing in detail the positive and negative rights. It provided
for the protection of various rights and freedoms. For
enforcement of these rights, unlike Constitutions of most of
the other countries, the Supreme Court was vested with
original jurisdiction as contained in Article 32.
The High Court of Patna in Kameshwar v. State of
Bihar [AIR 1951 Patna 91] held that a Bihar legislation
relating to land reforms was unconstitutional while the High
Court of Allahabad and Nagpur upheld the validity of the
corresponding legislative measures passed in those States.
The parties aggrieved had filed appeals before the Supreme
Court. At the same time, certain Zamindars had also
approached the Supreme Court under Article 32 of the
Constitution. It was, at this stage, that Parliament amended
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the Constitution by adding Articles 31-A and 31-B to assist
the process of legislation to bring about agrarian reforms and
confer on such legislative measures immunity from possible
attack on the ground that they contravene the fundamental
rights of the citizen. Article 31-B was not part of the original
Constitution. It was inserted in the Constitution by the
Constitution (First Amendment) Act, 1951. The same
amendment added after Eighth Schedule a new Ninth
Schedule containing thirteen items, all relating to land reform
laws, immunizing these laws from challenge on the ground of
contravention of Article 13 of the Constitution. Article 13,
inter alia, provides that the State shall not make any law
which takes away or abridges the rights conferred by Part III
and any law made in contravention thereof shall, to the
extent of the contravention, be void.
Articles 31A and 31B read as under :
"31A. Saving of laws providing for
acquisition of estates, etc.\027 [(1)
Notwithstanding anything contained in
article 13, no law providing for\027
(a) the acquisition by the State of any
estate or of any rights therein or the
extinguishment or modification of
any such rights, or
(b) the taking over of the management
of any property by the State for a
limited period either in the public
interest or in order to secure the
proper management of the property,
or
(c) the amalgamation of two or more
corporations either in the public
interest or in order to secure the
proper management of any of the
corporations, or
(d) the extinguishment or modification
of any rights of managing agents,
secretaries and treasurers,
managing directors, directors or
managers of corporations, or of any
voting rights of shareholders
thereof, or
(e) the extinguishment or modification
of any rights accruing by virtue of
any agreement, lease or licence for
the purpose of searching for, or
winning, any mineral or mineral oil,
or the premature termination or
cancellation of any such agreement,
lease or licence,
shall be deemed to be void on the ground
that it is inconsistent with, or takes away
or abridges any of the rights conferred by
article 14 or article 19 :
Provided that where such law is a law
made by the Legislature of a State, the
provisions of this article shall not apply
thereto unless such law, having been
reserved for the consideration of the
President, has received his assent :
Provided further that where any law
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makes any provision for the acquisition
by the State of any estate and where any
land comprised therein is held by a
person under his personal cultivation, it
shall not be lawful for the State to
acquire any portion of such land as is
within the ceiling limit applicable to him
under any law for the time being in force
or any building or structure standing
thereon or appurtenant thereto, unless
the law relating to the acquisition of such
land, building or structure, provides for
payment of compensation at a rate which
shall not be less than the market value
thereof.
(2) In this article,\027
(a) the expression "estate", shall, in
relation to any local area, have the
same meaning as that expression or
its local equivalent has in the
existing law relating to land tenures
in force in that area and shall also
include\027
(i) any jagir, inam or muafi or
other similar grant and in the
States of Tamil Nadu and
Kerala, any janmam right;
(ii) any land held under ryotwary
settlement;
(iii) any land held or let for
purposes of agriculture or for
purposes ancillary thereto,
including waste land, forest
land, land for pasture or sites
of buildings and other
structures occupied by
cultivators of land, agricultural
labourers and village artisans;
(b) the expression "rights", in relation to
an estate, shall include any rights
vesting in a proprietor, sub-
proprietor, under-proprietor, tenure-
holder, raiyat, under-raiyat or other
intermediary and any rights or
privileges in respect of land revenue.
31B. Validation of certain Acts and
Regulations.\027Without prejudice to the
generality of the provisions contained in
article 31A, none of the Acts and
Regulations specified in the Ninth
Schedule nor any of the provisions
thereof shall be deemed to be void, or
ever to have become void, on the ground
that such Act, Regulation or provision is
inconsistent with, or takes away or
abridges any of the rights conferred by
any provisions of this Part, and
notwithstanding any judgment, decree or
order of any court or tribunal to the
contrary, each of the said Acts and
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Regulations shall, subject to the power of
any competent Legislature to repeal or
amend it, continue in force."
The Constitutional validity of the First Amendment was
upheld in Sri Sankari Prasad Singh Deo v. Union of India
and State of Bihar [(1952) SCR 89].
The main object of the amendment was to fully secure
the constitutional validity of Zamindari Abolition Laws in
general and certain specified Acts in particular and save those
provisions from the dilatory litigation which resulted in
holding up the implementation of the social reform measures
affecting large number of people. Upholding the validity of the
amendment, it was held in Sankari Prasad that Article 13(2)
does not affect amendments to the Constitution made under
Article 368 because such amendments are made in the
exercise of constituent power. The Constitution Bench held
that to make a law which contravenes the Constitution
constitutionally valid is a matter of constitutional amendment
and as such it falls within the exclusive power of Parliament.
The Constitutional validity of the Acts added to the Ninth
Schedule by the Constitution (Seventeenth Amendment) Act,
1964 was challenged in petitions filed under Article 32 of the
Constitution. Upholding the constitutional amendment and
repelling the challenge in Sajjan Singh v. State of
Rajasthan [(1965) 1 SCR 933] the law declared in Sankari
Prasad was reiterated. It was noted that Articles 31A and
31B were added to the Constitution realizing that State
legislative measures adopted by certain States for giving effect
to the policy of agrarian reforms have to face serious challenge
in the courts of law on the ground that they contravene the
fundamental rights guaranteed to the citizen by Part III. The
Court observed that the genesis of the amendment made by
adding Articles 31A and 31B is to assist the State Legislatures
to give effect to the economic policy to bring about much
needed agrarian reforms. It noted that if pith and substance
test is to apply to the amendment made, it would be clear that
the Parliament is seeking to amend fundamental rights solely
with the object of removing any possible obstacle in the
fulfillment of the socio-economic policy viz. a policy in which
the party in power believes. The Court further noted that the
impugned act does not purport to change the provisions of
Article 226 and it cannot be said even to have that effect
directly or in any appreciable measure. It noted that the
object of the Act was to amend the relevant Articles in Part III
which confer Fundamental Rights on citizens and as such it
falls under the substantive part of Article 368 and does not
attract the provision of clause (b) of that proviso. The Court,
however, noted, that if the effect of the amendment made in
the Fundamental Rights on Article 226 is direct and not
incidental and if in significant order, different considerations
may perhaps arise.
Justice Hidayattulah, and Justice J.R. Mudholkar,
concurred with the opinion of Chief Justice Gajendragadkar
upholding the amendment but, at the same time, expressed
reservations about the effect of possible future amendments
on Fundamental Rights and basic structure of the
Constitution. Justice Mudholkar questioned that "It is also a
matter for consideration whether making a change in a basic
feature of the Constitution can be regarded merely as an
amendment or would it be, in effect, rewriting a part of the
Constitution; and if the latter, would it be within the purview
of the Article 368?"
In I.C. Golak Nath & Ors. v. State of Punjab & Anr.
[(1967) 2 SCR 762] a Bench of 11 Judges considered the
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correctness of the view that had been taken in Sankari
Prasad and Sajjan Singh (supra). By majority of six to five,
these decisions were overruled. It was held that the
constitutional amendment is ’law’ within the meaning of
Article 13 of the Constitution and, therefore, if it takes away or
abridges the rights conferred by Part III thereof, it is void. It
was declared that the Parliament will have no power from the
date of the decision (27th February, 1967) to amend any of the
provisions of Part III of the Constitution so as to take away or
abridge the fundamental rights enshrined therein.
Soon after Golak Nath’s case, the Constitution (24th
Amendment) Act, 1971, the Constitution (25th Amendment)
Act, Act, 1971, the Constitution (26th Amendment) Act, 1971
and the Constitution (29th Amendment) Act, 1972 were
passed.
By Constitution (24th Amendment) Act, 1971, Article 13
was amended and after clause (3), the following clause was
inserted as Article 13(4) :
"13(4) Nothing in this article shall apply
to any amendment of this Constitution
made under article 368."
Article 368 was also amended and in Article 368(1) the
words "in exercise of its constituent powers" were inserted.
The Constitution (25th Amendment) Act, 1971 amended
the provision of Article 31 dealing with compensation for
acquiring or acquisition of properties for public purposes so
that only the amount fixed by law need to be given and this
amount could not be challenged in court on the ground that it
was not adequate or in cash. Further, after Article 31B of the
Constitution, Article 31C was inserted, namely :
"31C.\027Saving of laws giving effect to
certain directive principles.\027
Notwithstanding anything contained in
article 13, no law giving effect to the
policy of the State towards securing all or
any of the principles laid down in Part IV
shall be deemed to be void on the ground
that it is inconsistent with, or takes away
or abridges any of the rights conferred by
article 14 or article 19 and no law
containing a declaration that it is for giving
effect to such policy shall be called in
question in any court on the ground that it
does not give effect to such policy :
Provided that where such law is made by
the Legislature of a State, the provisions
of this article shall not apply thereto
unless such law, having been reserved for
the consideration of the President, has
received his assent."
The Constitution (26th Amendment) Act, 1971 omitted
from Constitution Articles 291 (Privy Purses) and Article 362
(rights and privileges of Rulers of Indian States) and inserted
Article 363A after Article 363 providing that recognition
granted to Rulers of Indian States shall cease and privy purses
be abolished.
The Constitution (29th Amendment) Act, 1972 amended
the Ninth Schedule to the Constitution inserting therein two
Kerala Amendment Acts in furtherance of land reforms after
Entry 64, namely, Entry 65 \026 Kerala Land Reforms
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Amendment Act, 1969 (Kerala Act 35 of 1969); and Entry 66 \026
Kerala Land Reforms Amendment Act, 1971 (Kerala Act 35 of
1971).
These amendments were challenged in Kesavananda
Bharati’s case. The decision in Kesavananda Bharati’s
case was rendered on 24th April, 1973 by a 13 Judges Bench
and by majority of seven to six Golak Nath’s case was
overruled. The majority opinion held that Article 368 did not
enable the Parliament to alter the basic structure or
framework of the Constitution. The Constitution (24th
Amendment) Act, 1971 was held to be valid. Further, the first
part of Article 31C was also held to be valid. However, the
second part of Article 31C that "no law containing a
declaration that it is for giving effect to such policy shall be
called in question in any court on the ground that it does not
give effect to such policy" was declared unconstitutional. The
Constitution 29th Amendment was held valid. The validity of
the 26th Amendment was left to be determined by a
Constitution Bench of five Judges.
The majority opinion did not accept the unlimited power
of the Parliament to amend the Constitution and instead held
that Article 368 has implied limitations. Article 368 does not
enable the Parliament to alter the basic structure or
framework of the Constitution.
Another important development took place in June,
1975, when the Allahabad High Court set aside the election of
the then Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi to the fifth Lok
Sabha on the ground of alleged corrupt practices. Pending
appeal against the High Court judgment before the Supreme
Court, the Constitution (39th Amendment) Act, 1975 was
passed. Clause (4) of the amendment inserted Article 329A
after Article 329. Sub-clauses (4) and (5) of Article 329A read
as under :
"(4) No law made by Parliament before the
commencement of the Constitution
(Thirty-ninth Amendment) Act, 1975, in
so far as it relates to election petitions
and matters connected therewith, shall
apply or shall be deemed ever to have
applied to or in relation to the election of
any such person as is referred to in
Clause (1) to either House of Parliament
and such election shall not be deemed to
be void or ever to have become void on
any ground on which such election could
be declared to be void or has, before such
commencement, been declared to be void
under any such law and notwithstanding
any order made by any court, before such
commencement, declaring such election
to be void, such election shall continue to
be valid in all respects and any such
order and any finding on which such
order is based shall be and shall be
deemed always to have been void and of
no effect.
(5) Any appeal or cross appeal against
any such order of any court as is referred
to in Clause (4) pending immediately
before the commencement of the
Constitution (Thirty-ninth Amendment)
Act, 1975, before the Supreme Court
shall be disposed of in conformity with
the provisions of Clause (4)."
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Clause (5) of the Amendment Act inserted after Entry 86,
Entries 87 to 124 in the Ninth Schedule. Many of the Entries
inserted were unconnected with land reforms.
In Smt. Indira Nehru Gandhi v. Raj Narain [1975
Supp. (1) SCC 1] the aforesaid clauses were struck down by
holding them to be violative of the basic structure of the
Constitution.
About two weeks before the Constitution Bench rendered
decision in Indira Gandhi’s case, internal emergency was
proclaimed in the country. During the emergency from 26th
June, 1975 to March, 1977, Article 19 of the Constitution
stood suspended by virtue of Article 358 and Articles 14 and
21 by virtue of Article 359. During internal emergency,
Parliament passed Constitution (40th Amendment) Act, 1976.
By clause (3) of the said amendment, in the Ninth Schedule,
after Entry 124, Entries 125 to 188 were inserted. Many of
these entries were unrelated to land reforms.
Article 368 was amended by the Constitution (42nd
Amendment) Act, 1976. It, inter alia, inserted by Section 55 of
the Amendment Act, in Article 368, after clause (3), the
following clauses (4) and (5) :
"368(4) No amendment of this
Constitution (including the provisions of
Part III) made or purporting to have been
made under this article whether before or
after the commencement of section 55 of
the Constitution (Forty-second
Amendment) Act, 1976 shall be called in
question in any court on any ground.
(5) For the removal of doubts, it is
hereby declared that there shall be no
limitation whatever on the constituent
power of Parliament to amend by way of
addition, variation or repeal the
provisions of this Constitution under this
article."
After the end of internal emergency, the Constitution
(44th Amendment) Act, 1978 was passed. Section 2, inter alia,
omitted sub-clauses (f) of Article 19 with the result the right to
property ceased to be a fundamental right and it became only
legal right by insertion of Article 300A in the Constitution.
Articles 14, 19 and 21 became enforceable after the end of
emergency. The Parliament also took steps to protect
fundamental rights that had been infringed during emergency.
The Maintenance of Internal Security Act, 1971 and the
Prevention of Publication of Objectionable Matter Act, 1976
which had been placed in the Ninth Schedule were repealed.
The Constitution (44th Amendment) Act also amended Article
359 of the Constitution to provide that even though other
fundamental rights could be suspended during the emergency,
rights conferred by Articles 20 and 21 could not be suspended.
During emergency, the fundamental rights were read
even more restrictively as interpreted by majority in
Additional District Magistrate, Jabalpur v. Shivakant
Shukla [(1976) 2 SCC 521]. The decision in Additional
District Magistrate, Jabalpur about the restrictive reading
of right to life and liberty stood impliedly overruled by various
subsequent decisions.
The fundamental rights received enlarged judicial
interpretation in the post-emergency period. Article 21 which
was given strict textual meaning in A.K Gopalan v. The State
of Madras [1950 SCR 88] interpreting the words "according
to procedure established by law" to mean only enacted law,
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received enlarged interpretation in Menaka Gandhi v. Union
of India [(1978) 1 SCC 248]. A.K. Gopalan was no longer
good law. In Menaka Gandhi a Bench of Seven Judges held
that the procedure established by law in Article 21 had to be
reasonable and not violative of Article 14 and also that
fundamental rights guaranteed by Part III were distinct and
mutually exclusive rights.
In Minerva Mills case (supra), the Court struck down
clauses (4) and (5) and Article 368 finding that they violated
the basic structure of the Constitution.
The next decision to be noted is that of Waman Rao
(supra). The developments that had taken place post-
Kesavananda Bharati’s case have been noticed in this
decision.
In Bhim Singhji (supra), challenge was made to the
validity of Urban Land (Ceiling and Regulation) Act, 1976
which had been inserted in the Ninth Schedule after
Kesavananda Bharati’s case. The Constitution Bench
unanimously held that Section 27(1) which prohibited disposal
of property within the ceiling limit was violative of Articles 14
and 19(1)(f) of Part III. When the said Act was enforced in
February 1976, Article 19(1)(f) was part of fundamental rights
chapter and as already noted it was omitted therefrom only in
1978 and made instead only a legal right under Article 300A.
It was held in L. Chandra Kumar v. Union of India &
Ors. [(1997) 3 SCC 261] that power of judicial review is an
integral and essential feature of the Constitution constituting
the basic part, the jurisdiction so conferred on the High
Courts and the Supreme Court is a part of inviolable basic
structure of Constitution of India.
Constitutional Amendment of Ninth Schedule
It would be convenient to note at one place, various
constitutional amendments which added/omitted various
Acts/provisions in Ninth Schedule from Item No.1 to 284. It is
as under :
"Amendment
Acts/Provisions
added
1st Amendment (1951)
1-13
4th Amendment (1955)
14-20
17th Amendment (1964)
21-64
29th Amendment (1971)
65-66
34th Amendment (1974)
67-86
39th Amendment (1975)
87-124
40th Amendment (1976)
125-188
47th Amendment (1984)
189-202
66th Amendment (1990)
203-257
76th Amendment (1994)
257A
78th Amendment (1995)
258-284
Omission
In 1978 item 92 (Internal Security Act)
was repealed by Parliamentary Act.
In 1977 item 130 (Prevention of
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Publication of Objectionable Matter) was
repealed.
In 1978 the 44th amendment omitted
items 87 (The Representation of People
Act), 92 and 130."
Many additions are unrelated to land
reforms.
The question is as to the scope of challenge to Ninth
Schedule laws after 24th April, 1973
Article 32
The significance of jurisdiction conferred on this Court by
Article 32 is described by Dr. B.R. Ambedkar as follows
"most important Article without which
this Constitution would be nullity"
Further, it has been described as "the very soul of the
Constitution and the very heart of it".
Reference may also be made to the opinion of Chief
Justice Patanjali Sastri in State of Madras v. V.G. Row
[1952 SCR 597] to the following effect :
"This is especially true as regards the
"fundamental rights" as to which the
Supreme Court has been assigned the
role of a sentinel on the qui vive. While
the Court naturally attaches great weight
to the legislative judgment, it cannot
desert its own duty to determine finally
the constitutionality of an impugned
statute."
The jurisdiction conferred on this Court by Article 32 is
an important and integral part of the basic structure of the
Constitution of India and no act of Parliament can abrogate it
or take it away except by way of impermissible erosion of
fundamental principles of the constitutional scheme are
settled propositions of Indian jurisprudence [see Fertilizer
Corporation Kamgar Union (Regd.), Sindri & Ors. v. Union
of India and Ors.[(1981) 1 SCC 568], State of Rajasthan v.
Union of India & Ors. [(1977) 3 SCC 592], M. Krishna
Swami v. Union of India & Ors. [(1992) 4 SCC 605],
Daryao & Ors. v. The State of U.P. & Ors. [(1962) 1 SCR
574] and L. Chandra Kumar (supra).
In S.R. Bommai & Ors. v. Union of India & Ors.
[(1994) 3 SCC 1] it was reiterated that the judicial review is a
basic feature of the Constitution and that the power of judicial
review is a constituent power that cannot be abrogated by
judicial process of interpretation. It is a cardinal principle of
our Constitution that no one can claim to be the sole judge of
the power given under the Constitution and that its actions
are within the confines of the powers given by the
Constitution.
It is the duty of this Court to uphold the constitutional
values and enforce constitutional limitations as the ultimate
interpreter of the Constitution.
Principles of Construction
The Constitution is a living document. The constitutional
provisions have to be construed having regard to the march of
time and the development of law. It is, therefore, necessary
that while construing the doctrine of basic structure due
regard be had to various decisions which led to expansion and
development of the law.
The principle of constitutionalism is now a legal principle
which requires control over the exercise of Governmental
power to ensure that it does not destroy the democratic
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principles upon which it is based. These democratic principles
include the protection of fundamental rights. The principle of
constitutionalism advocates a check and balance model of the
separation of powers, it requires a diffusion of powers,
necessitating different independent centers of decision
making. The principle of constitutionalism underpins the
principle of legality which requires the Courts to interpret
legislation on the assumption that Parliament would not wish
to legislate contrary to fundamental rights. The Legislature
can restrict fundamental rights but it is impossible for laws
protecting fundamental rights to be impliedly repealed by
future statutes.
Common Law Constitutionalism
The protection of fundamental constitutional rights
through the common law is main feature of common law
constitutionalism.
According to Dr. Amartya Sen, the justification for
protecting fundamental rights is not on the assumption that
they are higher rights, but that protection is the best way to
promote a just and tolerant society.
According to Lord Steyn, judiciary is the best institution
to protect fundamental rights, given its independent nature
and also because it involves interpretation based on the
assessment of values besides textual interpretation. It enables
application of the principles of justice and law.
Under the controlled Constitution, the principles of
checks and balances have an important role to play. Even in
England where Parliament is sovereign, Lord Steyn has
observed that in certain circumstances, Courts may be forced
to modify the principle of parliamentary sovereignty, for
example, in cases where judicial review is sought to be
abolished. By this the judiciary is protecting a limited form of
constitutionalism, ensuring that their institutional role in the
Government is maintained.
Principles of Constitutionality
There is a difference between Parliamentary and
constitutional sovereignty. Our Constitution is framed by a
Constituent Assembly which was not the Parliament. It is in
the exercise of law making power by the Constituent Assembly
that we have a controlled Constitution. Articles 14, 19, 21
represent the foundational values which form the basis of the
rule of law. These are the principles of constitutionality which
form the basis of judicial review apart from the rule of law and
separation of powers. If in future, judicial review was to be
abolished by a constituent amendment, as Lord Steyn says,
the principle of parliamentary sovereignty even in England
would require a relook. This is how law has developed in
England over the years. It is in such cases that doctrine of
basic structure as propounded in Kesavananda Bharati’s
case has to apply.
Granville Austin has been extensively quoted and relied
on in Minerva Mills. Chief Justice Chandrachud observed
that to destroy the guarantees given by Part III in order to
purportedly achieve the goals of Part IV is plainly to subvert
the Constitution by destroying its basic structure.
Fundamental rights occupy a unique place in the lives of
civilized societies and have been described in judgments as
"transcendental", "inalienable" and "primordial". They
constitute the ark of the Constitution. (Kesavananda
Bharati \026 P.991, P.999). The learned Chief Justice held that
Parts III and IV together constitute the core of commitment to
social revolution and they, together, are the conscience of the
Constitution. It is to be traced for a deep understanding of the
scheme of the Indian Constitution. The goals set out in Part
IV have, therefore, to be achieved without the abrogation of the
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means provided for by Part III. It is in this sense that Part III
and IV together constitute the core of our Constitution and
combine to form its conscience. Anything that destroys the
balance between the two parts will ipso facto destroy the
essential element of the basic structure of the
Constitution. [Emphasis supplied] (Para 57). Further
observes the learned Chief Justice, that the matters have to be
decided not by metaphysical subtlety, nor as a matter of
semantics, but by a broad and liberal approach. We must not
miss the wood for the trees. A total deprivation of
fundamental rights, even in a limited area, can amount to
abrogation of a fundamental right just as partial deprivation in
every area can. The observations made in the context of
Article 31C have equal and full force for deciding the questions
in these matters. Again the observations made in Para 70 are
very relevant for our purposes. It has been observed that if by
a Constitutional Amendment, the application of Articles 14
and 19 is withdrawn from a defined field of legislative activity,
which is reasonably in public interest, the basic framework of
the Constitution may remain unimpaired. But if the
protection of those Articles is withdrawn in respect of an
uncatalogued variety of laws, fundamental freedoms will
become a ’parchment in a glass case’ to be viewed as a matter
of historical curiosity. These observations are very apt for
deciding the extent and scope of judicial review in cases
wherein entire Part III, including Articles 14, 19, 20, 21 and
32, stand excluded without any yardstick.
The developments made in the field of interpretation and
expansion of judicial review shall have to be kept in view while
deciding the applicability of the basic structure doctrine \026 to
find out whether there has been violation of any fundamental
right, the extent of violation, does it destroy the balance or it
maintains the reasonable balance.
The observations of Justice Bhagwati in Minerva Mills
case show how clause (4) of Article 368 would result in
enlarging the amending power of the Parliament contrary to
dictum in Kesavananda Bharati’s case. The learned Judge
has said in Paragraph 85 that :
"So long as clause (4) stands, an
amendment of the Constitution though
unconstitutional and void as
transgressing the limitation on the
amending power of Parliament as laid
down in Kesavananda Bharati’s case,
would be unchallengeable in a court of
law. The consequence of this exclusion of
the power of judicial review would be
that, in effect and substance, the
limitation on the amending power of
Parliament would, from a practical point
of view, become non-existent and it would
not be incorrect to say that, covertly and
indirectly, by the exclusion of judicial
review, the amending power of Parliament
would stand enlarged, contrary to the
decision of this Court in Kesavananda
Bharati case. This would undoubtedly
damage the basic structure of the
Constitution, because there are two
essential features of the basic structure
which would be violated, namely, the
limited amending power of Parliament
and the power of judicial review with a
view to examining whether any authority
under the Constitution has exceeded the
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limits of its powers."
In Minerva Mills while striking down the enlargement of
Article 31C through 42nd Amendemnt which had replaced the
words "of or any of the principles laid down in Part IV" with
"the principles specified in clause (b) or clause (c) and Article
39", Justice Chandrachud said :
"Section 4 of the Constitution (42nd
Amendment) Act is beyond the amending
power of the Parliament and is void since
it damages the basic or essential features
of the Constitution and destroys its basic
structure by a total exclusion of challenge
to any law on the ground that it is
inconsistent with, or takes away or
abridges any of the rights conferred by
Article 14 or Article 19 of the
Constitution, if the law is for giving effect
to the policy of the State towards
securing all or any of the principles laid
down in Part IV of the Constitution."
In Indira Gandhi’s case, for the first time the challenge
to the constitutional amendment was not in respect of the
rights to property or social welfare, the challenge was with
reference to an electoral law. Analysing this decision, H.M.
Seervai in Constitutional Law of India (Fourth Edition) says
that "the judgment in the election case break new ground,
which has important effects on Kesavananda Bharati’s case
itself (Para 30.18). Further the author says that "No one can
now write on the amending power, without taking into account
the effect of the Election case". (Para 30.19). The author then
goes on to clarify the meaning of certain concepts \026
’constituent power’, ’Rigid’ (controlled), or ’flexible’
(uncontrolled) constitution, ’primary power’, and ’derivative
power’.
The distinction is drawn by the author between making
of a Constitution by a Constituent Assembly which was not
subject to restraints by any external authority as a plenary law
making power and a power to amend the Constitution, a
derivative power \026derived from the Constitution and subject to
the limitations imposed by the Constitution. No provision of
the Constitution framed in exercise of plenary law making
power can be ultra vires because there is no touch-stone
outside the Constitution by which the validity of provision of
the Constitution can be adjudged. The power for amendment
cannot be equated with such power of framing the
Constitution. The amending power has to be within the
Constitution and not outside it.
For determining whether a particular feature of the
Constitution is part of its basic structure, one has per force to
examine in each individual case the place of the particular
feature in the scheme of our Constitution, its object and
purpose, and the consequences of its denial on the integrity of
the Constitution as a fundamental instrument of the country’s
governance (Chief Justice Chandrachud in Indira Gandhi’s
case).
The fundamentalness of fundamental rights has thus to
be examined having regard to the enlightened point of view as
a result of development of fundamental rights over the years.
It is, therefore, imperative to understand the nature of
guarantees under fundamental rights as understood in the
years that immediately followed after the Constitution was
enforced when fundamental rights were viewed by this Court
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as distinct and separate rights. In early years, the scope of the
guarantee provided by these rights was considered to be very
narrow. Individuals could only claim limited protection
against the State. This position has changed since long. Over
the years, the jurisprudence and development around
fundamental rights has made it clear that they are not limited,
narrow rights but provide a broad check against the violations
or excesses by the State authorities. The fundamental rights
have in fact proved to be the most significant constitutional
control on the Government, particularly legislative power.
This transition from a set of independent, narrow rights to
broad checks on state power is demonstrated by a series of
cases that have been decided by this Court. In The State of
Bombay v. Bhanji Munji & Anr. [(1955) 1 SCR 777] relying
on the ratio of Gopalan it was held that Article 31 was
independent of Article 19(1)(f). However, it was in Rustom
Cavasjee Cooper v. Union of India [(1970) 3 SCR 530]
(popularly known as Bank Nationalization case) the view
point of Gopalan was seriously disapproved. While rendering
this decision, the focus of the Court was on the actual
impairment caused by the law, rather than the literal validity
of the law. This view was reflective of the decision taken in the
case of Sakal Papers (P) Ltd. & Ors. v. The Union of India
[(1962) 3 SCR 842] where the court was faced with the
validity of certain legislative measures regarding the control of
newspapers and whether it amounted to infringement of
Article 19(1)(a). While examining this question the Court
stated that the actual effect of the law on the right guaranteed
must be taken into account. This ratio was applied in Bank
Nationalization case. The Court examined the relation
between Article 19(1)(f) and Article 13 and held that they were
not mutually exclusive. The ratio of Gopalan was not
approved.
Views taken in Bank Nationalization case has been
reiterated in number of cases (see Sambhu Nath Sarkar v.
The State of West Bengal & Ors. [(1974) 1 SCR 1],
Haradhan Saha & Anr. v. The State of West Bengal &
Ors. [(1975) 1 SCR 778] and Khudiram Das v. The State of
West Bengal & Ors. [(1975) 2 SCR 832] and finally the
landmark judgment in the case of Maneka Gandhi (supra).
Relying upon Cooper’s case it was said that Article 19(1) and
21 are not mutually exclusive. The Court observed in Maneka
Gandhi’s case:
"The law, must, therefore, now be taken
to be well settled that Article 21 does not
exclude Article 19 and that even if there
is a law prescribing a procedure for
depriving a person of ’personal liberty’
and there is consequently no
infringement of the fundamental right
conferred by Article 21, such law, in so
far as it abridges or takes away any
fundamental right under Article 19 would
have to meet the challenge of that article.
This proposition can no longer be
disputed after the decisions in R. C.
Cooper’s case, Shambhu Nath Sarkar’s
case and Haradhan Saha’s case. Now, if a
law depriving a person of ’’personal
liberty’ and prescribing a procedure for
that purpose within the meaning of
Article 21 has to stand the test of one or
more of the fundamental rights conferred
under Article 19 which may be applicable
in a given, situation, ex hypothesi it must
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also’ be liable to be tested with reference
to Article 14. This was in fact not
disputed by the learned Attorney General
and indeed he could not do so in view of
the clear and categorical statement made
by Mukherjea, J., in A. K. Gopalan’s case
that Article 21 "presupposes that the law
is a valid and binding law under the
provisions of the Constitution having
regard to the competence of the
legislature and the subject it "relates to
and does not infringe any of the
fundamental rights which the
Constitution provides for", including
Article 14. This Court also applied Article
14 in two of its earlier decisions, namely,
The State of West Bengal v. Anwar Ali
Sarkar [1952] S.C.R. 284 and Kathi
Raning Rawat v. The State of Saurashtra
[1952] S.C.R. 435]"
[emphasis supplied]
The decision also stressed on the application of Article 14
to a law under Article 21 and stated that even principles of
natural justice be incorporated in such a test. It was held:
"\005In fact equality and arbitrariness are
sworn enemies; one belongs to the rule of
law in a republic, while the other, to the
whim and caprice of an absolute
monarch. Where an act is arbitrary, it is
implicit in it that it is unequal both
according to political logic and
constitutional law and is therefore
violative of Article 14". Article 14 strikes
at arbitrariness in State action and
ensures fairness and equality of
treatment. The principle of
reasonableness, which legally as well as
philosophically, is an essential element of
equality or non-arbitrariness pervades
Article 14 like a brooding omnipresence
and the procedure contemplated by
Article 21 must answer the best of
reasonableness in order to be in
conformity with Article 14. It must be
"right and just and fair" and not
arbitrary, fanciful or oppressive;
otherwise, it would be no procedure at all
and the requirement of Article 21 would
not be satisfied.
Any procedure which permits impairment
of the constitutional right to go abroad
without giving reasonable opportunity to
show cause cannot but be condemned as
unfair and unjust and hence, there is in
the present case clear infringement of the
requirement of Article 21".
[emphasis supplied]
The above position was also reiterated by Krishna Iyer J.,
as follows :
"The Gopalan (supra) verdict, with the
cocooning of Article 22 into a self
contained code, has suffered
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supersession at the hands of R. C.
Cooper(1) By way of aside, the fluctuating
fortunes of fundamental rights, when the
proletarist and the proprietariat have
asserted them in Court, partially provoke
sociological research and hesitantly
project the Cardozo thesis of sub-
conscious forces in judicial noesis when
the cyclorarmic review starts from
Gopalan, moves on to In re : Kerala
Education Bill and then on to All India
Bank Employees Union, next to Sakal
Newspapers, crowning in Cooper [1973] 3
S.C.R. 530 and followed by Bennet
Coleman and Sambu Nath Sarkar. Be
that as it may, the law is now settled, as I
apprehend it, that no article in Part III is
an island but part of a continent, and the
conspectus of the whole part gives the
directions and correction needed for
interpretation of these basic provisions.
Man is not dissectible into separate limbs
and, likewise, cardinal rights in an
organic constitution, which make man
human have a synthesis. The proposition
is indubitable that Article 21 does not, in
a given situation, exclude Article 19 if
both rights are breached."
[emphasis supplied]
It is evident that it can no longer be contended that
protection provided by fundamental rights comes in isolated
pools. On the contrary, these rights together provide a
comprehensive guarantee against excesses by state
authorities. Thus post-Maneka Gandhi’s case it is clear
that the development of fundamental rights has been such
that it no longer involves the interpretation of rights as
isolated protections which directly arise but they collectively
form a comprehensive test against the arbitrary exercise of
state power in any area that occurs as an inevitable
consequence. The protection of fundamental rights has,
therefore, been considerably widened.
The approach in the interpretation of fundamental rights
has been evidenced in a recent case M. Nagaraj & Ors. v.
Union of India & Ors. [(2006) 8 SCC 212] in which the
Court noted:
"This principle of interpretation is
particularly apposite to the interpretation
of fundamental rights. It is a fallacy to
regard fundamental rights as a gift from
the State to its citizens. Individuals
possess basic human rights
independently of any constitution by
reason of the basic fact that they are
members of the human race. These
fundamental rights are important as they
possess intrinsic value. Part-III of the
Constitution does not confer fundamental
rights. It confirms their existence and
gives them protection. Its purpose is to
withdraw certain subjects from the area
of political controversy to place them
beyond the reach of majorities and
officials and to establish them as legal
principles to be applied by the courts.
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Every right has a content. Every
foundational value is put in Part-III as
fundamental right as it has intrinsic
value. The converse does not apply. A
right becomes a fundamental right
because it has foundational value. Apart
from the principles, one has also to see
the structure of the Article in which the
fundamental value is incorporated.
Fundamental right is a limitation on the
power of the State. A Constitution, and in
particular that of it which protects and
which entrenches fundamental rights and
freedoms to which all persons in the
State are to be entitled is to be given a
generous and purposive construction. In
Sakal Papers (P) Ltd. v. Union of India
and Ors. [AIR 1967 SC 305] this Court
has held that while considering the
nature and content of fundamental
rights, the Court must not be too astute
to interpret the language in a literal sense
so as to whittle them down. The Court
must interpret the Constitution in a
manner which would enable the citizens
to enjoy the rights guaranteed by it in the
fullest measure. An instance of literal and
narrow interpretation of a vital
fundamental right in the Indian
Constitution is the early decision of the
Supreme Court in A.K. Gopalan v. State
of Madras. Article 21 of the Constitution
provides that no person shall be deprived
of his life and personal liberty except
according to procedure established by
law. The Supreme Court by a majority
held that ’procedure established by law’
means any procedure established by law
made by the Parliament or the
legislatures of the State. The Supreme
Court refused to infuse the procedure
with principles of natural justice. It
concentrated solely upon the existence of
enacted law. After three decades, the
Supreme Court overruled its previous
decision in A.K. Gopalan and held in its
landmark judgment in Maneka Gandhi
v. Union of India [(1978) 1 SCC 248]
that the procedure contemplated by
Article 21 must answer the test of
reasonableness. The Court further held
that the procedure should also be in
conformity with the principles of natural
justice. This example is given to
demonstrate an instance of expansive
interpretation of a fundamental right. The
expression ’life’ in Article 21 does not
connote merely physical or animal
existence. The right to life includes right
to live with human dignity. This Court
has in numerous cases deduced
fundamental features which are not
specifically mentioned in Part-III on the
principle that certain unarticulated rights
are implicit in the enumerated
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guarantees".
[Emphasis supplied]
The abrogation or abridgment of the fundamental rights
under Chapter III have, therefore, to be examined on broad
interpretation, the narrow interpretation of fundamental rights
chapter is a thing of past. Interpretation of the Constitution
has to be such as to enable the citizens to enjoy the rights
guaranteed by Part III in the fullest measure.
Seperation of Powers
The separation of powers between Legislature, Executive
and the Judiciary constitutes basic structure, has been found
in Kesavananda Bharati’s case by the majority. Later, it
was reiterated in Indira Gandhi’s case. A large number of
judgments have reiterated that the separation of powers is one
of the basic features of the Constitution.
In fact, it was settled centuries ago that for preservation
of liberty and prevention of tyranny it is absolutely essential to
vest separate powers in three different organs. In Federalist
47, 48, and 51 James Madison details how a separation of
powers preserves liberty and prevents tyranny. In Federalist
47, Madison discusses Montesquieu’s treatment of the
separation of powers in the Spirit of Laws (Boox XI, Ch. 6).
There Montesquieu writes, "When the legislative and executive
powers are united in the same person, or in the same body of
magistrates, there can be no liberty. . . Again, there is no
liberty, if the judicial power be not separated from the
legislative and executive." Madison points out that
Montesquieu did not feel that different branches could not
have overlapping functions, but rather that the power of one
department of government should not be entirely in the hands
of another department of government.
Alexander Hamilton in Federalist 78 remarks on the
importance of the independence of the judiciary to preserve
the separation of powers and the rights of the people:
"The complete independence of the courts
of justice is peculiarly essential in a
limited Constitution. By a limited
Constitution, I understand one which
contains certain specified exceptions to
the legislative authority; such, for
instance, that it shall pass no bills of
attainder, no ex post facto laws, and the
like. Limitations of this kind can be
preserved in practice in no other way
than through the medium of courts of
justice, whose duty it must be to declare
all acts contrary to the manifest tenor of
the Constitution void. Without this, all
the reservations of particular rights or
privileges would amount to nothing."
(434)
Montesquieu finds tyranny pervades when there is no
separation of powers:
"There would be an end of everything,
were the same man or same body,
whether of the nobles or of the people, to
exercise those three powers, that of
enacting laws, that of executing the
public resolutions, and of trying the
causes of individuals."
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The Supreme Court has long held that the separation of
powers is part of the basic structure of the Constitution. Even
before the basic structure doctrine became part of
Constitutional law, the importance of the separation of powers
on our system of governance was recognized by this Court in
Special Reference No.1 of 1964 [(1965) 1 SCR 413].
Contentions
In the light of aforesaid developments, the main thrust of
the argument of the petitioners is that post-1973, it is
impermissible to immunize Ninth Schedule laws from judicial
review by making Part III inapplicable to such laws. Such a
course, it is contended, is incompatible with the doctrine of
basic structure. The existence of power to confer absolute
immunity is not compatible with the implied limitation upon
the power of amendment in Article 368, is the thrust of the
contention.
Further relying upon the clarification of Khanna, J, as
given in Indira Gandhi’s case, in respect of his opinion in
Kesavananda Bharati’s case, it is no longer correct to say
that fundament rights are not included in the basic structure.
Therefore, the contention proceeds that since fundamental
rights form a part of basic structure and thus laws inserted
into Ninth Schedule when tested on the ground of basic
structure shall have to be examined on the fundamental rights
test.
The key question, however, is whether the basic
structure test would include judicial review of Ninth Schedule
laws on the touchstone of fundamental rights. Thus, it is
necessary to examine what exactly is the content of the basic
structure test. According to the petitioners, the consequence
of the evolution of the principles of basic structure is that
Ninth Schedule laws cannot be conferred with constitutional
immunity of the kind created by Article 31B. Assuming that
such immunity can be conferred, its constitutional validity
would have to be adjudged by applying the direct impact and
effect test which means the form of an amendment is not
relevant, its consequence would be determinative factor.
The power to make any law at will that transgresses
Part III in its entirety would be incompatible with the basic
structure of the Constitution. The consequence also is,
learned counsel for the petitioners contended, to emasculate
Article 32 (which is part of fundamental rights chapter) in its
entirety \026 if the rights themselves (including the principle of
rule of law encapsulated in Article 14) are put out of the way,
the remedy under Article 32 would be meaningless. In fact, by
the exclusion of Part III, Article 32 would stand abrogated qua
the Ninth Schedule laws. The contention is that the
abrogation of Article 32 would be per se violative of the basic
structure. It is also submitted that the constituent power
under Article 368 does not include judicial power and that the
power to establish judicial remedies which is compatible with
the basic structure is qualitatively different from the power to
exercise judicial power. The impact is that on the one hand
the power under Article 32 is removed and, on the other hand,
the said power is exercised by the legislature itself by
declaring, in a way, Ninth Schedule laws as valid.
On the other hand, the contention urged on behalf of the
respondents is that the validity of Ninth Schedule legislations
can only be tested on the touch-stone of basic structure
doctrine as decided by majority in Kesavananda Bharati’s
case which also upheld the Constitution 29th Amendment
unconditionally and thus there can be no question of judicial
review of such legislations on the ground of violation of
fundamental rights chapter. The fundamental rights chapter,
it is contended, stands excluded as a result of protective
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umbrella provided by Article 31B and, therefore, the challenge
can only be based on the ground of basic structure doctrine
and in addition, legislation can further be tested for (i) lack of
legislative competence and (ii) violation of other constitutional
provisions. This would also show, counsel for the respondents
argued, that there is no exclusion of judicial review and
consequently, there is no violation of the basic structure
doctrine.
Further, it was contended that the constitutional device
for retrospective validation of laws was well known and it is
legally permissible to pass laws to remove the basis of the
decisions of the Court and consequently, nullify the effect of
the decision. It was submitted that Article 31B and the
amendments by which legislations are added to the Ninth
Schedule form such a device, which ’cure the defect’ of
legislation.
The respondents contend that the point in issue is
covered by the majority judgment in Kesavananda Bharati’s
case. According to that view, Article 31B or the Ninth
Schedule is a permissible constitutional device to provide a
protective umbrella to Ninth Schedule laws. The distinction is
sought to be drawn between the necessity for the judiciary in a
written constitution and judicial review by the judiciary.
Whereas the existence of judiciary is part of the basic
framework of the Constitution and cannot be abrogated in
exercise of constituent power of the Parliament under Article
368, the power of judicial review of the judiciary can be
curtailed over certain matters. The contention is that there is
no judicial review in absolute terms and Article 31B only
restricts that judicial review power. It is contended that after
the doctrine of basic structure which came to be established in
Kesavananda Bharati’s case, it is only that kind of judicial
review whose elimination would destroy or damage the basic
structure of the Constitution that is beyond the constituent
power. However, in every case where the constituent power
excludes judicial review, the basic structure of the
Constitution is not abrogated. The question to be asked in
each case is, does the particular exclusion alter the basic
structure. Giving immunity of Part III to the Ninth Schedule
laws from judicial review, does not abrogate judicial review
from the Constitution. Judicial review remains with the court
but with its exclusion over Ninth Schedule laws to which Part
III ceases to apply. The effect of placing a law in Ninth
Schedule is that it removes the fetter of Part III by virtue of
Article 31B but that does not oust the court jurisdiction. It
was further contended that Justice Khanna in Kesavananda
Bharati’s case held that subject to the retention of the basic
structure or framework of the Constitution, the power of
amendment is plenary and will include within itself the power
to add, alter or repeal various articles including taking away or
abridging fundamental rights and that the power to amend the
fundamental rights cannot be denied by describing them as
natural rights. The contention is that the majority in
Kesavananda Bharati’s case held that there is no embargo
with regard to amending any of the fundamental rights in Part
III subject to basic structure theory and, therefore, the
petitioners are not right in the contention that in the said case
the majority held that the fundamental rights form part of the
basic structure and cannot be amended. The further
contention is that if fundamental rights can be amended,
which is the effect of Kesavananda Bharati’s case overruling
Golak Nath’s case, then fundamental rights cannot be said
to be part of basic structure unless the nature of the
amendment is such which destroys the nature and character
of the Constitution. It is contended that the test for judicially
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reviewing the Ninth Schedule laws cannot be on the basis of
mere infringement of the rights guaranteed under Part III of
the Constitution. The correct test is whether such laws
damage or destroy that part of fundamental rights which form
part of the basic structure. Thus, it is contended that judicial
review of Ninth Schedule laws is not completely barred. The
only area where such laws get immunity is from the infraction
of rights guaranteed under Part III of the Constitution.
To begin with, we find it difficult to accept the broad
proposition urged by the petitioners that laws that have been
found by the courts to be violative of Part III of the
Constitution cannot be protected by placing the same in the
Ninth Schedule by use of device of Article 31B read with
Article 368 of the Constitution. In Kesavananda Bharti’s
case, the majority opinion upheld the validity of the Kerala Act
which had been set aside in Kunjukutty Sahib etc. etc. v.
The State of Kerala & Anr. [(1972) 2 SCC 364] and the
device used was that of the Ninth Schedule. After a law is
placed in the Ninth Schedule, its validity has to be tested on
the touchstone of basic structure doctrine. In State of
Maharashtra & Ors. v. Man Singh Suraj Singh Padvi &
Ors. [(1978) 1 SCC 615], a Seven Judge Constitution Bench,
post-decision in Kesavananda Bharati’s case upheld
Constitution (40th Amendment) Act, 1976 which was
introduced when the appeal was pending in Supreme Court
and thereby included the regulations in the Ninth Schedule. It
was held that Article 31B and the Ninth Schedule cured the
defect, if any, in the regulations as regards any
unconstitutionality alleged on the ground of infringement of
fundamental rights.
It is also contended that the power to pack up laws in the
Ninth Schedule in absence of any indicia in Article 31B has
been abused and that abuse is likely to continue. It is
submitted that the Ninth Schedule which commenced with
only 13 enactments has now a list of 284 enactments. The
validity of Article 31B is not in question before us. Further,
mere possibility of abuse is not a relevant test to determine the
validity of a provision. The people, through the Constitution,
have vested the power to make laws in their representatives
through Parliament in the same manner in which they have
entrusted the responsibility to adjudge, interpret and construe
law and the Constitution including its limitation in the
judiciary. We, therefore, cannot make any assumption about
the alleged abuse of the power.
Validity of 31B
There was some controversy on the question whether
validity of Article 31B was under challenge or not in
Kesavananda Bharati. On this aspect, Chief Justice
Chandrachud has to say this in Waman Rao :
In Sajjan Singh v. State of Rajasthan
[(1965) 1 SCR 933], the Court refused to
reconsider the decision in Sankari
Prasad (supra), with the result that the
validity of the 1st Amendment remained
unshaken. In Golaknath, it was held by
a majority of 6 : 5 that the power to
amend the Constitution was not located
in Article 368. The inevitable result of
this holding should have been the
striking down of all constitutional
amendments since, according to the view
of the majority, Parliament had no power
to amend the Constitution in pursuance
of Article 368. But the Court resorted to
the doctrine of prospective overruling and
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held that the constitutional amendments
which were already made would be left
undisturbed and that its decision will
govern the future amendments only. As a
result, the 1st Amendment by which
Articles 31A and 31B were introduced
remained inviolate. It is trite knowledge
that Golaknath was overruled in
Kesavananda Bharati (supra) in which
it was held unanimously that the power
to amend the Constitution was to be
found in Article 368 of the Constitution.
The petitioners produced before us a copy
of the Civil Misc. Petition which was filed
in Kesavananda Bharati, (supra) by
which the reliefs originally asked for were
modified. It appears thereform that what
was challenged in that case was the 24th,
25th and the 29th Amendments to the
Constitution. The validity of the 1st
Amendment was not questioned Khanna
J., however, held-while dealing with the
validity of the unamended Article 31C
that the validity of Article 31A was upheld
in Sankari Prasad, (supra) that its
validity could not be any longer
questioned because of the principle of
stare decisis and that the ground on
which the validity of Article 31A was
sustained will be available equally for
sustaining the validity of the first part of
Article 31C (page 744) (SCC p.812, para
1518).
We have examined various opinions in Kesavananda
Bharati’s case but are unable to accept the contention that
Article 31B read with the Ninth Schedule was held to be
constitutionally valid in that case. The validity thereof was not
in question. The constitutional amendments under challenge
in Kesavananda Bharati’s case were examined assuming
the constitutional validity of Article 31B. Its validity was not
in issue in that case. Be that as it may, we will assume Article
31B as valid. The validity of the 1st Amendment inserting in
the Constitution, Article 31B is not in challenge before us.
Point in issue
The real crux of the problem is as to the extent and
nature of immunity that Article 31B can validly provide. To
decide this intricate issue, it is first necessary to examine in
some detail the judgment in Kesavananda Bharati’s case,
particularly with reference to 29th Amendment.
Kesavananda Bharati’s case
The contention urged on behalf of the respondents that
all the Judges, except Chief Justice Sikri, in Kesavananda
Bharati’s case held that 29th Amendment was valid and
applied Jeejeebhoy’s case, is not based on correct ratio of
Kesavananda Bharati’s case. Six learned Judges (Ray,
Phalekar, Mathew, Beg, Dwivedi and Chandrachud, JJ) who
upheld the validity of 29th Amendment did not subscribe to
basic structure doctrine. The other six learned Judges (Chief
Justice Sikri, Shelat, Grover, Hegde, Mukherjee and Reddy JJ)
upheld the 29th Amendment subject to it passing the test of
basic structure doctrine. The 13th learned Judge (Khanna, J),
though subscribed to basic structure doctrine, upheld the 29th
Amendment agreeing with six learned Judges who did not
subscribe to the basic structure doctrine. Therefore, it would
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not be correct to assume that all Judges or Judges in majority
on the issue of basic structure doctrine upheld the validity of
29th Amendment unconditionally or were alive to the
consequences of basic structure doctrine on 29th Amendment.
Six learned Judges otherwise forming the majority, held
29th amendment valid only if the legislation added to the Ninth
Schedule did not violate the basic structure of the
Constitution. The remaining six who are in minority in
Kesavananda Bharati’s case, insofar as it relates to laying
down the doctrine of basic structure, held 29th Amendment
unconditionally valid.
While laying the foundation of basic structure doctrine to
test the amending power of the Constitution, Justice Khanna
opined that the fundamental rights could be amended
abrogated or abridged so long as the basic structure of the
Constitution is not destroyed but at the same time, upheld the
29th Amendment as unconditionally valid. Thus, it cannot be
inferred from the conclusion of the seven judges upholding
unconditionally the validity of 29th Amendment that the
majority opinion held fundamental rights chapter as not part
of the basic structure doctrine. The six Judges which held
29th Amendment unconditionally valid did not subscribe to the
doctrine of basic structure. The other six held 29th
Amendment valid subject to it passing the test of basic
structure doctrine.
Justice Khanna upheld the 29th Amendment in the
following terms:
"We may now deal with the Constitution
(Twenty ninth Amendment) Act. This Act,
as mentioned earlier, inserted the Kerala
Act 35 of 1969 and the Kerala Act 25 of
1971 as entries No. 65 and 66 in the
Ninth Schedule to the Constitution. I
have been able to find no infirmity in the
Constitution (Twenty ninth Amendment)
Act."
In his final conclusions, with respect to the Twenty-ninth
Amendment, Khanna, J. held as follows:
"(xv) The Constitution (Twenty-ninth
Amendment) Act does not suffer from any
infirmity and as such is valid."
Thus, while upholding the Twenty-ninth amendment,
there was no mention of the test that is to be applied to the
legislations inserted in the Ninth Schedule. The implication
that the Respondents seek to draw from the above is that this
amounts to an unconditional upholding of the legislations in
the Ninth Schedule.
They have also relied on observations by Ray CJ., as
quoted below, in Indira Gandhi (supra). In that case, Ray
CJ. observed:
"The Constitution 29th Amendment Act
was considered by this Court in
Kesavananda Bharati’s case. The 29th
Amendment Act inserted in the Ninth
Schedule to the Constitution Entries 65
and 66 being the Kerala Land Reforms
Act, 1969 and the Kerala Land Reforms
Act, 1971. This Court unanimously
upheld the validity of the 29th
Amendment Act\005. The view of seven
Judges in Kesavananda Bharati’s case is
that Article 31-B is a constitutional
device to place the specified statutes in
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the Schedule beyond any attack that
these infringe Part III of the Constitution.
The 29th Amendment is affirmed in
Kesavananda Bharati’s case (supra) by
majority of seven against six Judges.
\005.Second, the majority view in
Kesavananda Bharati’s case is that the
29th Amendment which put the two
statutes in the Ninth Schedule and
Article 31-B is not open to challenge on
the ground of either damage to or
destruction of basic features, basic
structure or basic framework or on the
ground of violation of fundamental
rights."
[Emphasis supplied]
The respondents have particularly relied on aforesaid
highlighted portions.
On the issue of how 29th Amendment in Kesavananda
Bharati case was decided, in Minerva Mills, Bhagwati, J.
has said thus :
"The validity of the Twenty-ninth
Amendment Act was challenged in
Kesavananda Bharati case but by a
majority consisting of Khanna, J. and the
six learned Judges led by Ray, J. (as he
then was) it was held to be valid. Since all
the earlier constitutional amendments
were held valid on the basis of unlimited
amending power of Parliament recognised
in Sankari Prasad case and Sajian
Singh’s case and were accepted as valid
in Golak Nath case and the Twenty
Ninth Amendment Act was also held valid
in Kesavananda Bharati case, though
not on the application of the basic
structure test, and these constitutional
amendments have been recognised as
valid over a number of years and
moreover, the statutes intended to be
protected by them are all falling within
Article 31A with the possible exception of
only four Acts referred to above, I do not
think, we would be justified in re-opening
the question of validity of these
constitutional amendments and hence we
hold them to be valid. But, all
constitutional amendments made after
the decision in Kesavananda Bharati
case would have to be tested by reference
to the basic structure doctrine, for
Parliament would then have no excuse for
saying that it did not know the limitation
on its amending power."
To us, it seems that the position is correctly reflected in
the aforesaid observations of Bhagwati, J. and with respect we
feel that Ray CJ. is not correct in the conclusion that 29th
Amendment was unanimously upheld. Since the majority
which propounded the basic structure doctrine did not
unconditionally uphold the validity of 29th Amendment and six
learned judges forming majority left that to be decided by a
smaller Bench and upheld its validity subject to it passing
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basic structure doctrine, the factum of validity of 29th
mendment in Kesavananda Bharati case is not conclusive of
matters under consideration before us.
In order to understand the view of Khanna J. in
Kesavananda Bharati (supra), it is important to take into
account his later clarification. In Indira Gandhi (supra),
Khanna J. made it clear that he never opined that
fundamental rights were outside the purview of basic
structure and observed as follows:
"There was a controversy during the
course of arguments on the point as to
whether I have laid down in my judgment
in Kesavananda Bharati’s case that
fundamental rights are not a part of the
basic structure of the Constitution. As
this controversy cropped up a number of
times, it seems apposite that before I
conclude I should deal with the
contention advanced by learned Solicitor
General that according to my judgment in
that case no fundamental right is part of
the basic structure of the Constitution. I
find it difficult to read anything in that
judgment to justify such a conclusion.
What has been laid down in that
judgment is that no article of the
Constitution is immune from the
amendatory process because of the fact
that it relates to a fundamental right and
is contained in Part III of the
Constitution\005.
\005.The above observations clearly militate
against the contention that according to
my judgment fundamental rights are not
a part of the basic structure of the
Constitution. I also dealt with the matter
at length to show that the right to
property was not a part of the basic
structure of the Constitution. This would
have been wholly unnecessary if none of
the fundamental rights was a part of the
basic structure of the Constitution".
Thus, after his aforesaid clarification, it is not possible to
read the decision of Khanna J. in Kesavananda Bharati so
as to exclude fundamental rights from the purview of the basic
structure. The import of this observation is significant in the
light of the amendment that he earlier upheld. It is true that if
the fundamental rights were never a part of the basic
structure, it would be consistent with an unconditional
upholding of the Twenty-ninth Amendment, since its impact
on the fundamental rights guarantee would be rendered
irrelevant. However, having held that some of the
fundamental rights are a part of the basic structure, any
amendment having an impact on fundamental rights would
necessarily have to be examined in that light. Thus, the fact
that Khanna J. held that some of the fundamental rights were
a part of the basic structure has a significant impact on his
decision regarding the Twenty-ninth amendment and the
validity of the Twenty-ninth amendment must necessarily be
viewed in that light. His clarification demonstrates that he
was not of the opinion that all the fundamental rights were not
part of the basic structure and the inevitable conclusion is
that the Twenty-ninth amendment even if treated as
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unconditionally valid is of no consequence on the point in
issue in view of peculiar position as to majority abovenoted.
Such an analysis is supported by Seervai, in his book
Constitutional Law of India (4th edition, Volume III), as follows:
"Although in his judgment in the Election
Case, Khanna J. clarified his judgment in
Kesavananda’s Case, that clarification
raised a serious problem of its own. The
problem was: in view of the clarification,
was Khanna J. right in holding that
Article 31-B and Sch. IX were
unconconditionally valid? Could he do so
after he had held that the basic structure
of the Constitution could not be
amended? As we have seen, that problem
was solved in Minerva Mills Case by
holding that Acts inserted in Sch. IX after
25 April, 1973 were not unconditionally
valid, but would have to stand the test of
fundamental rights. (Para 30.48, page
3138)
But while the clarification in the Election
Case simplifies one problem \026 the scope
of amending power \026 it raises complicated
problems of its own. Was Khanna J.
right in holding Art. 31-B (and Sch. 9)
unconditionally valid? An answer to
these questions requires an analysis of
the function of Art. 31-B and Sch.
9\005.Taking Art. 31-B and Sch. 9 first,
their effect is to confer validity on laws
already enacted which would be void for
violating one of more of the fundamental
rights conferred by Part III (fundamental
rights)\005.
But if the power of amendment is limited
by the doctrine of basic structure, a grave
problem immediately arises\005.The thing
to note is that though such Acts do not
become a part of the Constitution, by
being included in Sch.9 [footnote: This is
clear from the provision of Article 31-B
that such laws are subject to the power of
any competent legislature to repeal or
amend them \026 that no State legislature
has the power to repeal or amend the
Constitution, nor has Parliament such a
power outside Article 368, except where
such power is conferred by a few articles.]
they owe their validity to the exercise of
the amending power. Can Acts, which
destroy the secular character of the State,
be given validity and be permitted to
destroy a basic structure as a result of
the exercise of the amending power?
That, in the last analysis is the real
problem; and it is submitted that if the
doctrine of the basic structure is
accepted, there can be only one answer.
If Parliament, exercising constituent
power cannot enact an amendment
destroying the secular character of the
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State, neither can Parliament, exercising
its constituent power, permit the
Parliament or the State Legislatures to
produce the same result by protecting
laws, enacted in the exercise of legislative
power, which produce the same result.
To hold otherwise would be to abandon
the doctrine of basic structure in respect
of fundamental rights for every part of
that basic structure can be destroyed by
first enacting laws which produce that
effect, and then protecting them by
inclusion in Sch. 9. Such a result is
consistent with the view that some
fundamental rights are a part of the basic
structure, as Khanna J. said in his
clarification. (Para30.65, pages 3150-
3151)
In other words, the validity of the 25th
and 29th Amendments raised the question
of applying the law laid down as to the
scope of the amending power when
determining the validity of the 24th
Amendment. If that law was correctly
laid down, it did not become incorrect by
being wrongly applied. Therefore the
conflict between Khanna J.’s views on the
amending power and on the
unconditional validity of the 29th
Amendment is resolved by saying that he
laid down the scope of the amending
power correctly but misapplied that law
in holding Art. 31-B and Sch. 9
unconditionally valid\005. Consistently
with his view that some fundamental
rights were part of the basic structure, he
ought to have joined the 6 other judges in
holding that the 29th Amendment was
valid, but Acts included in Sch. 9 would
have to be scrutinized by the Constitution
bench to see whether they destroyed or
damaged any part of the basic structure
of the Constitution, and if they did, such
laws would not be protected. (Para30.65,
page 3151)"
The decision in Kesavananda Bharati (supra) regarding
the Twenty-ninth amendment is restricted to that particular
amendment and no principle flows therefrom.
We are unable to accept the contention urged on behalf
of the respondents that in Waman Rao’s case Justice
Chandrachud and in Minerva Mills case, Justice Bhagwati
have not considered the binding effect of majority judgments
in Kesavananda Bharati’s case. In these decisions, the
development of law post-Kesavananda Bharati’s case has
been considered. The conclusion has rightly been reached,
also having regard to the decision in Indira Gandhi’s case
that post-Kesavananda Bharati’s case or after 24th April,
1973, the Ninth Schedule laws will not have the full
protection. The doctrine of basic structure was involved in
Kesavananda Bharati’s case but its effect, impact and
working was examined in Indira Gandhi’s case, Waman
Rao’s case and Minerva Mills case. To say that these
judgments have not considered the binding effect of the
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majority judgment in Kesavananda Bharati’s case is not
based on a correct reading of Kesavananda Bharati.
On the issue of equality, we do not find any contradiction
or inconsistency in the views expressed by Justice
Chandrachud in Indira Gandhi’s case, by Justice Krishna
Iyer in Bhim Singh’s case and Justice Bhagwati in Minerva
Mills case. All these judgments show that violation in
individual case has to be examined to find out whether
violation of equality amounts to destruction of the basic
structure of the Constitution.
Next, we examine the extent of immunity that is provided
by Article 31B. The principle that constitutional amendments
which violate the basic structure doctrine are liable to be
struck down will also apply to amendments made to add laws
in the Ninth Schedule is the view expressed by Chief Justice
Sikri. Substantially, similar separate opinions were expressed
by Shelat, Grover, Hegde, Mukherjea and Reddy, JJ. In the
four different opinions six learned judges came to
substantially the same conclusion. These judges read an
implied limitation on the power of the Parliament to amend the
Constitution. Justice Khanna also opined that there was
implied limitation in the shape of the basic structure doctrine
that limits the power of Parliament to amend the Constitution
but the learned Judge upheld 29th Amendment and did not
say, like remaining six Judges, that the Twenty-Ninth
Amendment will have to be examined by a smaller
Constitution Bench to find out whether the said amendment
violated the basic structure theory or not. This gave rise to the
argument that fundamental rights chapter is not part of basic
structure. Justice Khanna, however, does not so say in
Kesavananda Bharati’s case. Therefore, Kesavananda
Bharati’s case cannot be said to have held that fundamental
rights chapter is not part of basic structure. Justice Khanna,
while considering Twenty-Ninth amendment, had obviously in
view the laws that had been placed in the Ninth Schedule by
the said amendment related to the agrarian reforms. Justice
Khanna did not want to elevate the right to property under
Article 19(1)(f) to the level and status of basic structure or
basic frame-work of the Constitution, that explains the ratio of
Kesavananda Bharati’s case. Further, doubt, if any, as to
the opinion of Justice Khanna stood resolved on the
clarification given in Indira Gandhi’s case, by the learned
Judge that in Kesavananda Bharati’s case, he never held
that fundamental rights are not a part of the basic structure
or framework of the Constitution.
The rights and freedoms created by the fundamental
rights chapter can be taken away or destroyed by amendment
of the relevant Article, but subject to limitation of the doctrine
of basic structure. True, it may reduce the efficacy of Article
31B but that is inevitable in view of the progress the laws have
made post-Kesavananda Bharati’s case which has limited
the power of the Parliament to amend the Constitution under
Article 368 of the Constitution by making it subject to the
doctrine of basic structure.
To decide the correctness of the rival submissions, the
first aspect to be borne in mind is that each exercise of the
amending power inserting laws into Ninth Schedule entails a
complete removal of the fundamental rights chapter vis-‘-vis
the laws that are added in the Ninth Schedule. Secondly,
insertion in Ninth Schedule is not controlled by any defined
criteria or standards by which the exercise of power may be
evaluated. The consequence of insertion is that it nullifies
entire Part III of the Constitution. There is no constitutional
control on such nullification. It means an unlimited power to
totally nullify Part III in so far as Ninth Schedule legislations
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are concerned. The supremacy of the Constitution mandates
all constitutional bodies to comply with the provisions of the
Constitution. It also mandates a mechanism for testing the
validity of legislative acts through an independent organ, viz.
the judiciary.
While examining the validity of Article 31C in
Kesavananda Bharati’s case, it was held that the vesting of
power of the exclusion of judicial review in a legislature
including a State legislature, strikes at the basic structure of
the Constitution. It is on this ground that second part of
Article 31C was held to be beyond the permissible limits of
power of amendment of the Constitution under Article 368.
If the doctrine of basic structure provides a touchstone to
test the amending power or its exercise, there can be no dobt
and it has to be so accepted that Part III of the Constitution
has a key role to play in the application of the said doctrine.
Regarding the status and stature in respect of
fundamental rights in Constitutional scheme, it is to be
remembered that Fundamental Rights are those rights of
citizens or those negative obligations of the State which do not
permit encroachment on individual liberties. The State is to
deny no one equality before the law. The object of the
Fundamental Rights is to foster the social revolution by
creating a society egalitarian to the extent that all citizens are
to be equally free from coercion or restriction by the State. By
enacting Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles which
are negative and positive obligations of the States, the
Constituent Assembly made it the responsibility of the
Government to adopt a middle path between individual liberty
and public good. Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles
have to be balanced. That balance can be tilted in favour of
the public good. The balance, however, cannot be overturned
by completely overriding individual liberty. This balance is an
essential feature of the Constitution.
Fundamental rights enshrined in Part III were added to
the Constitution as a check on the State power, particularly
the legislative power. Through Article 13, it is provided that
the State cannot make any laws that are contrary to Part III.
The framers of the Constitution have built a wall around
certain parts of fundamental rights, which have to remain
forever, limiting ability of majority to intrude upon them. That
wall is the ’Basic Structure’ doctrine. Under Article 32, which
is also part of Part III, Supreme Court has been vested with
the power to ensure compliance of Part III. The responsibility
to judge the constitutionality of all laws is that of judiciary.
Thus, when power under Article 31B is exercised, the
legislations made completely immune from Part III results in a
direct way out, of the check of Part III, including that of Article
32. It cannot be said that the same Constitution that provides
for a check on legislative power, will decide whether such a
check is necessary or not. It would be a negation of the
Constitution. In Waman Rao’s case, while discussing the
application of basic structure doctrine to the first amendment,
it was observed that the measure of the permissibility of an
amendment of a pleading is how far it is consistent with the
original; you cannot by an amendment transform the original
into opposite of what it is. For that purpose, a comparison is
undertaken to match the amendment with the original. Such
a comparison can yield fruitful results even in the rarefied
sphere of constitutional law.
Indeed, if Article 31B only provided restricted immunity
and it seems that original intent was only to protect a limited
number of laws, it would have been only exception to Part III
and the basis for the initial upholding of the provision.
However, the unchecked and rampant exercise of this power,
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the number having gone from 13 to 284, shows that it is no
longer a mere exception. The absence of guidelines for
exercise of such power means the absence of constitutional
control which results in destruction of constitutional
supremacy and creation of parliamentary hegemony and
absence of full power of judicial review to determine the
constitutional validity of such exercise.
It is also contended for the respondents that Article 31A
excludes judicial review of certain laws from the applications
of Articles 14 and 19 and that Article 31A has been held to be
not violative of the basic structure. The contention, therefore,
is that exclusion of judicial review would not make the Ninth
Schedule law invalid. We are not holding such law per se
invalid but, examining the extent of the power which the
Legislature will come to possess. Article 31A does not exclude
uncatalogued number of laws from challenge on the basis of
Part III. It provides for a standard by which laws stand
excluded from Judicial Review. Likewise, Article 31C applies
as a yardstick the criteria of sub-clauses (b) and (c) of Article
39 which refers to equitable distribution of resources.
The fundamental rights have always enjoyed a special
and privileged place in the Constitution. Economic growth
and social equity are the two pillars of our Constitution which
are linked to the rights of an individual (right to equal
opportunity), rather than in the abstract. Some of the rights in
Part III constitute fundamentals of the Constitution like Article
21 read with Articles 14 and 15 which represent secularism
etc. As held in Nagaraj, egalitarian equality exists in Article
14 read with Article 16(4) (4A) (4B) and, therefore, it is wrong
to suggest that equity and justice finds place only in the
Directive Principles.
The Parliament has power to amend the provisions of
Part III so as to abridge or take away fundamental rights, but
that power is subject to the limitation of basic structure
doctrine. Whether the impact of such amendment results in
violation of basic structure has to be examined with reference
to each individual case. Take the example of freedom of Press
which, though not separately and specifically guaranteed, has
been read as part of Article 19(1)(a). If Article 19(1)(a) is
sought to be amended so as to abrogate such right (which we
hope will never be done), the acceptance of respondents
contention would mean that such amendment would fall
outside the judicial scrutiny when the law curtailing these
rights is placed in the Ninth Schedule as a result of immunity
granted by Article 31B. The impact of such an amendment
shall have to be tested on the touchstone of rights and
freedoms guaranteed by Part III of the Constitution. In a given
case, even abridgement may destroy the real freedom of the
Press and, thus, destructive of the basic structure. Take
another example. The secular character of our Constitution is
a matter of conclusion to be drawn from various Articles
conferring fundamental rights; and if the secular character is
not to be found in Part III, it cannot be found anywhere else in
the Constitution because every fundamental right in Part III
stands either for a principle or a matter of detail. Therefore,
one has to take a synoptic view of the various Articles in Part
III while judging the impact of the laws incorporated in the
Ninth Schedule on the Articles in Part III. It is not necessary
to multiply the illustrations.
After enunciation of the basic structure doctrine, full
judicial review is an integral part of the constitutional scheme.
Justice Khanna in Kesavananda Bharati’s case was
considering the right to property and it is in that context it
was said that no Article of the Constitution is immune from
the amendatory process. We may recall what Justice Khanna
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said while dealing with the words "amendment of the
Constitution". His Lordship said that these words with all the
wide sweep and amplitude cannot have the effect of destroying
or abrogating the basic structure or framework of the
Constitution. The opinion of Justice Khanna in Indira
Gandhi clearly indicates that the view in Kesavananda
Bharati’s case is that at least some fundamental rights do
form part of basic structure of the Constitution. Detailed
discussion in Kesavananda Bharati’s case to demonstrate
that the right to property was not part of basic structure of the
Constitution by itself shows that some of the fundamental
rights are part of the basic structure of the Constitution. The
placement of a right in the scheme of the Constitution, the
impact of the offending law on that right, the effect of the
exclusion of that right from judicial review, the abrogation of
the principle on the essence of that right is an exercise which
cannot be denied on the basis of fictional immunity under
Article 31B.
In Indira Gandhi,s case, Justice Chandrachud posits
that equality embodied in Article 14 is part of the basic
structure of the Constitution and, therefore, cannot be
abrogated by observing that the provisions impugned in that
case are an outright negation of the right of equality conferred
by Article 14, a right which more than any other is a basic
postulate of our constitution.
Dealing with Articles 14, 19 and 21 in Minerva Mills
case, it was said that these clearly form part of the basic
structure of the Constitution and cannot be abrogated. It was
observed that three Articles of our constitution, and only
three, stand between the heaven of freedom into which Tagore
wanted his country to awake and the abyss of unrestrained
power. These Articles stand on altogether different footing.
Can it be said, after the evolution of the basic structure
doctrine, that exclusion of these rights at Parliament’s will
without any standard, cannot be subjected to judicial scrutiny
as a result of the bar created by Article 31B? The obvious
answer has to be in the negative. If some of the fundamental
rights constitute a basic structure, it would not be open to
immunise those legislations from full judicial scrutiny either
on the ground that the fundamental rights are not part of the
basic structure or on the ground that Part III provisions are
not available as a result of immunity granted by Article 31B.
It cannot be held that essence of the principle behind Article
14 is not part of the basic structure. In fact, essence or
principle of the right or nature of violation is more important
than the equality in the abstract or formal sense. The majority
opinion in Kesavananda Bharati’s case clearly is that the
principles behind fundamental rights are part of the basic
structure of the Constitution. It is necessary to always bear in
mind that fundamental rights have been considered to be
heart and soul of the Constitution. Rather these rights have
been further defined and redefined through various trials
having regard to various experiences and some attempts to
invade and nullify these rights. The fundamental rights are
deeply interconnected. Each supports and strengthens the
work of the others. The Constitution is a living document, its
interpretation may change as the time and circumstances
change to keep pace with it. This is the ratio of the decision in
Indira Gandhi case.
The history of the emergence of modern democracy has
also been the history of securing basic rights for the people of
other nations also. In the United States the Constitution was
finally ratified only upon an understanding that a Bill of
Rights would be immediately added guaranteeing certain basic
freedoms to its citizens. At about the same time when the Bill
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of Rights was being ratified in America, the French Revolution
declared the Rights of Man to Europe. When the death of
colonialism and the end of World War II birthed new nations
across the globe, these states embraced rights as foundations
to their new constitutions. Similarly, the rapid increase in the
creation of constitutions that coincided with the end of the
Cold War has planted rights at the base of these documents.
Even countries that have long respected and upheld
rights, but whose governance traditions did not include their
constitutional affirmation have recently felt they could no
longer leave their deep commitment to rights, left unstated. In
1998, the United Kingdom adopted the Human Rights Act
which gave explicit affect to the European Convention on
Human Rights. In Canada, the "Constitution Act of 1982"
enshrined certain basic rights into their system of governance.
Certain fundamental rights, and the principles that underlie
them, are foundational not only to the Indian democracy, but
democracies around the world. Throughout the world nations
have declared that certain provisions or principles in their
Constitutions are inviolable.
Our Constitution will almost certainly continue to be
amended as India grows and changes. However, a democratic
India will not grow out of the need for protecting the principles
behind our fundamental rights.
Other countries having controlled constitution, like
Germany, have embraced the idea that there is a basic
structure to their Constitutions and in doing so have
entrenched various rights as core constitutional commitments.
India’s constitutional history has led us to include the essence
of each of our fundamental rights in the basic structure of our
Constitution.
The result of the aforesaid discussion is that since the
basic structure of the Constitution includes some of the
fundamental rights, any law granted Ninth Schedule
protection deserves to be tested against these principles. If the
law infringes the essence of any of the fundamental rights or
any other aspect of basic structure then it will be struck down.
The extent of abrogation and limit of abridgment shall have to
be examined in each case.
We may also recall the observations made in Special
Reference No.1/64 [(1965) 1 SCR 413] as follows :
"...[W]hether or not there is distinct and
rigid separation of powers under the
Indian Constitution, there is no doubt
that the constitution has entrusted to the
Judicature in this country the task of
construing the provisions of the
Constitution and of safeguarding the
fundamental rights of the citizens. When
a statute is challenged on the ground
that it has been passed by a Legislature
without authority, or has otherwise
unconstitutionally trespassed on
fundamental rights, it is for the courts to
determine the dispute and decide
whether the law passed by the legislature
is valid or not. Just as the legislatures
are conferred legislative authority and
there functions are normally confined to
legislative functions, and the function
and authority of the executive lie within
the domain of executive authority, so the
jurisdiction and authority of the
Judicature in this country lie within the
domain of adjudication. If the validity of
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any law is challenged before the courts, it
is never suggested that the material
question as to whether legislative
authority has been exceeded or
fundamental rights have been
contravened, can be decided by the
legislatures themselves. Adjudication of
such a dispute is entrusted solely and
exclusively to the Judicature of this
country."
We are of the view that while laws may be added to the
Ninth Schedule, once Article 32 is triggered, these legislations
must answer to the complete test of fundamental rights. Every
insertion into the Ninth Schedule does not restrict Part III
review, it completely excludes Part III at will. For this reason,
every addition to the Ninth Schedule triggers Article 32 as part
of the basic structure and is consequently subject to the
review of the fundamental rights as they stand in Part III.
Extent of Judicial Review in the context of Amendments
to the Ninth Schedule
We are considering the question as to the extent of
judicial review permissible in respect of Ninth Schedule laws
in the light of the the basic structure theory propounded in
Kesavananda Bharati’s case. In this connection, it is
necessary to examine the nature of the constituent power
exercised in amending a Constitution.
We have earlier noted that the power to amend cannot be
equated with the power to frame the Constitution. This power
has no limitations or constraints, it is primary power, a real
plenary power. The latter power, however, is derived from the
former. It has constraints of the document viz. Constitution
which creates it. This derivative power can be exercised within
the four corners of what has been conferred on the body
constituted, namely, the Parliament. The question before us is
not about power to amend Part III after 24th April, 1973. As
per Kesavananda Bharati, power to amend exists in the
Parliament but it is subject to the limitation of doctrine of
basic structure. The fact of validation of laws based on
exercise of blanket immunity eliminates Part III in entirety
hence the ’rights test’ as part of the basic structure doctrine
has to apply.
In Kesavananda Bharati’s case, the majority held that
the power of amendment of the Constitution under Article 368
did not enable Parliament to alter the basic structure of the
Constitution.
Kesavananda Bharati’s case laid down a principle as
an axiom which was examined and worked out in Indira
Gandhi’s case, Minerva Mills, Waman Rao and Bhim
Singh.
As already stated, in Indira Gandhi’s case, for the first
time, the constitutional amendment that was challenged did
not relate to property right but related to free and fair election.
As is evident from what is stated above that the power of
amending the Constitution is a species of law making power
which is the genus. It is a different kind of law making power
conferred by the Constitution. It is different from the power to
frame the Constitution i.e. a plenary law making power as
described by Seervai in Constitutional Law of India (4th Edn.).
The scope and content of the words ’constituent power’
expressly stated in the amended Article 368 came up for
consideration in Indira Gandhi’s case. Article 329-A(4) was
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struck down because it crossed the implied limitation of
amending power, that it made the controlled constitution
uncontrolled, that it removed all limitations on the power to
amend and that it sought to eliminate the golden triangle of
Article 21 read with Articles 14 and 19. (See also Minerva
Mills case).
It is Kesavananda Bharati’s case read with
clarification of Justice Khanna in Indira Gandhi’s case
which takes us one step forward, namely, that fundamental
rights are interconnected and some of them form part of the
basic structure as reflected in Article 15, Article 21 read with
Article 14, Article 14 read with Article 16(4) (4A) (4B) etc.
Bharti and Indira Gandhi’s cases have to be read together
and if so read the position in law is that the basic structure as
reflected in the above Articles provide a test to judge the
validity of the amendment by which laws are included in the
Ninth Schedule.
Since power to amend the Constitution is not unlimited,
if changes brought about by amendments destroy the identity
of the Constitution, such amendments would be void. That is
why when entire Part III is sought to be taken away by a
constitutional amendment by the exercise of constituent power
under Article 368 by adding the legislation in the Ninth
Schedule, the question arises as to the extent of judicial
scrutiny available to determine whether it alters the
fundamentals of the Constitution. Secularism is one such
fundamental, equality is the other, to give a few examples to
illustrate the point. It would show that it is impermissible to
destroy Article 14 and 15 or abrogate or en bloc eliminate
these Fundamental Rights. To further illustrate the point, it
may be noted that the Parliament can make additions in the
three legislative lists, but cannot abrogate all the lists as it
would abrogate the federal structure.
The question can be looked at from yet another angle
also. Can the Parliament increase the amending power by
amendment of Article 368 to confer on itself the unlimited
power of amendment and destroy and damage the
fundamentals of the Constitution? The answer is obvious.
Article 368 does not vest such a power in the Parliament. It
cannot lift all restrictions placed on the amending power or
free the amending power from all its restrictions. This is the
effect of the decision in Kesavananda Bharati’s case as a
result of which secularism, separation of power, equality, etc.
to cite a few examples would fall beyond the constituent power
in the sense that the constituent power cannot abrogate these
fundamentals of the Constitution. Without equality the rule of
law, secularism etc. would fail. That is why Khanna, J. held
that some of the Fundamental Rights like Article 15 form part
of the basic structure.
If constituent power under Article 368, the other name
for amending power, cannot be made unlimited, it follows that
Article 31B cannot be so used as to confer unlimited power.
Article 31B cannot go beyond the limited amending power
contained in Article 368. The power to amend Ninth Schedule
flows from Article 368. This power of amendment has to be
compatible with the limits on the power of amendment. This
limit came with the Kesavananda Bharati’s case. Therefore
Article 31-B after 24th April, 1973 despite its wide language
cannot confer unlimited or unregulated immunity.
To legislatively override entire Part III of the Constitution
by invoking Article 31-B would not only make the
Fundamental Rights overridden by Directive Principles but it
would also defeat fundamentals such as secularism,
separation of powers, equality and also the judicial review
which are the basic feature of the Constitution and essential
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elements of rule of law and that too without any
yardstick/standard being provided under Article 31-B.
Further, it would be incorrect to assume that social
content exist only in Directive Principles and not in the
Fundamental Rights. Article 15 and 16 are facets of Article
14. Article 16(1) concerns formal equality which is the basis of
the rule of law. At the same time, Article 16(4) refers to
egalitarian equality. Similarly, the general right of equality
under Article 14 has to be balanced with Article 15(4) when
excessiveness is detected in grant of protective discrimination.
Article 15(1) limits the rights of the State by providing that
there shall be no discrimination on the grounds only of
religion, race, caste, sex, etc. and yet it permits classification
for certain classes, hence social content exists in Fundamental
Rights as well. All these are relevant considerations to test the
validity of the Ninth Schedule laws.
Equality, rule of law, judicial review and separation of
powers form parts of the basic structure of the Constitution.
Each of these concepts are intimately connected. There can be
no rule of law, if there is no equality before the law. These
would be meaningless if the violation was not subject to the
judicial review. All these would be redundant if the legislative,
executive and judicial powers are vested in one organ.
Therefore, the duty to decide whether the limits have been
transgressed has been placed on the judiciary.
Realising that it is necessary to secure the enforcement of
the Fundamental Rights, power for such enforcement has
been vested by the Constitution in the Supreme Court and the
High Courts. Judicial Review is an essential feature of the
Constitution. It gives practical content to the objectives of the
Constitution embodied in Part III and other parts of the
Constitution. It may be noted that the mere fact that equality
which is a part of the basic structure can be excluded for a
limited purpose, to protect certain kinds of laws, does not
prevent it from being part of the basic structure. Therefore, it
follows that in considering whether any particular feature of
the Constitution is part of the basic structure \026 rule of law,
separation of power \026 the fact that limited exceptions are made
for limited purposes, to protect certain kind of laws, does not
mean that it is not part of the basic structure.
On behalf of the respondents, reliance has been placed
on the decision of a nine Judge Constitution Bench in
Attorney General for India & Ors. v. Amratlal
Prajivandas & Ors. [(1994) 5 SCC 54] to submit that
argument of a violation of Article 14 being equally violative of
basic structure or Articles 19 and 21 representing the basic
structure of the Constitution has been rejected. Para 20
referred to by learned counsel for the respondent reads as
under :
"Before entering upon discussion of the
issues arising herein, it is necessary to
make a few clarificatory observations.
Though a challenge to the constitutional
validity of 39th, 40th and 42nd
Amendments to the Constitution was
levelled in the writ petitions on the
ground that the said Amendments -
effected after the decision in
Keshavananda Bharati v. State of
Kerala [1973] Suppl. SCR 1 - infringe
the basic structure of the Constitution,
no serious attempt was made during the
course of arguments to substantiate it. It
was generally argued that Article 14 is
one of the basic features of the
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Constitution and hence any
constitutional amendment violative of
Article 14 is equally violative of the basic
structure. This simplistic argument
overlooks the reason d’etre of Article 31B
- at any rate, its continuance and
relevance after Bharati - and of the 39th
and 40th Amendments placing the said
enactments in the IXth Schedule.
Acceptance of the petitioners’ argument
would mean that in case of post-Bharati
constitutional amendments placing Acts
in the IXth Schedule, the protection of
Article 31-B would not be available
against Article 14. Indeed, it was
suggested that Articles 21 and 19 also
represent the basic features of the
Constitution. If so, it would mean a
further enervation of Article 31B. Be that
as it may, in the absence of any effort to
substantiate the said challenge, we do
not wish to express any opinion on the
constitutional validity of the said
Amendments. We take them as they are,
i.e., we assume them to be good and
valid. We must also say that no effort has
also been made by the counsel to
establish in what manner the said
Amendment Acts violate Article 14."
It is evident from the aforenoted passage that the
question of violation of Articles 14, 19 or 21 was not gone into.
The bench did not express any opinion on those issues. No
attempt was made to establish violation of these provisions. In
Para 56, while summarizing the conclusion, the Bench did not
express any opinion on the validity of 39th and 40th
Amendment Acts to the Constitution of India placing
COFEPOSA and SAFEMA in the Ninth Schedule. These Acts
were assumed to be good and valid. No arguments were also
addressed with respect to the validity of 42nd Amendment Act.
Every amendment to the Constitution whether it be in
the form of amendment of any Article or amendment by
insertion of an Act in the Ninth Schedule has to be tested by
reference to the doctrine of basic structure which includes
reference to Article 21 read with Article 14, Article 15 etc. As
stated, laws included in the Ninth Schedule do not become
part of the Constitution, they derive their validity on account
of the exercise undertaken by the Parliament to include them
in the Ninth Schedule. That exercise has to be tested every
time it is undertaken. In respect of that exercise the principle
of compatibility will come in. One has to see the effect of the
impugned law on one hand and the exclusion of Part III in its
entirety at the will of the Parliament.
In Waman Rao, it was accordingly rightly held that the
Acts inserted in the Ninth Schedule after 24th April, 1973
would not receive the full protection.
Exclusion of Judicial Review compatible with the doctrine
of basic structure \026 concept of Judicial Review
Judicial review is justified by combination of ’the
principle of separation of powers, rule of law, the principle of
constitutionality and the reach of judicial review’ (Democracy
through Law by Lord Styen, Page 131).
The role of the judiciary is to protect fundamental rights.
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A modern democracy is based on the twin principles of
majority rule and the need to protect fundamental rights.
According to Lord Styen, it is job of the Judiciary to balance
the principles ensuring that the Government on the basis of
number does not override fundamental rights.
Application of doctrine of basic structure
In Kesavananda Bharati’s case, the discussion was on
the amending power conferred by unamended Article 368
which did not use the words ’constituent power’. We have
already noted difference between original power of framing the
Constitution known as constituent power and the nature of
constituent power vested in Parliament under Article 368. By
addition of the words ’constituent power’ in Article 368, the
amending body, namely, Parliament does not become the
original Constituent Assembly. It remains a Parliament under
a controlled Constitution. Even after the words ’constituent
power’ are inserted in Article 368, the limitations of doctrine of
basic structure would continue to apply to the Parliament. It
is on this premise that clauses 4 and 5 inserted in Article 368
by 42nd Amendment were struck down in Minerva Mills case.
The relevance of Indira Gandhi’s case, Minerva Mills
case and Waman Rao’s case lies in the fact that every
improper enhancement of its own power by Parliament, be it
clause 4 of Article 329-A or clause 4 and 5 of Article 368 or
Section 4 of 42nd Amendment have been held to be
incompatible with the doctrine of basic structure as they
introduced new elements which altered the identity of the
Constitution or deleted the existing elements from the
Constitution by which the very core of the Constitution is
discarded. They obliterated important elements like judicial
review. They made Directive Principles en bloc a touchstone
for obliteration of all the fundamental rights and provided for
insertion of laws in the Ninth Schedule which had no nexus
with agrarian reforms. It is in this context that we have to
examine the power of immunity bearing in mind that after
Kesavananda Bharati’s case, Article 368 is subject to
implied limitation of basic structure.
The question examined in Waman Rao’s case was
whether the device of Article 31-B could be used to immunize
Ninth Schedule laws from judicial review by making the entire
Part III inapplicable to such laws and whether such a power
was incompatible with basic structure doctrine. The answer
was in affirmative. It has been said that it is likely to make
the controlled Constitution uncontrolled. It would render
doctrine of basic structure redundant. It would remove the
golden triangle of Article 21 read with Article 14 and Article 19
in its entirety for examining the validity of Ninth Schedule laws
as it makes the entire Part III inapplicable at the will of the
Parliament. This results in the change of the identify of the
Constitution which brings about incompatibility not only with
the doctrine of basic structure but also with the very existence
of limited power of amending the Constitution. The extent of
judicial review is to be examined having regard to these
factors.
The object behind Article 31-B is to remove difficulties
and not to obliterate Part III in its entirety or judicial review.
The doctrine of basic structure is propounded to save the
basic features. Article 21 is the heart of the Constitution. It
confers right to life as well as right to choose. When this
triangle of Article 21 read with Article 14 and Article 19 is
sought to be eliminated not only the ’essence of right’ test but
also the ’rights test’ has to apply, particularly when
Keshavananda Bharti and Indira Gandhi cases have
expanded the scope of basic structure to cover even some of
the Fundamental Rights.
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The doctrine of basic structure contemplates that there
are certain parts or aspects of the Constitution including
Article 15, Article 21 read with Article 14 and 19 which
constitute the core values which if allowed to be abrogated
would change completely the nature of the Constitution.
Exclusion of fundamental rights would result in nullification of
the basic structure doctrine, the object of which is to protect
basic features of the Constitution as indicated by the synoptic
view of the rights in Part III.
There is also a difference between the ’rights test’ and the
’essence of right test’. Both form part of application of the
basic structure doctrine. When in a controlled Constitution
conferring limited power of amendment, an entire Chapter is
made inapplicable, ’the essence of the right’ test as applied in
M. Nagaraj’s case (supra) will have no applicability. In such
a situation, to judge the validity of the law, it is ’right test’
which is more appropriate. We may also note that in
Minerva Mills and Indira Gandhi’s cases, elimination of
Part III in its entirety was not in issue. We are considering the
situation where entire equality code, freedom code and right to
move court under Part III are all nullified by exercise of power
to grant immunization at will by the Parliament which, in our
view, is incompatible with the implied limitation of the power
of the Parliament. In such a case, it is the rights test that is
appropriate and is to be applied. In Indira Gandhi’s case it
was held that for the correct interpretation, Article 368
requires a synoptic view of the Constitution between its
various provisions which, at first sight, look disconnected.
Regarding Articles 31-A and 31-C (validity whereof is not in
question here) having been held to be valid despite denial of
Article 14, it may be noted that these Articles have an indicia
which is not there in Article 31-B.
Part III is amendable subject to basic structure doctrine.
It is permissible for the Legislature to amend the Ninth
Schedule and grant a law the protection in terms of Article
31B but subject to right of citizen to assail it on the enlarged
judicial review concept. The Legislature cannot grant fictional
immunities and exclude the examination of the Ninth
Schedule law by the Court after the enunciation of the basic
structure doctrine.
The constitutional amendments are subject to limitations
and if the question of limitation is to be decided by the
Parliament itself which enacts the impugned amendments and
gives that law a complete immunity, it would disturb the
checks and balances in the Constitution. The authority to
enact law and decide the legality of the limitations cannot vest
in one organ. The validity to the limitation on the rights in
Part III can only be examined by another independent organ,
namely, the judiciary.
The power to grant absolute immunity at will is not
compatible with basic structure doctrine and, therefore, after
24th April, 1973 the laws included in the Ninth Schedule
would not have absolute immunity. Thus, validity of such
laws can be challenged on the touchstone of basic structure
such as reflected in Article 21 read with Article 14 and Article
19, Article 15 and the principles underlying these Articles.
It has to be borne in view that the fact that some Articles
in Part III stand alone has been recognized even by the
Parliament, for example, Articles 20 and 21. Article 359
provides for suspension of the enforcement of the rights
conferred by Part III during emergencies. However, by
Constitution (44th Amendment) Act, 1978, it has been provided
that even during emergencies, the enforcement of the rights
under Articles 20 and 21 cannot be suspended. This is the
recognition given by the Parliament to the protections granted
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under Articles 20 and 21. No discussion or argument is
needed for the conclusion that these rights are part of the
basic structure or framework of the Constitution and, thus,
immunity by suspending those rights by placing any law in
the Ninth Schedule would not be countenanced. It would be
an implied limitation on the constituent power of amendment
under Article 368. Same would be the position in respect of
the rights under Article 32, again, a part of the basic structure
of the Constitution.
The doctrine of basic structure as a principle has now
become an axiom. It is premised on the basis that invasion of
certain freedoms needs to be justified. It is the invasion which
attracts the basic structure doctrine. Certain freedoms may
justifiably be interfered with. If freedom, for example, is
interfered in cases relating to terrorism, it does not follow that
the same test can be applied to all the offences. The point to
be noted is that the application of a standard is an important
exercise required to be undertaken by the Court in applying
the basic structure doctrine and that has to be done by the
Courts and not by prescribed authority under Article 368. The
existence of the power of Parliament to amend the
Constitution at will, with requisite voting strength, so as to
make any kind of laws that excludes Part III including power
of judicial review under Article 32 is incompatible with the
basic structure doctrine. Therefore, such an exercise if
challenged, has to be tested on the touchstone of basic
structure as reflected in Article 21 read with Article 14 and
Article 19, Article 15 and the principles thereunder.
The power to amend the Constitution is subject to
aforesaid axiom. It is, thus, no more plenary in the absolute
sense of the term. Prior to Kesavananda Bharati, the axiom
was not there. Fictional validation based on the power of
immunity exercised by the Parliament under Article 368 is not
compatible with the basic structure doctrine and, therefore,
the laws that are included in the Ninth Schedule have to be
examined individually for determining whether the
constitutional amendments by which they are put in the Ninth
Schedule damage or destroy the basic structure of the
Constitution. This Court being bound by all the provisions of
the Constitution and also by the basic structure doctrine has
necessarily to scrutinize the Ninth Schedule laws. It has to
examine the terms of the statute, the nature of the rights
involved, etc. to determine whether in effect and substance the
statute violates the essential features of the Constitution. For
so doing, it has to first find whether the Ninth Schedule law is
violative of Part III. If on such examination, the answer is in
the affirmative, the further examination to be undertaken is
whether the violation found is destructive of the basic
structure doctrine. If on such further examination the answer
is again in affirmative, the result would be invalidation of the
Ninth Schedule Law. Therefore, first the violation of rights of
Part III is required to be determined, then its impact examined
and if it shows that in effect and substance, it destroys the
basic structure of the Constitution, the consequence of
invalidation has to follow. Every time such amendment is
challenged, to hark back to Kesavananda Bharati upholding
the validity of Article 31B is a surest means of a drastic
erosion of the fundamental rights conferred by Part III.
Article 31B gives validation based on fictional immunity.
In judging the validity of constitutional amendment we have to
be guided by the impact test. The basic structure doctrine
requires the State to justify the degree of invasion of
fundamental rights. Parliament is presumed to legislate
compatibly with the fundamental rights and this is where
Judicial Review comes in. The greater the invasion into
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essential freedoms, greater is the need for justification and
determination by court whether invasion was necessary and if
so to what extent. The degree of invasion is for the Court to
decide. Compatibility is one of the species of Judicial Review
which is premised on compatibility with rights regarded as
fundamental. The power to grant immunity, at will, on
fictional basis, without full judicial review, will nullify the
entire basic structure doctrine. The golden triangle referred to
above is the basic feature of the Constitution as it stands for
equality and rule of law.
The result of aforesaid discussion is that the
constitutional validity of the Ninth Schedule Laws on the
touchstone of basic structure doctrine can be adjudged by
applying the direct impact and effect test, i.e., rights test,
which means the form of an amendment is not the relevant
factor, but the consequence thereof would be determinative
factor.
In conclusion, we hold that :
(i) A law that abrogates or abridges rights guaranteed by
Part III of the Constitution may violate the basic
structure doctrine or it may not. If former is the
consequence of law, whether by amendment of any
Article of Part III or by an insertion in the Ninth
Schedule, such law will have to be invalidated in exercise
of judicial review power of the Court. The validity or
invalidity would be tested on the principles laid down in
this judgment.
(ii) The majority judgment in Kesavananda Bharati’s case
read with Indira Gandhi’s case, requires the validity of
each new constitutional amendment to be judged on its
own merits. The actual effect and impact of the law on
the rights guaranteed under Part III has to be taken into
account for determining whether or not it destroys basic
structure. The impact test would determine the validity
of the challenge.
(iii) All amendments to the Constitution made on or after 24th
April, 1973 by which the Ninth Schedule is amended by
inclusion of various laws therein shall have to be tested
on the touchstone of the basic or essential features of the
Constitution as reflected in Article 21 read with Article
14, Article 19, and the principles underlying them. To
put it differently even though an Act is put in the Ninth
Schedule by a constitutional amendment, its provisions
would be open to attack on the ground that they destroy
or damage the basic structure if the fundamental right or
rights taken away or abrogated pertains or pertain to the
basic structure.
(iv) Justification for conferring protection, not blanket
protection, on the laws included in the Ninth Schedule by
Constitutional Amendments shall be a matter of
Constitutional adjudication by examining the nature and
extent of infraction of a Fundamental Right by a statute,
sought to be Constitutionally protected, and on the
touchstone of the basic structure doctrine as reflected in
Article 21 read with Article 14 and Article 19 by
application of the "rights test" and the "essence of the
right" test taking the synoptic view of the Articles in Part
III as held in Indira Gandhi’s case. Applying the above
tests to the Ninth Schedule laws, if the infraction affects
the basic structure then such a law(s) will not get the
protection of the Ninth Schedule.
This is our answer to the question referred to us
vide Order dated 14th September, 1999 in I.R. Coelho v.
State of Tamil Nadu [(1999) 7 SCC 580].
(v) If the validity of any Ninth Schedule law has already been
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upheld by this Court, it would not be open to challenge
such law again on the principles declared by this
judgment. However, if a law held to be violative of any
rights in Part III is subsequently incorporated in the
Ninth Schedule after 24th April, 1973, such a
violation/infraction shall be open to challenge on the
ground that it destroys or damages the basic structure as
indicated in Article 21 read with Article14, Article 19 and
the principles underlying thereunder.
(vi) Action taken and transactions finalized as a result of the
impugned Acts shall not be open to challenge.
We answer the reference in the above terms and direct
that the petitions/appeals be now placed for hearing before a
Three Judge Bench for decision in accordance with the
principles laid down herein.